1948: Burning Powder Keg [OOC | COBALT NETWORK SPONSORED]

[Revlona]

On the contrary...

(Romanian historian nerd incoming)

The Romanian population's decline was largely due to, of course, the Second World War and the introduction of communism. Before WWII, you can see that it the population was a steady 19 million and rising. Continuing this trend along with any other improvements to the country, it most likely would have reached this number as that figure is what the population would have been most likely to reach. Second, with the plane thing. The Messerschmidts were likely so Romania could desperately produce more planes, not to mention, with Romania still neutral, it'd be hard to gain access to Germany's plane tech, but, it is still plausible. Overall, since Revlona is in control of Romania and its production, he could tweak his production to be focused on the IAR-471s instead of the Bfs.

Why would he want to produce planes weaker than the Messerschmidts?

Just because they are Romanian doesn’t mean they are weaker

The IAR-80 stood up to and actually beat American P-38s

The IAR-80 was of course Romanian

[Granluras]

Why would he want to produce planes weaker than the Messerschmidts?

Just because they are Romanian doesn’t mean they are weaker

The IAR-80 stood up to and actually beat American P-38s

The IAR-80 was of course Romanian

I know that, why do you think I didn’t say anything bad about the IAR-80s?

[Revlona]

Just because they are Romanian doesn’t mean they are weaker

The IAR-80 stood up to and actually beat American P-38s

The IAR-80 was of course Romanian

I know that, why do you think I didn’t say anything bad about the IAR-80s?

No but you said the IAR-471 was inferior and yet gave to reasoning of to why they were

So I was forced to assume you thought them inferior mearly because they were Romanian

So I proceeded to give you a quick example of why that was incorrect

[Romanussia]

I know that, why do you think I didn’t say anything bad about the IAR-80s?

No but you said the IAR-471 was inferior and yet gave to reasoning of to why they were

So I was forced to assume you thought them inferior mearly because they were Romanian

So I proceeded to give you a quick example of why that was incorrect

You could just enhance the already good design of the IAR-471 and make it as good as any other plane

[Revlona]

No but you said the IAR-471 was inferior and yet gave to reasoning of to why they were

So I was forced to assume you thought them inferior mearly because they were Romanian

So I proceeded to give you a quick example of why that was incorrect

You could just enhance the already good design of the IAR-471 and make it as good as any other plane

That’s what I’m saying has happened

With 5 more years of development it is on par with most others like the IAR 80 is with fighters

[Gwang-Yeog Joseon]

So has anyone besides Granluras agreed with what I said about my foreign relations?

[Costa Fierro]

[DO NOT REMOVE : 911939921945]

Nationstates Name Costa Fiero
Nation Name Federation of Central America (Federación de Centroamérica)
Roleplay example link -

Capital San Salvador
Type of Government Federal presidential republic
Head of State(s) Anastasio Somoza García
Image of Leader Here.
Party in Power Although President Somoza runs Central America as a dictatorship, the Congress of Republics is led by the Coalition of National Unity, a coalition of right-wing parties aligned with the United States.
Executive Title President
Flag Here.
National Anthem Here.
Population 7,048,000
Territories Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, Panama
Client/Puppet States N/A

Public Goals Maintenance of Central American sovereignty, ownership of the Panama Canal.
Private Goals Preparing for possible conflict with Mexico, reconquest of Los Altos, annexation of British Honduras.

Total military size The Armed Forces of Central America (Fuerzas Armadas de Centroamérica) is composed of 62,250 active personnel and 133,750 reserve personnel.
Service Rifles The Armed Forces of Central America maintain stocks of three main rifles. Between 1940 and 1945, Central America received 18,838 M1 Garand rifles which were used to equip the First and Second Divisions. Significant stocks of Lee-Enfield, Mannlicher Model 1895 and vz. 24 rifles are also maintained, with the Central Staff looking to standardise rifle designs and ammunition.
Most Advanced tank/aircraft The Armed Forces of Central America possess a number of light tanks in service, namely the M2 Light Tank, 36 of which were acquired in 1940. These are supplemented by an additional 22 M3A1 Stuart light tanks acquired in 1935. 10 M4A3 Shermans are also in service. These are the most advanced armoured fighting vehicles operated by Central America.

The Central American Air Force operates three different fighter types, with the most advanced being the Republic P-43 Lancer aircraft, eleven of which are in service.
Breakdown of ground forces
The Central American Army (Ejército Centroaméricano) is the ground branch of the Armed Forces of Central America. It is composed of x active and x reserve personnel. Currently the Army is split between three divisions, each covering two of Central America's constituent republics. The Army is among the most visible of the branches of the military, having been active in quelling rebellions in the past, and has the most influence among Central America's politicians and government institutions. Often the leaders called upon or who intervene in periods of civil unrest are the generals of the Army.

Current military equipment includes the following:
Firearms
Colt M1911 9mm pistol
Steyr M1912 9mm pistol
Thompson M1928 .45 ACP submachine gun
MP 34 9mm submachine gun
Beretta Model 1938 9mm submachine gun
M1 Garand 7.62mm semi-automatic rifle
Lee-Enfield .303 bolt action rifle
Mannlicher Model 1895 9mm bolt action rifle
Browning M1918 7.92mm automatic rifle
vz. 24 9mm bolt action rifle
Madsen 7.92mm machine gun
Lewis M.20 7.92mm machine gun
Browning M1919 7.92mm machine gun

Armoured Vehicles
T-17E1 Staghound armoured car (70)
M8 Greyhound (12)
M3 scout car (53)
M3A1 half track (67)
M2 light tank (36)
M3A1 light tank (22)
M4A3 medium tank (10)

Artillery
Brandt mle 27/31 81mm infantry mortar (80)
M2 106mm heavy mortar (46)
M3 25mm anti-tank gun (106)
FK 18 75mm field gun (32)
FK 38 75mm field gun (64)
M1 114mm field gun (40)
Schneider Mle 1917 155mm field gun (15)
Bofors L/60 40mm towed anti-aircraft gun (36)
M1A1 90mm towed anti-aircraft gun (10)

Transport
Dodge T234 three ton truck
Dodge VH48 three ton truck
Fiat 626 NLM three ton truck
Fiat 666 NM six ton truck
GMC-ACKWX353 2.5 ton truck
International M-2-4 one ton truck
International M-3-4 1.5 ton truck

Breakdown of naval forces
The Central American Navy (Armada Centroaméricana) is the naval branch of the Armed Forces of Central America in charge of defending Central American waters. It is the smallest and youngest of the branches of the Armed Forces, having been founded in 1918. It currently is composed of 2,118 personnel and 30 ships, with important naval facilities at Colón in Panama, Limón in Costa Rica, Puerto San José in Guatemala, and Acajutla in El Salvador.

Current ships in service include:
three San Salvador class destroyers (ex-Royal Navy I class, acquired in 1946)
four Quetzalcoatl class frigates (ex-US Navy Tacoma class patrol frigates, acquired 1946-47)
four Juan José Estrada class submarine chasers (ex-US Navy Eagle class, acquired 1930-38)
16 Granada class torpedo boats (S30 class acquired from Germany 1939-1940)
three Quetzal class minesweepers (Lapwing class acquired from the United States 1925-1928)
one José Francisco Barrundia class patrol boat (Jägaren class acquired from Sweden in 1936)
two Cabarakan class coastal patrol boats (AVR class acquired from the United States in 1945)

In addition, the Central American Navy operates the following aircraft:
three Consolidated PB4Y-2 Privateer maritime patrol aircraft
two Consolidated PBY-5A Catalina flying boat
two CANT Z.506B patrol aircraft

Breakdown of aerial forces
The Central American Air Force (Fuerza Aérea Centroaméricana, FACA) is the aerial wing of the Armed Forces of Central America. It is composed of 12,350 personnel and operates 385 aircraft. The FACA is a modern air force modelled on that of the United States, with separate fighter, attack and training wings. It's aircraft are modern and reasonably well maintained with technical assistance from the United States, Spain, Great Britain and other countries.

Currently the FACA operates:
36 fighter aircraft (25 Curtiss P-36B Hawk, 11 Republic P-43A Lancer)
68 attack aircraft (44 Douglas A-33, 24 Vultee V-11)
30 bomber aircraft (30 Lockheed B-34A Ventura)
16 reconnaissance aircraft (16 Caproni Ca.310CA, Central American variant with twin Pratt & Whitney R-1340-16 radial engines with 550 hp. Armament changed to three .30 M1919 Browning machine guns.)
153 trainer aircraft (15 Beech AT-11 Kansan, 29 Fairchild PT-19, 68 North American AT-6 Texan, 41 Vultee BT-13 Valiant)
109 transport aircraft (16 Beech C-45F, 73 Douglas C-47 Dakota, 20 Stinson L-5 Sentinel)

The FACA also keeps several aircraft in storage for use in war situations. Among the aircraft stored are seven Boeing P-26 Peashooter fighters, five Caproni AP.1 attack aircraft, as well as numerous training and transport aircraft.

Major foreign military suppliers United States, Germany, Italy
Extra military information N/A

Currency Central American peso
Major import/export partners United States, Mexico, Colombia, Spain, Venezuela

Major Domestic Issues Growing civil unrest in parts of the country, continued animosity towards the United States and the pro-American government, social inequality
Major Foreign Issues Territorial disputes and worsensing with Mexico regarding the loss of Los Altos, territorial disputes with the United States regarding the status of the Panama Canal.

History

Central America at the turn of the 20th century was, more or less, peaceful. The violence that had plagued the inception of the federation had subsided and several decades of peace and moderate prosperity had occurred. This continued into the early part of the 20th century under the administration of President José Santos Zelaya, a Democratic politician who had been elected as President in 1893. Zelaya was a reformist and during the early years he instiuted a number of reforms, continuing the liberal legacy instituted at the inception of the federation. Among the reforms included were compulsory education, compulsory voting, minority representation, equal rights and, for the first time, the separation of state powers, deliniating the roles between the executive, legislative and judicial roles of the government. He had also seen some military success, seizing the Mosquito Coast from the British in 1894. He was a federalist and had grand plans for the expansion of Central America into other territories. In 1902, during the Thousand Days War, Zelaya ordered troops into Panama, thus securing Central America's southern borders and adding additional territory and population to the federation. An expanded voter base, plus the ease with which this conquest was made had secured him the 1902 presidential election where he won with ease.

The United States had considered a canal across the isthmus of Central America for some time, with many favouring a canal through Nicaragua. Considerable interest had also been displayed in building a canal through Panama and now both options that were on the table had to go through Central American territory, although Colombia refused to recognise Central American control over Panama. Zelaya found himself with two bargaining chips that he could not pursue without foreign financial assistance and two countries that were eager to pursue sovereingty and control over one of them. Initially favouring the Colombian claim over Panama, President Roosevelt changed tactics after the Colombian Senate did not ratify the Hay-Herrán Treaty signed in 1903. Zelaya proposed similar terms under the Hay-Herrán Treaty as he could guarantee support in the Central American Congress, although many in his party were concerned about the potential rammifications and a lack of substantial income that such a canal would bring for Central America. Rather than take a confrontational attitude, Zelaya decided to simply cross the floor and work with Conservative Party leader Emiliano Chamorro Vargas on getting enough support for ratification of the treaty. Chamorro agreed and the Hay-Zelaya Treaty was signed on September 3, 1903. The United States subsequently purchased the railroad, the excavation equipment and the land as well as a one time payment of $10 million and provided a yearly payment of $250,000 to the Central American government. Zelaya managed to sell the deal to the Central American public by portraying himself as a pragmatic leader willing to work with the opposition to obtain beneficial agreements for Central America.

Zelaya's good relations with the United States would last for much longer. The troubles began in 1907 shortly after Zelaya's reelection in 1906, when Governor of Honduras, Manuel Bonilla Chirinos, was discovered to have been granting tax exemptions to banana companies operating in Honduras, in addition to suppressing political opponents, both of which were in direct contradiction of the latest articles and amendments added to the Constitution. Central America found itself in unknown territory when Zelaya demanded that Bonilla resign from the governorship and new state elections be held. Bonilla refused, stating there was no legal precedent which saw state governors being forced to resign by the President. Bonilla was also considered to be popularly elected, albeit under dubious circumstances. On March 5, 1907, the Constitutional Court of Central America in San Salvador heard the case presented by lawyers representing the federal and state governments. The case of the federal government was that Bonilla had been acting unconstitutionally in flagrant contradiction to amendments and articles of the constitution and in contrary to federal government policy. The case of the state government was that in addition to a lack of precedent set, the federal government was acting outside of the bounds outlied in the Constitution and that being popularly elected would result in political and social instability in Honduras. The court ruled in favour of Zelaya on March 10 after five days of deliberation. After Bonilla's refusal to recognise the result, Zelaya sent in the federal army to forcibly remove Bonilla from office. Fearing that this would be the start of American companies losing out, American naval forces landed at Puerto Cortés to protect American business interests. They also managed to halt Central American soldiers at Amapala after Bonilla fled Tegucigalpa. There, he boarded the USS Chicago and refused to leave. Zelaya protested the intervention of the United States in the domestic affairs of Central America and demanded the release of Bonilla. The United States refused, stating that it had concerns about legitimate business interests. Negotiations were made and resulted in an impasse. Finally, on April 10, 1907, Zelaya and the American representative reached an agreement where Bonilla could travel to the United States freely and American fruit companies operating in Honduras would abide by negotiated tax rates, which were substantially lower than other companies operating in the same industry. Zelaya returned to San Salvador to a party that was steadily losing faith in his ability to stand up to American business interests, although a major conflict with the United States had been averted.

In the immediate aftermath of what became known as the Bonilla Crisis, the United States actively planned to remove Zelaya from office. This involved certain military officers within the army who had sympathies with the Conservative Party as well as leading conservative politicians. Conservative leader Emiliano Chamorro Vargas was approached in April 1907 after the crisis ended with the intent of getting him to approve a military coup to remove Zelaya from office. Chamorro refused and insisted that he could attain office through legitimate means. Washington remained unconvinced and plans were afoot to launch a military coup. These plans were delayed until Chamorro could be brought onboard. On December 21, 1909, officers of the Army of Central America stormed the Presidential Palace in San Salvador and arrested Zelaya. General Fernando Figueroa was installed as the temporary President until new elections could be held.

These elections were organised in Feburary 1910, with the Conservative Party candidate Emiliano Chamorro Vargas taking victory over Democratic candidate Manuel Estrada Cabrera. Chamorro began his first term by repairing Central America's relationship with the United States. Internal stability had deteriorated in Central America after the Bonilla Crisis, which had severely affected Central American views of the United States. Revelations that Chamorro had been involved with the coup that ousted Zelaya from power was met with riots in the streets, and hundreds died in the ensuing political violence. On July 27, 1910, Chamorro declared martial law in El Salvador, followed by a declaration across all states the following day. This lead to a rebellion by General Juan José Estrada, who had liberal sympathies. He was soon joined by Luis Mena Vado and Benjamín Zeledón Rodríguez, both were also liberal-leaning generals. Chamorro still remained in command over the remainder of the armed forces, but now feared open rebellion in the heartland of the federation.

The rebellion, later known as the War of the Three Generals, soon gathered steam. Two steamers on Lake Managua were captured and the state capital, Managua, was subjected to shellfire. Faced with a deteriorating situation, Chamorro requested the intervention of American naval forces in December 1910. By February 1911, 1,200 marines were landed on the west coast of Nicaragua, protecting the railway line that ran from the port of Corinto to the state capital. The first conflicts came in September, when on the 19th, rebels lead by Zeledón ambushed American marines in the town of Masaya, forcing the Americans to withdraw but at substantial losses of his own. The Americans reentered the town and then pressed onto the city of Granada. In doing so, the Americans had forced the surrender of General Mena and 700 men under his command. On September 27, American forces began bombarding the fortress atop Coyotepe Hill, which overlooked the railway line between Granada and Managua. Zeledón has placed his forces atop two hills in the valley, with forces atop Coyotepe coming under the greatest amount of fire. On October 2, government forces issued a surrender ultimatum which was refused. The shelling continued until an infantry assault took the fortress atop Coyotepe. By then, Zeledón had withdrawn to Barranca and then onto Masaya where government forces captured or killed most of the remaining rebels, including General Zeledón himself. General Estrada, the leader of the rebellion, was captured alive when American and government troops entered the city of Leon, the last stronghold of the rebellion. In November and December 1911, both generals were tried for treason and executed.

Chamorro now held control of Central America again and almost had complete political control, as the liberals were now in tatters, and the Democratic Party began suffering successive electoral defeats. Chamorro was reelected in the general election of 1914 which saw the Conservative Party, now officially in a coalition of broadly right-wing political parties, establish almost complete dominance in the lower house of Congress, winning 74 of 120 seats. The Panama Canal opened for the first time in 1914, with Chamorro facing pressure to renegotiate the agreement with the United States regarding the state of the canal. Nationalist elements within his own party were making calls for a renegotation of the agreement Zelaya had signed in 1903. In January 1915, Chamorro travelled to Washington to formally request the renegotation of the Hay-Zelaya Treaty. Negotiations began in March that year. The Central American position was that it wanted in on the revenue being generated by the canal. The negotiations were concluded in late July and on August 4, 1915, Chamorro signed the Bryan-Chamorro Treaty which allowed the Central American government to take 25% of the revenue in return for permission to build a naval base on the Gulf of Fonseca and the lease of the Great and Little Corn Islands in the Caribbean. Central American began to prosper under this new era of stability, which would continue throughout the remainder of the decade.

Chamorro's administration came to an end in 1922 when he lost the general election that year to Democratic candidate José María Orellana. Orellana began instituting a number of reforms, including minimum wage increases, and the formation of labour unions. In addition, the government now encouraged protests and strike actions to undermine the United Fruit Company, the largest investor in Central America. Strikes by dock workers and railway workers in 1924 exacerbated American concerns in Central America and it prompted another military coup on July 5, 1925 which ousted Orellana from power. Once again, Chamorro was called on to become President but this time, he decided not to continue with the scheduled elections for 1926. In response, various liberal-leaning generals rose up in rebellion against Chamorro who was forced to call back the Americans in order to stop his government from collapsing. The Americans sent in soldiers and marines to occupy ports and establish neutral zones from the civil war that was breaking out in Nicaragua. However, despite pushing for the coup in the first place, it quickly isolated itself from the Chamorro government, forcing him to resign that November. Adolfo Díaz Recinos was installed as President and would remain President until the war concluded.

By 1927, liberal forces had seized most of Nicaragua and were pushing into El Salvador, marching on the capital. Managua had become encircled and the government was losing ground rapidly. The Mexican government had begun supplying weapons to the liberals and the Americans feared a Mexican-friendly regime would be installed. The warring parties were invited to meet in San José in Costa Rica where a fragile peace was agreed upon in the San José Pact. However, some liberal generals refused to recognise the peace and continued on. The first of these battles was fought at La Paz Centro in May 1927. Augusto César Sandino, a prominent liberal general, refused to recognise the peace settlement and continued fighting against the government and American forces. The first battle of his rebellion took place on July 16, 1927, when Sandino's forces attacked the American and Central American garrison at Ocotal.

Sandino's rebellion continued. On July 25, he engaged American forces at San Fernando, then again two days later at Santa Clara. That September, he attacked an American garrison at Telpaneca before an American rescue attempt to retrieve two downed airmen failed when they engaged Sandinista forces at Sapotillal. In 1928, new elections were organised, with some new parties formed. The Conservative Party had been broken up and replaced by a broadly right-wing coalition of parties running their own candidates. The nationalistic wing of the conservatives became the Patriotic Front (FPA), which pursued more independent foreign policies but became increasingly anti-communist and anti-socialist. The majority of the right wing is composed of the National Liberal Party (PLN). The PLN was essentially a pro-business, pro-American party that supported American business interests. Opposing them was a greatly reduced Democratic Party and the new Social Action Party (PAS), which represented the more radical wing of the reduced Democratic Party. The conservative coalition of the FPA and PLN won the election, with PLN candidate Cleto González Víquez becoming President in May 1928.

González was credited with staving off the effects of the Wall Street Crash of 1929 and the subsequent effects of the Great Depression which were beginning to affect numerous countries around the world. He ramped up public spending and used the money to engage in public works projects, which began initially under the protection of American military forces as the Sandinista rebellion was still ongoing. In February 1928, Sandinista rebels ambushed American forces at El Bromadero, forcing the Americans to withdraw from the region. In May, shortly after González was inaugurated, the Sandinistas attacked a hill near the La Flor coffee plantation, forcing the Americans and government troops to withdraw. The fighting reignited after a lull in 1929, with the Sandinistas ambushing American troops at Achuapa in December 1930. Attempts to disrupt the 1932 elections were prevented as the rebellion began to wind down, with González winning the election despite a reduced majority of seats. That September, government forces finally managed to win their first independent battle against Sandino's rebels when they defeated 150 rebels at the Battle of Agua Carta. That December, the last major battle of the Sandino rebellion took place at El Sauce, when a joint Central American-American force defeated Sandino's rebels.

Another event that attempted to destablise the 1932 elections was a peasant uprising in western El Salvador. The protests and insurrection began on January 22, when tens of thousands of peasants, armed primarily with machetes, attacked haciendas and military barracks as well as taking several towns and villages. The rebels, lead by Agustín Farabundo Martí, began to march on the federal capital. President González, fearful of a civil conflict such as the one that was being fought in the state of Nicaragua, placed all military assets within El Salvador under the command of General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez. General Hernández was an avowed anti-communist and got to work stopping the peasants in their tracks before engaging in ruthless suppression of the uprising. By the time the uprising was quelled, between 25-40,000 people were dead, mainly indigenous. The events in the region were largely suppressed, namely due to González seeking reelection. Hernández was then placed in temporary control of El Salvador until August 1934.

The 1936 election was won by Anastasio Somoza García, of the powerful Somoza family. Somoza was already a military man, having risen through the ranks of the military despite being a largely inept and inexperienced military commander. During his time in the military he had ordered the assassination of Sandino and the massacre of numerous supporters. In the run up to the election, he had also become leader of the PLN, which commanded an absolute majority in Congress, edging out the Patriotic Front and most of the Democratic and Social Action parties.

The formation of a major fascist party in neighbouring Mexico troubled the Somoza regime, which by now was essentially a dictatorship as electiona and the influence of the constitution had ceased to exist. This troubled the Americans too as Mexico was now seeking support from fascist Germany and Imperial Japan. Somoza sought not only to capitalise on American insecurity but also secure his position as supreme ruler of Central America and in September 1939, Somoza met with United States Secreatary of State, Cordel Hull, in Panama to discuss the Mexican issue. Somoza made the case that Mexico would likely seek to control the Panama Canal and this allow German and Japanese warships free access through it. In order to prevent this from happening, Central America needed significant military aid and support from the United States. The two came to an agreement, with the two signing the Hull-Somoza Military Assistance Pact in October, 1939 in Washington D.C. Hull and Somoza would meet again in 1940 in Havana, Cuba, where the Pact of Havana would be signed compelling the United States to come to the defence of Central America in the event of a Mexican invasion. Somoza doubled military spending and began his build up. By 1948, he had one of the most potent militaries in Latin America under his command.

[Granluras]

Snip

Oh dear, you put so much effort in this I hate to tell you that this is going to get rejected >_<

[Machtergreifung]

Snip

Oh dear, you put so much effort in this I hate to tell you that this is going to get rejected >_<

You said the same about my application at one point...

[Democratic East-Asia]

Snip

Oh dear, you put so much effort in this I hate to tell you that this is going to get rejected >_<

You're not a Co-OP anymore so stfu.

[Granluras]

It’s country which collapsed a century prior to the POD, and the conturies formed afterwards have done well on their own (comparatively), and have shown no interest in any point in time of reunifying. There’s no way it can be accepted.

And, Gandhi, I know i am not a co-op. I didn’t say I rejected it, I just said it would be rejected.

[Lan Khao Xang Hom Krung Tai]

So has anyone besides Granluras agreed with what I said about my foreign relations?

Snip

They both look good to me, but I think I may need my co-ops to take a look as well

[Revlona]

It’s country which collapsed a century prior to the POD, and the conturies formed afterwards have done well on their own (comparatively), and have shown no interest in any point in time of reunifying. There’s no way it can be accepted.

And, Gandhi, I know i am not a co-op. I didn’t say I rejected it, I just said it would be rejected.

Looks like you are wrong lmao

[Alsheb]

Could I reserve for an Islamic state consisting of North Yemen and the Hejaz (west coast of the Arab Peninsula, including Mecca and Medina)?

[Granluras]

Could I reserve for an Islamic state consisting of North Yemen and the Hejaz (west coast of the Arab Peninsula, including Mecca and Medina)?

No, such a state never existed and could never be founded in a nine-year period

[Alsheb]

Could I reserve for an Islamic state consisting of North Yemen and the Hejaz (west coast of the Arab Peninsula, including Mecca and Medina)?

No, such a state never existed and could never be founded in a nine-year period

Wouldn't have been that hard if the Saudis had lost the war for the peninsula in the 1930s. But okay.
How about just North Yemen then? That was an actual state even in RL back then.

[Granluras]

No, such a state never existed and could never be founded in a nine-year period

Wouldn't have been that hard if the Saudis had lost the war for the peninsula in the 1930s. But okay.
How about just North Yemen then? That was an actual state even in RL back then.

If you mean the Mutawakkilite Kingdom of Yemen then sure, although it did play absolutely no role in the Second World War.

[Revlona]

No, such a state never existed and could never be founded in a nine-year period

Wouldn't have been that hard if the Saudis had lost the war for the peninsula in the 1930s. But okay.
How about just North Yemen then? That was an actual state even in RL back then.

He isn't a coop or the OP

So wait for an actual person with authority before you give up on the first idea

[Granluras]

Wouldn't have been that hard if the Saudis had lost the war for the peninsula in the 1930s. But okay.
How about just North Yemen then? That was an actual state even in RL back then.

He isn't a coop or the OP

So wait for an actual person with authority before you give up on the first idea

I’m helping him out. Everyone is allowed to do that. You can go back to your spiderhole which you only leave to annoy me now.

[Democratic East-Asia]

He isn't a coop or the OP

So wait for an actual person with authority before you give up on the first idea

I’m helping him out. Everyone is allowed to do that. You can go back to your spiderhole which you only leave to annoy me now.

You're not actually helping, just saying. So stop acting like you have any sort of authority.

[Granluras]

I’m helping him out. Everyone is allowed to do that. You can go back to your spiderhole which you only leave to annoy me now.

You're not actually helping, just saying. So stop acting like you have any sort of authority.

How am I acting like I have authority!? I didn’t tell him to go away, I didn’t tell him to stop posting here, I didn’t give him a command, I didn’t give, tell or, do anything to him that shows authority. What I did was respond to his question, and when he named a nation that I knew was going to be very boring/dull roleplaying as I simply said “Maybe something else.” There is Iran, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Iraq, and several other Arabic nations he could roleplay as. I am only guilty of trying to give this guy a damn good nation and experience! My fucking apologies!