First National Interest Safeguard Fleet (제1국익수호함대),
January 1906.
Admiral Lee Junhae (제1국익수호함대 제독 이준해) gritted his teeth as he could hear the faint thud of salvo off the Kume Island. Ryukyu Islands was becoming more unsettling as of late, with thunderous drills going off likes of which it hasn’t been seen in some time. The Imperial Throne would have normally dismissed the situation as just another combat drill for the Japanese military to go into another conquest in the Pacific Islands, which was beyond the interest of the Koreans. However, things were quite different. The supplies of steel and other goods from Taiping to Japan wasn’t something that was easily masked. After all, while the National Interest Safeguard Fleets didn’t interfere with trade of any sort, they did still relay back the intelligence in their travels. It wasn’t long before the Ministry of War string together enough intel to conclude that Japan was doing something more than just drilling for a quick invasion into the Pacific Islands. The scale was far, far too large to be for the subjugation of few natives.
As a result, the Grand Admiralty Bases of Busan and Incheon (인천대수영, 부산대수영) has been on full alert. These two Grand Admiralty Bases housed the largest of Korea’s military shipyards, and it was the only two shipyards authorized to construct the Gabuks. While the fleets still maintained their silent scouting alongside their usual patrols, sliding ever so slightly closer to the Japanese waters without being too noticeable, the drydock of Incheon and Busan was extremely busy at work in putting finishing touches on the two Gabuks. Already the Turtle Ships and Bangpae Turtle Ships which were to serve as the escort to the to-be-comissioned Sixth and Seventh National Interest Safeguard Fleet was in position in their respective Grand Admiralty Bases, with their fleet officers already named. It was few months too early, but the Ministry of War believed that the bolstered naval presence would help liberate the National Interest Safeguard Fleets to any action rather than trying to defend the mainland. And if push comes to shove, these officers and fleets can operate without their respective Gabuks with the positioned Turtle Ships in the National Asset Guarantee Fleets (국영자산보장함대) around the mainland to create a Punitive Fleet (토벌함대) on their own accord.
Typical. So typical of the Ministry. Lee sighed to himself. The Ministry of War, ever since the defeat of “bush wars.” To Lee, a relatively new line of admirals that filled the ranks after the veterans finished their services showered with medals and victories, it was a grand victory of the Koreans brought forth by the navy which was ruined by the atrocious tactics in the ground. Silently, the senior members of State Council and the Ministry of War which oversaw this conflict was “retired,” while slowly being replaced by younger, but less confirmed bureaucrats. Naturally, such a defeat a decade ago would bolster much-needed caution in these two division of Korean government.
Too cautious. Lee thought, gritting his teeth as his fleet maneuvered just shy of seeing the drill by the Japanese navy with naked eyes. The course wasn’t exactly close enough to warrant a confrontation, but probably was enough where the two sides would eye each other with suspicion. After all, Koreans primed their cannons whenever they skidded past the Japanese waters all the time, so it probably wasn’t anything out of ordinary for any of them. However, Lee has been making a habit of having his troops act just a little extra busy, if only to make the other side panic a bit. Two extra people on watch where one would have sufficed… one more seamen with a rifle… cannons being primed just a second earlier than usual… a little bit more torpedoes around the tubes… little things like that. Lee sincerely wanted whoever was on that island drilling away that Koreans knew whatever they were doing. And oh, they were watching carefully.
Railway crossing Siberia, Republic of Russia,
Diplomatic rail cart,
January 1906.
Dressed in simple, black “improved” attires that normally befit merchants of Chuk-Jae-Do ([REFERENCE]), the Third Seat of Ministry of Rites Kim Hyukjun (예조3등석 김혁준) happily sat eating dried fruits in one of the luxurious suit carts designated for diplomats. His seat, a sofa which he claimed to himself, sat to the side next to the small band of Korean string instruments, which took turns plucking their Gayageum, Geomungo, and Konghu (traditional Korean string instruments) and discussing amongst themselves on next musical number to puck. The cart was complete with a small bar and a kitchen, where the dried fruits that Kim now happily ate originated, where two cooks stood by waiting on Kim’s orders. Other bureaucrats of lesser stature and far younger than Kim were scattered about the cart, discussing the matters of business which were necessary or screaming at the telegraph prompter over hushed tones to relay message back to the mainland.
The train was a delegation designated to stop at Moscow, where Kim was supposed to have an audience with the officials of Russian Republic (fyi, Koreans would still call “Russia” “노서아,” or “No-su-ah” since this was the pronunciation that was used by Koreans during Joseon Dynasty as a result of translating the title to Chinese Characters first before enunciating them). It was the will of the State Council to have an open channel with the Russians, which was something that was almost unspeakable in the past. For the Ministry of Rites never sent contacts directly to “barbaric West” with exception of the Glorious Roman Empire in the Constantinople. And even the connection with the Romans first started with the Viceroy. However, the situation was becoming more difficult as of late. State Council was becoming ever more worried about the large transport of steel and other potentially-military-grade materials from Taiping to Japan. However, the Imperial Throne did not see it fit to simply prod the Japanese Empire about it, as it was something that would be see as “petty” between two empires. Thus, the State Council decided on an unorthodox approach: to strength Korean diplomatic ties in a way to deter any possible confrontations.
The Imperial Throne did not mind this decision. It was the will of His Most Serene Imperial Majesty that the Korea would once again learn from this mistake as it has done in 1850s: to look outward beyond the Orient. It was the conclusion of His Most Serene Imperial Majesty that the previous administration’s decisions to maintain only the most tenuous ties with the West was a mistake: a poor advisement of the State Council brought this upon hist most venerable father. As a result, he has sent away majority of the State Council after the defeat of Sino-Korean Bush Wars, replacing the administration with younger, more western-oriented subjects that has learned much from studying in the universities of Chuk-Jae-Do.
To Kim who has always attempted to hammer the point to the Stat Council that friendship with the Russians were of utmost importance, even as far as to try to indirectly assert that Russian were not “West” but “Oriental” nation like Taiping and Japan, this turn of events were even better. This was the reason why, despite it being such a crucial event, he insisted that he would be sent to Moscow rather than the Second Seat. To be frank, it was his project. He was the man most capable. And he would get it done. No one else.
Kim swelled up in pride as he took a bite out of dried tropical fruit once more. He is making history as the first diplomat from the Ministry of Rites to create a direct treaty between the Most Serene Imperial States and the West.
Somewhere in the Indian Ocean, international waters,
First Grand Escort Fleet of the Viceroyalty (제1총독대호위함대),
January 1906.
In the past, the Ming Dynasty showed their force of strength through the launching of Treasure Voyages. The strength of such vessels was unmatched at the times, and the rest of the orient bowed to their strength and the indirect threat that it represented. Nowadays, the Most Serene Imperial States patrolled the waters with the National Interest Safeguard Fleets: Impressive pre-dreadnaughts escorted by fleet of lesser vessels sailing unimpeded across the international waters. Such was the show of force and influence that Koreans loved to show. This was the new order of trade: everyone follow Korean ways of free trade in the Orient, or face certain justice.
However, on occasion, there was more. An impressive show of force consisting of twenty-five Turtle Ships, ten Bang-pae Turtle Ships, and a custom-made “Gabuk” which was made more as a luxury line rather than a fully-fledged battleship. Ironically named “Jak-eun Sae” (작은새) or “Little Bird,” it and its sister ship “Jak-eun Jui” (작은쥐) or “Little Mouse” created two of the Viceroyalty’s private naval “maritime escort fleet” which all the Caebols chipped in on to create. Such was the escort fleet that the Viceroy was on, along with spices, porcelains, jewels, and other exotic goods, animals, and talents to show to the Emperor which reigned from the Queen of Cities.
While normally diplomats and gifts were usually exchanged between the two empires on the regular basis along with friendly letters between the two emperors, the occasion was altogether different. The fuss came about almost exclusively as a result of the late Viceroy, the current Gaju of the Kwon Family. Kwon Dong-nyuc, now a wizened age of seventy-eight, cheated death on more than one occasion. And with the fever in the previous summer costing him most of his hearing, he knew that it was time to seek his final confession. Dong-nyuc was among the rare portion of the populous in Korea that still believed in the old Orthodox Christianity. Many have converted under his guidance as a Viceroy, as he oversaw the reformation of Cheondoism, he was always a Christian at heart. While many considered his greatest achievement to be instilling Caebolism into the minds of younger generation merchants, he considered it his greatest achievement in saving Koreans from certain doom by establishing Cheondism as a sect of Orthodox Church… although a bit of a heretical one to be certain.
Accompanying him was his son, Kwon Najae, the current Viceroy of Chuk-Jae-Do. Now a grown man well into his forties with his own children growing up to be a shrewd businessmen and women of their own right, saw his slightly senile father with a thoughtful stare. One, final time, he said, that he would set sail. One, final time that he will lead the diplomacy between the Viceroyalty and Rama (라마, or “Rama” was an old, oriental Korean enunciation of the word “Roma.” It has since stuck, and Koreans regard Eastern Roman Empire as “Rama” rather than “Rome,” while refer to the Western Roman Empire as simply “Rome” or “Western Rome”). He will do one final service to the Empire before passing on, joining his beloved who has long since been buried in the Islands of Chuk-Jae.
With that said, Najae was somewhat worried to see how energetic he was. Shouting at the diplomats and waving his walking stick around, his father was busy arranging the order books and disciplining the diplomats into proper etiquettes… even if his way of doing things were a bit too “formal.” Still, it was a rare opportunity. Dong-nyuc was among the extremely few in the world who could meet with the Emperor of Rama. His way of doing things were old, but “proper,” and it was important for the younger diplomats to learn such things. Najae has already instructed the diplomats to write down everything that his senile father was shouting. If they missed anything, such knowledge would be lost to the Koreans forever. He needed to carry on this torch until his own death, so that the relationship between the Most Serene Imperial States and the Eastern Roman Empire would be indeed continue for all of eternity.
Off the coast of Western Mi-continent,
Fourth National Interest Safeguard Fleet (제4국익수호함대),
January 1906.
It was rare for the First Seat of the Ministry of Rites to be so far away from home, that he could hardly remember when was the last time that he was on board a diplomatic trip. It was to be expected, of course. The First Seat of the Ministry of Rites was the highest-ranking officer of the Ministry save for the Head of the Ministry himself, and represented the highest honor that the Most Serene Imperial States could give. Event of the First Seat’s diplomatic meeting counted among the most historical of the Most Serene Imperial States’ diplomacies… and this time, it would be no different.
The message was already sent. And the telegraphs of their arrival were on its way. They will know where they would land shortly:
OFFICIAL DOCUMENT FROM MINISTRY OF RITES
To the Parliament of the Grand Republic of Busang and Chancellor of this Grand Republic,
Please advise, the envoy from the Most Serene Imperial States, First Seat Goh Jun-bum of the Ministry of Rites and his entourage will arrive in Mi-continent during the months of January along with the regular patrols of the Fourth National Interest Safeguard Fleet during its visit to Sinhan.
For this visit, please prepare a harbor large enough for the Minister’s vessels, as His Most Serene Imperial Majesty has seen fit to aware his most loyal subjects in the Mi Continent with gifts and rewards befitting their greatness. The harbor must be prepared to receive fourteen large vessels and a storage space great enough to contain such a cargo placed within. The contents of these vessels, unfortunately, cannot be relayed with this missive. The most loyal servants of the Imperial Throne must discover its holdings personally.
Signed,
Head of the Ministry of Rites,
Lee Jung.
ARRIVED IN MI FOURTH FLEET
-stop-
FOURTH WILL DOCK AT REGULAR PORT
-stop-
TEN TURTLE SHIPS TWO BANGPAE TURTLE SHIPS AND TWO CARGO SHIPS NEED DOCKING SPACE
-stop-
CARGO CONTAINS CANNONS HWACHA GUNPOWDERS AND FIVE HUNDRED SCHOLAR ENGINEERS
-stop-
FIRST SEAT MINISTER ON BOARD GABUK
-stop-
NEED ESCORT TO PARLIAMENT TO DELIVER IMPORTANT MESSAGE FROM EMPEROR
-stop-
Off the coast of Maluku Islands, Molucca Sea,
Second Escort Fleet of Viceroyoalty (제2총독대호위함대),
January 1906
Ever since its liberation from the Portuguese in the 1600s, the kingdoms of Gowa, Makassar, Baggai, and Luwu maintained a tenuous peace in the Island chain of Sulawesi tending to the trade of nutmeg, mace, and cloves under the protection of the Korean trade fleets. It was this factor, alongside situations in the Malay Peninsula and Sumatra completely being taken over by the Koreans, that led to dismantling of power structure in Southeast Asia. So much of the political power was disrupted that, over the course of centuries, Java became part of the British sovereign. It was a position that was somewhat accepted by the Koreans, as Korea saw some semblance of Asian power in the British-controlled Javanese government to be acceptable enough. If the situation in the homefront was more friendly, things would not have been left unsaid, but Koreans realized a costly war with the Europeans right now just to sate its legitimacy was not in the cards.
For Koreans have come to realize that its dominance in the region was being challenged. Since the defeat at the hands of the Taiping, the Bush wars has shown to the world and especially the Orient that Koreans bleed red just as other do, and their gunpowder was not almighty. Whether this was the cause of not, the flurry of activities by the Japanese has started frantic days in the Ministry of War. While previous Ministry would not have cared much for the Japanese conquest of the Pacific Islands, the current administration was different. Too cautious and too panicky over the previous defeat, the current Ministers in the Ministry of War believed a possibility that, a second Imjin War may occur. The possibility existed, even if it was very slim. So panicked they were by this prospect that they even saw the sinking of UGV (Utmost Glorious Vessel, a denomination of the merchant ships) Angenent being sunk off the coast of Gulf of Aden as a Taiping attack. While the diplomatic talks eventually cleared the Taiping’s involvement and conclusion was made that it was a stray gunpowder from the ship that caused such a damage, the Ministry of War was still vigilant upon a possibility that no one could be trusted.
While such panicked and twitchy Ministry was an eyesore to the Korean military and navy, the merchant guilds of Chuk-Jae-Do took advantage of this situation. Using their influence in the State Council, the Koh Family (owner of proud JS Group) have petitioned and succeeded in gaining the Imperial Approval over the annexation of Maluku Islands. The JS Group, long denied of justification of holding a territory to call their own, was eagerly heading this project, gathering vast wealth to rent mercenaries and petitioning the usage of the Second Escort Fleet for their use of troop transport. To be sure, however, there won’t be a battle to speak of. For the Republic of Gapi, the Maluku Island’s only sovereign, was long under the payroll of the JS Group.
Although the Imperial Throne prohibited political takeover of these islands in favor of improving their legitimacy, it wasn’t as if JS Group did not have finger in the region. Its spices were too valuable to simply rely on the fickle whims of a monarch of the century. Instead, the JS Group funded radical Cheondoist zealots who have become recent converts to the religion. Funded by Korean weapons and supplies, the monarchy in Gapi stood little chance, as they did not have proper modern weapons to properly mount a defense, especially when the JS Group brought few naval vessels to “protect corporate interests.” The Republic of Gapi was established soon after, promising that the government will partake in democratic elections for the sake of equality among all the people in the Maluku Islands. This, however, was a complete nonsense: the people in the region was altogether foreign to the idea of “democracy,” after all, and without a proper way to communicate between island to island without being intercepted by those in power, the election became a sham designed to constantly elect those that the Cheondoist zealots wanted.
The Republic of Gapi now controlled the entirety of the Maluku Islands in a tenuous democracy, with its inhabitants scattered, but understanding that they had someone that ruled over them. However, dissent was ever present: the people were not stupid. They knew that, over decades, something was being done where their votes were not being counted, and the funds that they pitched in in the name of “taxes” to protect them when the tropical storms hit were not being used properly when needed. They also knew that these same funds, which were supposed to be used to help one another, were being used to buy weapons to subjugate those who did not comply with Gapi’s orders. Refugees from Jailolo, Tidore, and Bacan confirmed the rumors that the Gapi troops were all too eager to kill the nonbelievers. The elections currently reflected the dissatisfaction of the Gapi leadership, which led to increasingly a new candidate: a learned man which had the backing of the Koreans. A man who was outspoken about the extremism of the zealot’s beliefs and promised that every man will get their cut of the spices unlike under the corrupt dealings between Gapi officials and the kingdoms of Sulawesi.
With all this in place, the Imperial Throne finally conceded after a long debate with the State Council. In the end, however, it really was a message from Tamna that greased the oil of this mired debate: a message from the previous Viceroyalty. He wrote of importance of the spices to the trade between Korea and Rama, which in turn fueled the trade between Busang and the mainland, which allowed the construction of all things that were happening. Korea will not be able to stand tall in the international relations and hold any bargaining chips should the Maluku Islands fell into the wrong hands. And contrary to popular belief, Dong-nyuc concluded, the plantations in Chuk-Jae Peninsula were not going to be enough to fuel the demand of the West.
As the “spice islands” were to be conquered, the kingdoms of Sulawesi knew that there was no real reason to stay independent. They long depended on the JS Group providing the cut of trade. After all, the Kingdoms knew that once the JS Group controlled the Maluku Islands, there was little reason for them to keep paying premiums for their spices. Even worse, they may become a pitstop for the JS Group: a poor shanty-towns only existing for harbors for JS Group’s operations in the Maluku Islands. The kings of the island knew that they had to act if they were to maintain their positions in however shape it may become.
The kingdoms’ petitioning directly to the Merchant Guilds have thus allowed them to buy time from the JS Group’s clutches as the Merchant Guilds discussed what best method was there to maintain the status quo while rearranging the new situation within their area of influence. The utmost importance, of course, was the Ministry of Justice, which was to send a dispatch to discuss this matter considering “all due cause,” which was the Ministry rhetoric of stating that they needed to consider the legitimacy of the Imperial States. In the end, it was highly likely that the Sulawesi Islands would itself become a vassal of the Imperial States, while the Maluku Islands would become the territory of Chuk-Jae-Do under the JS Group’s control. However, the discussion as to how will the kingdoms join the Imperial States and why would the Republic of Gapi not be considered among the options was still to be discussed.
For now, the fleet was on due course to Ternate, the capital of the Republic of Gapi and where another election was scheduled. It was the plan of the JS Group to “peacefully” preside over the voting process, to allow “democracy” to take place as intended, and to have their puppet become elected into the seat of leadership. From there, JS Group will slowly revise the law of the land until the land would become integrated as part of JS Group’s property. It was always the interest of the Koh Family to take things slowly. They already had all the money that they wanted selling the spices and other luxury goods. They were not going to ruin their “farms” over something petty as wanting to “stick their flag” early.