Apocalypse: 1936 (PT/IC)

[Dahyan]

Vyatka, Vyatka Oblast

Nikolai Avksentiev had a hard time keeping a straight face throughout Marshal Tukachevsky's monologue.

Despite the Soviet officer's slightly menacing tone and threatening demeanour, the thing she said were... Actually quite sensible. In fact, Tukachevsky's "demands" were basically more concessions than Avksentiev had even dared ask for.

A total legalisation of the Socialist Revolutionary Party across the Union? A full amnesty plus guaranteed political position in Vyatka for the coming years? And all it would take is supporting the restoration of Russian lands under the rule of Moscow? Sign me up, the former Russian Provisional Government leader thought.

Keeping his calm composure, he nodded slightly at Marshal Tukachevsky when he finished.

"I must say, Marshal. You know how to barter."

Standing up, he straightened his uniform and extended his hand towards the Soviet officer.

"On behalf of the Provisional Government of Vyatka Oblast, I accept your conditions. Vyatka will rejoin the Motherland."

[Dahyan]

Commune of France

Paris
1 October, 1936
The autumn sun shone warmly on the streets of Paris, giving some precious warmth to the city in this time of year.

The calm streets of Paris did not betray even a hint of the unrest and instability that had been part and parcel of French society for around two decades now. The Great War, the "War to end all wars" had dragged on for over twenty years, bringing death and destruction in its wake.

The horrors of the Somme, Marne and Verdun had only been worsened by a horrible influenza pandemic and a near total economic collapse in the mid-1920s. Inflation, poverty and inequality were rife, made even worse by a series of weak, ineffective and all around corrupt governments.

Discontent over the ongoing war, economic policies, social woes and nationalist zeal had caused protests, riots and all-out street battles to  dominate the streets of Paris. Communist, anarchist, fascist and monarchist paramilitary groups fought both the forces of the government as well as one another in the streets of France's major cities for much of the late 1920s and early 1930s.

But from the ashes, a new hope had arisen. The National Syndicalist Party, founded in the ideals of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and George Sorel. An organisation started in 1911 as the Cercle Proudhon, which drew activists from all over the spectrum of politics: Marxists, anarchists, fascists and monarchists alike.  Led by enigmatic figure of Georges Sorel, and after his passing in 1922 by his protégé, Georges Valois.

A party perhaps most akin to the National Bolsheviks in Russia or the Strasserist movement in Germany, the National Syndicalist Party quickly grew in strength, especially amongst the working class and urban poor. Using its influence in the labour movement, the National Syndicalist movement succeeded in organising massive general strikes.

Eventually in 1934, the time of victory appeared. Enraged by a series of corruption scandals in the liberal and social-democratic government, hundreds of thousands of Frenchmen took to the streets. In collaboration with the CGT trade union, the Blue Shirts, the paramilitary wing of the NSP, took the forefront in battling the forces of the Third Republic. And on July 14, the French National Holiday, the revolutionaries carried the day. That day, the Commune of France was born.

The new state was at the same time revolutionary and radically traditionalist. The National Syndicalist Party was declared the guiding force of France, and Georges Valois elected Dirigeant de l'Etat, or State Leader. The state was heavily decentralised, with powers relegated to provincial and town councils as well as trade unions. The National Assembly was disbanded entirely, and replaced with the National Labour Council, that hosts locally representatives of trade unions and local councils. National power was thus basically reduced to the Diregeant himself, creating a modern, syndical version of the medieval French kingdoms of old. Catholicism was declared the state religion of France, and the economy nearly entirely nationalized and brought under syndical control.

Two years had passed, and great strides had been made. Poverty had been dropping rapidly, and the influenza pandemic, if not stopped, was at least contained. But much work remained to be done.

The war with Germany officially continued, as the stolen lands of Alsace-Lorraine still hadn't been fully returned to France. The monarcho-fascists of the Action Française movement still roamed the streets, protesting against what they saw as a dangerously revolutionary government. And directly to the east, the ancient German enemy was tearing itself apart in a bloodbath that constantly threatened to spill over into France.

More than enough for Dirigeant Georges Valois and his government to deal with in the future.

[The Felan Federation]

German Civil War
Berlin

Phillip was nursing a headache for the several month in a row, with all of the supply lines destroyed and any sense of legitimacy up in smokes alongside half of Germany - it was hard to get any decent painkillers for his headache. It didn't help that he was having to balance several political fronts alongside any military affairs as well.

While he let Paulus handle most of the day-to-day operations and Mackenesen to handle their overall military strategy, there was always the necessity of balancing political bombs that could make or break Germany if mishandled. It had been just recently that he had managed to get the Poles to 'calm down' and stop a potential front from opening behind them that could've possibly involved the Confederation as well...if the Pole began to squeal too loudly. For now though, they managed a 'no conflict, no protest' peace - the Pakt would leave the Poles be and let them handle their own affairs in exchange for not causing in significant harm to their war effort. In a sense, it was a gamble - but one they needed. They needed to focus on the actual radicals first and not the loud minorities that would be nothing more than a roadblock on the grand scheme of things. In a sense, Philipp Scheidemann knew the Poles would likely try and break free when they saw their chance - granted, they also knew that they would lose against the Pakt as things were. Here was to hoping that the Poles had enough sense to keep things peaceful and after the war - they could argue their case. Phillip wasn't in the mood or position of talking reparations or redrawing borders with how unstable everything was in Germany.

The Zentrum were currently being smashed and torn apart by Hitler' dogs and they didn't have any way of linking up with the scattered 'democratic' elements left in Hesse; although this attack allowed themselves a chance to engage. Since, the situation was shifting - he had hope they could take advantage of their fresh troops and counter-attack against a potential enemy on their doorstep - namely the KPD in Anhalt. Seeing how they and the Sparatcus League had split up - it meant the KPD' power-base was split between the position in Anhalt and the northern Rhine. If they could attack it and take over - they could potentially take advantage of the multi-sided fighting to gain some ground.

Once those ideas were settled - he sent a letter to Field Marshal Mackenesen about the plan to attack Anhalt and take it from the KPD.

---

German Civil War
South Jutland Front
Telegram

The German Provincial Goverment rejects the offers made in Section I in both options I and II - considering how the political balance would be skewered 5-to-4. While the Danish community is supposed to be neutral, the fact the NSRS occupies already the majority-Danish provinces already, it would allow the Commonwealth to hold political sway over the province. Alongside this, the South Jutland region is still considered nominally part of the German Empire and it's resources, industry and people part of the homeland. Motion is denied - the provinces shall be governed by those whom already have been elected and delegated to their offices.

We also reject Section II, option I - in allowing Commonwealth soldiers to freely allow movement across the northern part of the Flensborg Line. Considering the extreme circumstances caused by the German Civil War, this can easily allow Commonwealth soldiers to have nearly free access to a region which is, by your own accounts, mixed and not 'stolen lands of war' - to further influence and attempt to undermine any loyalist activity alongside 'rebel' actors.

For option II of Section II - we offer the alternative of establishing a demilitarized zone extending from the Clausen Line to the Flensborg Line - upon where armed presence is forbidden and a joint-unit is allowed to administer peace in the region. The city of Flensborg would be the exception, as they are a nominally German-majority city and have established their own militia to protect themselves within the city and it's borders. We will restrict their movement to the city and it's inner areas - but will leave them be, until the end of the civil war. Alongside allowing the region to remain 'neutral'.

Section III, option I will be revised to not include the region between the Flensburg Line and the Eider Line; designated as Region C - considering this is pre-dominantly German and any chance to 'pressure' the region to switch sides will not be authorized or allowed. Region A and Region B...will be considered up for plebiscite - provided no attempts are made to engage in the movement or settlement of people from the periods of this letter to the start of the potential plebiscite of the dual regions.

Section III, option II shall be taken into consideration and respected within the limits of the law. Alongside Section III, option III - ensuring protecting the rights of the minorities in both regions.

[Monsone]

Vyatka, Vyatka Oblast

As Tukachevsky processed what had just happened. In one swift sentence, Vyatka had agreed to join the USSR. it was a strange feeling, one of triumph almost. Yet the hardest chalenges for the Soviet Union where ahead in the form of a push through Siberia and to the Pacific. But for now, it was time to formalise the return of Vyatka to Russian---or better said---Soviet rule. Tukachevsky pulled outa large red sheet of cloth and then pulled out three papers held together with a brass staple.

"Very well Mr. Avksentiev, here is a flag for you to fly over Vyatka." Tukachevsky said as he handed Nikolai Avksentiev the flag before explaining what the papers where. "And these are the papers that allow Vyatka to join the USSR. There are three sections you must sign as well as one I must sign. Once that is done, the whole precess is complete. Either way, welcome to the USSR. Mr. Avksentiev."



Elista, Kalmykia

The dust battered train steamed into Elista's train station. On the platform Cossak troops stared at the train as if is where an alien machine with it's red star, white flags signifiying it's unarmed, and of course the Red Army troops. Once the train halted and the door to Rattel's carriage opened, several troops walked over to the door and readied their weapons. Meanwhile Rattel strode to the door and made sure his sole weapon (a M1895 Nagant revolver) contained no bullets. In hand he had a box with some gifts for the Black Baron. The box contained an M1895 Nagant revolver, a Soviet copy of a Mauser C96, a Torakev TT-33 pistol, and a letter from Stalin.

As Rattel reached the door, an officer raised his pistol and pointed it at him. Rattel stopped and the officer began to speak in an authoritarian voice.

"You may not bring weapons to see the Baron. Not even gifts. I will take those." The officer told Rattel.

"Then take this box." Rattel said as he nervously handed the officer the box.

"Your revolver too." Said a solider gruffly as Rattel took out his service revolver and handed it to the officer.

"Follow me." The officer demanded as Rattel did as told and follwed the soldier through the small crowd and to the train station.

"Where will I be meeting the Baron?" Rattel asked the officer once inside the semi-decrepid station building.

"Follow me." The office repeated as Rattel and the officer exited the station and walked over to a red and black Rolls-Royce Phantom I.

"I guess I must get in the car." Rattel grumbled.

"Yes, you must." The officer said as he opened the rear door for Rattel.

"Thank you." Rattel replied as the officer closed the door and then took a seat next to the driver.

"Drive." the officer told the driver.

"So where are we going?" Asked Rattel.

"Makhachkala." The driver answered as Rattel sighed.

"Couldn't we fly or take the train to Dagestan?" Asked Rattel.

"No." Both the officer and the driver firmly replied.

"Bloody hell." Rattel grumbled as he pulled out a flask of samogon and then took a small sip; this was going to be a long trip.



Babruysk, Belarussian SSR

War preparations where underway, yet no one seemed to know in the sleepy city of Babruysk. It was only at night when the loud vehicles moved under the cover of dark with no headlights, and the constant flights by planes where supossedly to survey a new highway. The citizens of the Belarussian SSR had boughten up the lies fabricated by Moscow, and semingly so had the Confederation.

Yet it was the same along the border between the Confederation and the USSR. A massive buildup of forces was occuring covertly and silently. The goal was to keep the war a secret until the literal last minute. And so far the Red Army believed that goal was working, for not even the most insomniac citizens on either side of the border seemed to notice anything wrong.

It could be said that it was eerily quiet.

[Plzen]

-snip-

"Hmph," complained Aksel Larsen, Party Chairman of the Northern Communist Party. While Stauning's National Unity Cabinet was nominally dissolved, and the Communists no longer a represented force in government, in a matter as sensitive as foreign policy the conservative-internationalist coalition government was still willing to listen to the opinions of the reformists and nationalists. Voice but no vote, as the saying went. "I'm surprised that the Germans are not willing to accept representation in an NSRS-led provisional government, nor are they willing to accept our presence in Region B. I mean, we already militarily control the area - what are they going to do, open another front and dislodge us by force of arms, when they're already fighting a civil war across half their country?"

"We should take into account exactly that possibility," retorted John Andersson, representing SAC Syndikalisterna and, by extension, the internationalist faction. "I'm inclined to agree that it's unlikely, but I'd not want to risk our precious peace on a 'probably' - especially not when I can hear Stalin drooling over our eastern frontier - and we've consistently underestimated the German response throughout this entire venture. Let's not make another mistake here."

Christmas Møller, of the Danmarks Folkeparti and by extension the nationalist faction, did not look terribly happy.

"The entire point of this exercise, I believe," he insisted, "is to protect the Danish population in Germany from the damages of the German Civil War, as well as to revise the border southwards. Neither objective would be served particularly well if the NSRS cannot impose its peace in the region."

"The region has been surprisingly stable," opined Johan Nygaardsvold, representing the conservatives with the State Minister being too busy to attend the meeting, "and is far from the frontlines of the war. With the German agreement to consider northern Schleswig-Holstein as neutral territory, I think the odds of the war spreading into South Jutland is quite slim already."

"So we are at least in agreement as to the other terms?"

"...sure," conceded Chairman Møller. "I don't think we have any hopes of winning the plebiscite in Region C anyways."

"We could insist on a single plebiscite for Regions A and B, perhaps," mused Aksel Larsen, "instead of two separate ones north and south of the Clausen line. I think we'll win a single plebiscite in a landslide and not risk Region B returning to Germany, in that case. I suspect we can win an independent plebiscite in Region B - the Germans in the region are quite sick and tired of the Great War and their Imperial government - but why risk it, eh?"

"Not a bad idea," agreed Møller.

Nygaardsvold was skeptical.

"Do we want to deal with such a large German-culture minority in our borders, though? You'd be talking, what, forty, no, fifty thousand people who don't speak our languages in Region B? I mean, we decided against trying to get East Karelia and Kola into our Commonwealth for exactly this reason - too many Russians."

"You conservatives and your 'northern spirit'," sighed Andersson. "Are the Germans not deserving of socialism just as much as we are? Should we not push to have as many people liberated from reactionaries as possible? We already have, what, six, seven language councils in our Commonwealth? What's one more?"

"...but we do have a northern spirit," insisted Nygaardsvold, "and Germany is very much not a northern nation. Yes, I want them to overthrow their oppressors just as much as you do, but not by the NSRS expanding into their lands! Like it or not, we are seen as a northern state, because we very much are a northern state. We can speak of internationalist confederalism after Germany has its own socialist government sitting in Berlin and can speak to us one nation to another - not by us unilaterally absorbing Germans. I'd be happy to welcome the people of Region B into the Commonwealth if they vote for us, but the NSRS is not and will never be a foreign conquerer, imposing our will where we are not welcome."

"It won't be conquest," Andersson replied. "It won't be one nation imposing its will on another, but people of many nations joining as one in socialist freedom."

"I agree with the SAC, if not necessarily for the same reasons," Møller responded. "Those are Danish lands, and those Germans shouldn't be there in the first place. Bad enough we're giving up on Region C in the first place..."

"Seconded," parroted Larsen.

"...but I can see that I'm heavily outvoted," retreated Nygaardsvold, giving up. "We'll insist on a single plebiscite for both Regions A and B, then. Now back to the matter of the provisional government..."

---

The NSRS accepts the German proposal that NSRS forces withdraw to north of the Clausen Line, that a joint force be established to maintain security in a new demilitarised zone between the Clausen Line and the Flensborg Line except in the city of Flensborg which shall continue to be patrolled by its own militia and garrison, and that no provisional government be assembled, provided that the region continues to remain stable and unaffected by the Civil War.

The NSRS is willing to also abide by the German request that Region C, south of the Flensborg Line, be excluded from the eventual plebiscite only under the condition that there be a single plebiscite for both Regions A and B, north of the Flensborg Line, instead of two separate plebiscites for the two regions.

[Dahyan]

Commune of France
Élysée Palace
Paris, Commune of France
15 October, 1936

The Salon Doré, office of the executive leader of France since 1848, was in full session that October morning.

President Georges Valois, General Secretary of the National Syndicalist Party and Dirigeant of the National Revolution, was receiving his long-time friend and ally, Prime Minister Édouard Berth for a cabinet meeting. Also in attendance was Chairman of the National Labour Council, Jacques Arthuys. In the Commune of France, executive and legislative power overlapped quite a bit, explaining the attendance of Arthuys in the meeting.

"We need to figure out what to do about Germany," Valois stated bluntly. "This civil war of theirs has shaken our old foe to the very core, and threatens to destabilise all of Europe even more than it already is."

"We could make use of the situation," Arthuys interjected. "An unstable Germany means fewer troops to guard Alsace-Lorraine and the Rhineland. We could use it to get back the Stolen Territories once and for all."

President Valois smiled. "I admire your patriotism, Jacques. But at this moment, we barely even know which German faction is in control of the Rhineland. Last I heard, Nazis and Communists are at each other's throats in western Germany, and frankly neither are in a position to be approached as the official government of Germany."

"It matters little, in the end, who controls what at the moment," Prime Minister Berth spoke up. "At least it should matter little to us. At this moment, lest we forget, we are still officially at war with the German Empire. The Kaiserreich, be it one without a Kaiser. We have little business, be it hostile or friendly, with either the Spartakusbund, the Hitlerites, or Röhm for that matter. This so-called "Antiradical Pact" is generally accepted as the present government of the Reich by the supporters of the late Kaiser. It's fair to say that this is the government that our negotiations should be aimed at."

Georges Valois nodded. "You are right, of course, Édouard. Much as it pains me to give much credence to this bizarre amalgamation of monarchists, caviar socialists and Strasserists, they te technically the heir to the Reich. And, as such, the ones we are officially at war with. However, I don't aim to put our hands in this hornet nest blindly. Alsace-Lorraine must be returned to France, fully and officially. But we shall try to accomplish that, and at the same time fulfill our desire to end this God-forsaken war, at the same time, God willing.

Send a telegram to Berlin."

Official Communiqué from the Commune of France
From: Georges Valois, President of France
To: Philipp Scheidemann

Salutations,

The Commune of France wishes to extend an olive branch to the German Reich. It is our sincere belief that a solution should be found to the disagreements between our two nations, with the eventual goal of terminating this ghastly conflict.

We cordially invite a representative of the Reich to Paris under flag of parlay, for a conference that, God willing, will result in peace between our two realms.

With sincere regards,

Georges Valois,
President and Dirigeant of the Commune of France
General Secretary of the National Syndicalist Party

[The Amyclae]

It was twelve o'clock but General Rodrigo de Aguilar had not arrived. One of the adjuncts started to get up, please, he said, and turned to leave. But at the door he was turned to stone by a sleight upturned hand of Arthur William.

"Nobody breathe, nobody live without my permission," William said. "We are going to stay here until twelve o'clock finishes chiming."

The room watched the clock. Three minutes until twelve, two minutes, one minute etc. For the second hand to reach the final minute it first hand to go halfway. To go halfway to thirty it had to reach fifteen, and to reach fifteen it had to get halfway there to seven. Time passed with this agonizing slowness until the curtains parted and the distinguished Major General Rodrigo de Aguilar entered on a silver tray stretched out full length on a garnish of cauliflower and laurel leaves, steeped with spices, oven brown, embellished with the uniform of five golden almonds for solemn occasions and the limitless loops for valor on the sleeve of his right arm. The plate visibly buckled under fourteen pounds of medals on his chest and the sprig of parsley in his mouth, ready to be served at a banquet of comrades by the official carvers to the petrified horror of the guests.

Not a breath disturbed the exquisite ceremony of carving and serving, and when every plate held an equal portion of minister of defense stuffed with pine nuts and aromatic herbs, Arthur gave the order to begin, "eat hearty gentlemen."

[Monsone]

Moscow

A meeting of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet had been summoned by Stalin himself. The new members of the presidium included the Minister of Unification (Nikolai Avksentiev), the Party Head of the CPSU in Moscow (Nikolai Bulganin), and the newly appointed Provisional Prime Minister of the Ukranian SSR (Lazar Kaganovich). All members of the Presidium where seated at a long table and at the very ends of the table sat Stalin and Molotov.

The meeting was soon to begin and already all the people had arrived, so Stalin decided to start the meeting a bit early as to be able to discuss everything on the agenda. To open the meeting, Stalin simply signaled to Molotov who proclaimed the meeting of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet open.

"I would like to begin this meeting by applauding the three new members of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet; Nikolai Avskentiev, Nikolai Bulganin, and Lazar Kaganovich." Molotov said as the room erupted in clapping.

"Moving on." Stalin said a bit gruffly.

"Ah yes." Molotov smiled. "We must discuss the plans for Operation Winter Frost as well as the aftermath of the operation."

"For that I would like Comrade Yezhov to tell us about what local contacts he has in Ukraine and Belarus." Stalin stated.

"Thank you Comrade Stalin." Yezhov said as he then began his expliantion. "See in Ukraine there is still a large pro-Soviet movement. Though it is well hidden of obvious reasons. The movement itself is headed by a certain Nikita Khurshchev. This Khrushchev has been contacted by the NKVD and is willing to support our opperations in Eastern and Northeastern Ukraine. It is believed that Khurschev is also friendly with several other left-leaning group leaders which might help us in the reconquest of Ukriane."

Yezhov then switched to discussing Belarus.

"Now in Belarus it is different since the two provinces that will be taken by force are Minsk and Gomel. Both provinces have pro-Soviet groups that are willing to coordinate with the NKVD and RKKA. The primary issue is the fact that the citizens of the Confederation have been heavily brainwashed by their government to believe that they are truly rich and powerful. Of course the numbers speak to the contrary, but that is besides the point. To prove the obivous supperiority of the Soviet Union and it's people, I want no crackdowns on political opposition and I want no massive purges either. We need to gain the people's trust and prove that the Soviet government and that Comrade Stalin is a benevolent person, unlike the way he is painted in certain foreign countries."

"Interesting Comrade Yezhov. But if I may add in, the allowance of a semblance of oppossition to the CPSU is perfect since it creates the facade of democracy. Taking this into consideration, pro-Cofederations shouldn't be bared from the parliaments of the Ukranian and Belarussian SSRs. At least not initally. Maybe by the 1938 elections they could be removed from power, but that is only my outlook on the scenario." Chimed in Avksentiev.

"Impressive Comrade Avksentiev. You have impressed me." Stalin said as he smiled at Avksentiev.

"Though I must say that your Marshal Tukachevsky is a great military leader and a true diplomat. Without him, I would not sit here." Avksentiev said as diplomatically as he could to Stalin.

"Very well. Speaking of which Comrade Avksentiev." Stalin said as he turned to Nikolai and stared at him. "Tell us your plan for Siberia. As you know, it's a critical piece of land that is desperately needed by the USSR along with Central Asia. So what is your plan?"

Nikolai Avksentiev thought for a moment as he pulled some papers out from a folder and then began to speak his mind. "From my expereince, Siberia is deeply divided. There are still Tsarist elements around, and in the Far East, there are rumors of a pro-Soviet regime. Central Asia is just as bad and even arguably worse. Islamists fight with secular Independentists, both fight pro-Russian groups who often quarel and occasionaly fight within themselves."

With a quick sigh, Nikolai began to discuss more details.

"Siberia is the easier of the two regions. The regions currently in anarchy are ripe for picking with the promise of prosperity and stability, and the rest of western Siberia does have vocal pro-Soviet groups which might even take up arms if necessary. With proper negotiations I believe that most of western and central Siberia can be brought under Soviet control peacefully. On the other hand Central Asia is going to require both brute strenght and a willingness to deal with unsavory factions. I would not be suprised if even after Central Asia falls to Soviet control that an insurgency would spring up for a few years in the more mountainous bits."

"Interesting." Stalin said as he lit his pipe (meaning he was pleased/happy).

"If I may ask, what is our plan for the Caucasus?" Nikolai asked.

"Excelent question. Typically I would have the appropriate Marshal of the Soviet Union explain that, but he happens to be away on buisness." Stalin replied.

"Comrade Avksentiev, you spoke about western and central siberia. What about the Far East?" Molotov asked quite seriously.

"Comrade Molotov, Eastern Siberia is quite far and frankly separated by anarchic lands from the rest of Russia and the Soviet Union. What has gone on in the Far East is not fully known. As I have said, there are rummors of a pro-Soviet state, but I frankly don't know what awaits us after Lake Baikal." Nikolai Avksentiev replied.

"I still cannot believe Russian fell into this ruinous state." Molotov sighed.

"Comrades, let us not despiar." Nikolai began to say. "Soon our greatest enemy will be given a sweeping defeat, and on all fronts the Red Army has proved itself capable of tackling any threat thrown at it. An in a little more than a year is the 20th anniversary of the October Revolution. We should be leaping with joy, yet we wallow in the past."

"I agreed to join the USSR not only because of the fact my demands where met, but because I do believe in a united Russia and a strong Russia. I am first and foremost a patriot and a loyal servant to my nation. It would be a waste of my life if I didn't play a role in unifying the former Russian Empire under the Soviet banner and fighting for what I believe is morally right."

And then Avksentiev stood up.

"Above all, unity of races, peoples, and ethnicities is the core of the Soviet nation. It is not a new ideal, but it is a good one. It is an ideal Comrade Lenin truly believed in up until his death and an ideal Comrade Stalin follows to this day! We must continue down the path set out by Lenin under the guidance of Comrade Stalin. Inevitably we will clash against a major power. It might be Japan, it might be a reborn Germany, or it might even be the British. The defeats of 1905 and 1917 still are tender in the minds of many, and we must no repeat them again. We must strengthern our great nation against internal and external agression!"

The room broke out into cheering and clapping as even Stalin smiled and clapped. Clearly Nikolai Avksentiev had not only proven that he was the right man for the job, but he had proven his loyalty. While Nikolai didn't believe every single word he had said, enough of it was a half-truth and was believeable enough in his mind as to make him believe that he trully believed it. And so that is how the Soviet system worked, in the subconcious, in the half truths, in the half-lies.



Makhachkala

Nikolay Rattel was sick and tired of the Rolls-Royce. For nearly three days it had been his main form of transport. And it was incredible to think one could hate such a marvelous piece of engineering. Despite the car's prestigious origins and overal luxury, the roads of Southern Russia jolted one around like a kernel of corn in a popcorn machine. The cushy leather seats did nothing to soften the roads ruts. None of this was helped by the fact the roads where poorly paved, riddle with potholes, and the fact that the driver decided that driving at 90 km/h on these roads was a smart idea.

So once Makhachkala came into view, Rattel felt like he had been saved. The roads where marginally smoother and in better conditions, the driver was forced to slow down thanks to increased traffic, and a cool Caspian breeze lent the city a nice touch, especially after the rain of the two previous days which had made the trip even more misserable. This was arguably one of the last nice days of the year before the icy cold of winter set in.

The Rolls-Royce pulled into the garden of a small mansion built in the constructivist style clearly sometime in the 1920s. Greenery surounded the building and the car. And despite a mildly chaotic air, the plants and trees seemed to be kept quite orderly and tiddy. The car stopped and Rattel's door opened and was acompanied by an order to exit the car.

Rattel gladly obliged and swiftly exited the car before being led up several steps to the netrance of the mansion. After being let into the mansion proper, Rattel was given his box of gifts and his empty revolver before being led to a large office with massive windows which gave incredible views of the garden below as well as the Caspian Sea. Behind a large desk and staring out an open window was the Black Baron himself. Pyotr Wrangel was still an imposing character. He wore his stereotipical black military uniform along with the black bear fur hat that was so characteristic of the image shown to the world. Despite having agred a bit and looking older, Pyotr Wrangel was a sharp as ever, and was more than willing to confront Wrangel.

"I see you got a promotion. Must have been all the boot licking you did." Wrangel sneered.

"I ourtrank you." Rattel retorted.

"We're equal." Wrangel replied as he turned his chair to face Rattel and then said: "Take a seat."

"Very well." Rattel answered as he took a seat across from the Black Baron himself.

"So you finally decided that Stalin was better for you." Wrangel said with disgust.

"Despite what you may think the reality is different than that painted by the media." Rattel responded as the Black Baron smirked.

"Oh Nikolay, if only you could see what I see. Stalin's ruinous state, his instability as a person, his antics with Kerensky and Kolchak. I have no reason to even listen to you save for good will." The Black Baron explained.

"I see them as clearly as you do. Stalin has gone to great lenghts not to conceal all of that. It's a ploy of sorts, almost like feigning weakness. The reality is the former lands rulled by Kerensky and Kolchak have been quite peaceful with minimal NKVD activity." Rattel responded calmly.

"So you claim." Wrangel mussed before continuing on. "Yet why do you even consider comming to negotiate with me? You know that my repsonse will firmly be a no."

"If I gave up, I couldn't live with myself. Perseverance has been the basis of the USSR. That is how we survived eleven years in that small area of land, and that is how we will reunite the lands of the Russian Empire. Frankly speaking Pyotr you are not going to be able to stop the Red Army. Maybe back in 1925 you could have, but not in 1936." Rattel answered Wrangel's question.

"Ah, so you want to talk perseverance, then tommorrow I'll show you my greatest challenge. If you can best it, then we will talk. If not, my audience with you will have ended." Wrangel stated nefariously.

"Very well. Do as I must to not get arrested for incompetence." Rattel rolled his eyes.

"Now how does dinner sound?" Asked the Black Baron.



Donetsk

Nikita Khrushchev paced angrily in the meeting room. The Ukrainian Bolshevik Aliance had previously suffered defeats with the Confederation pushing into Lushansk and then Rostov. Ever since 1917 Bolsheviks had been a loud minority in Ukraine and especially so in the industrial Donbass region. However under the Confederation their popularity had been long in decline. Especially with the frailty of the USSR.

However the recent expansions by the USSR and Stalin's ever agressive foriegn policy had emboldened many Ukranian Bolsheviks as well as even bolstered their ranks. This was aided by the fact the Confederation's expansioisim and rhetoric had gone eerily silent. It was almost like the calm before the storm. And Khrushchev wanted to benefit from the storm, not be swept away by it. Hence he had made contact with Moscow and the NKVD specifically.

That had been a few months ago. Since then, there ha been radio silence from Moscow. No orders, no communications, nothing. Just the sound of static and the occasional pop of a burnt out radio tube on Khrushchev's radio. As Khurschchev nervously paced in his office, the radio's static ceased for a moment, and then the radio came to life.

"This is Moscow broadcasting. This is Moscow broadcasting. Soon the great revolution of Lenin will reach new heights. And soon it shall spread to the nations of the world. The time is near for November and December to live up to their great names from the October Revolution and the Dekabrists."

"Workers of the world, unite!"

The radio then went silent and static reverted to coming out of the radio. But Khurshchev knew what this meant. That seemingly innocent broadcast was in reality, a call for war. He rushed over to his desk and grabbed his phone. It was time to bring the worker's revolution to Ukraine.

[Dahyan]

Commune of France


Near Metz,
Alsace-Lorraine
30 October, 1936

With the dawn barely peering over the no man's land of Lorraine, the quiet of morning was suddenly broken by the sound of hundreds of engines, wheels and tracks.

The French Armée de Terre had come into action, after months of relative quiet on the frontlines. The worldwide pandemic, economic downfall and general weariness of war had caused the Great War to nearly grind to a halt on the Western Front. Especially with the German armed forces busy infighting in the Civil War that was ravaging their own lands.

October 30 marked the end of that relative calm, although it was not the restarting of the World War that one could mistake it for. The French forces had been given explicit instructions not to engage any forces of the Imperial German Army in the area. Not that there were many of the Kaiser's finest left in the Alsace anyway. French intel had it that Alsace-Lorraine had fallen into near total anarchy, where German deserters, local warlords, separatist groups and criminal gangs held sway, some having built up their powerbase for years.

Of course, with the contested borderlands between Germany and France being one of the major causes of the Great War in the first place, there was no way that this situation could last.

Bellowing black smoke from their engines, Char B1 breakthrough tanks paved the way. The heavy armour and its 75mm howitzers quickly overran the lightly defended border perimeter, allowing the lighter Renault R35 infantry tanks and Hotchkiss H35 cavalry tanks to pour through and offer backup to the infantry regiments.

Although artillery support was available and at the ready, the French high command opted not to use any artillery or aerial bombardment unless there was no other choice. In terms of air support, this was mostly because the French Air Force was hopelessly outdated and mostly dated back to the 1910s. But more generally, heavy explosive ordnances were left out of the equation as much as possible so as to not cause extensive destruction or loss of civilian life. After all, the doctrine went, the army was here to liberate legitimately French land, not to occupy foreign territory.

The first main target in the operation to restore Alsace-Lorraine to French control was the city of Metz. Using a similar breakthrough tactic of letting the Chars de Bataille B1s ram through the external defences, a foothold was established rather quickly.

The local defenders, followers of a former German imperial officer who had deserted and founded what he called the "Free State of Lorraine", were quickly overwhelmed, but eventually offered a fierce resistance that continued for much of the day.

Fighting street by street, the French Armed Forces continued at a slow by steady pace throughout the city, relying on the armour of what after all was one of the world's best battle tank forces.

While AMR light cavalry tanks and armoured cars mopped up resistance in the rear, the military headquarters of the local defenders put up a stiff defence against the French onslaught, even succeeding in incapacitating a number of heavy tanks. While the high command still decided against the use of heavy artillery, they did decide to bring in the big guns in another way.

A Char 2C super-heavy tank, one of only twelve of the largest operational battle tanks ever produced, slowly rolled into town by the time evening fell. The machine, aptly named "Lorraine", unleashed a relentless barrage on the barricaded defenders. By nightfall, a white flag was hoisted over the building, as the so-called Free State surrendered to France.

The first step in the liberation of Alsace-Lorraine was made. However, it still remained to be seen how Germany, that while not having had no actual forces in the area still claimed ownership of the region, would respond.