✹ Hintuwan Lore Thread [READ ONLY, DO NOT POST]

by **Hintuwan** » Thu Mar 24, 2022 2:28 am

Flag of Hintuwan

The national flag of Hintuwan (Hintuwanese: Pambansang watawat ng Hintuwan) is a horizontal tricolor flag with equal bands of blue, gold, and white. At its center is the nation's Coat of Arms, surrounded by the black silhouette of a laurel.

Hintuwan's current flag was designed by the Congress of Hintuwan in 1936 during the Doraltic colonial era, under the Hintuwan Commission's supervision to prepare the incumbent government for self-rule. The flag's original symbolism is enumerated in a speech made by Sigat Orogupan (then House Speaker of the Congress of Hintuwan), who oversaw a resolution to adopt it as the official flag of the soon-to-be independent government. According to Orogupan, the blue and white represented the democratic ideals transmitted by Dormill and Stiura, while the golden yellow referenced the old flag of the ancient Hintuwani kingdom, the Kedatuan Hintuwan. His speech explains the significance of the flag's colors as follows:

"And finally it was resolved unanimously that this Nation, already independent in spirit from today onwards should use the same flag which it has used, whose shape and colors are described in the attached drawing rendering vividly the colors of blue and white commemorating the flag of the United Republics of Dormill and Stiura as a manifestation of our profound gratitude towards this Great Nation for its disinterested protection which it lends us, and continues to lend us - whilst a strain of golden yellow binds us to our task of preserving Hintuwani civilization by bearing the color born by our forefathers. And, carrying this flag, I unfurl it before the gentlemen assembled here—[List of names of the delegates in the Congress of Hintuwan]—and we all solemnly swear to acknowledge and defend it to the last drop of our blood."

Hintuwani laws dictate that the flag should be displayed in all government buildings, official residences, public plazas, and schools every day throughout the year. The days of February 25 (Democracy Day) and October 5 (Independence Day) are designated as flag days, during which all offices, agencies and instrumentalities of government, business establishments, institutions of learning and private homes are enjoined to display the flag.

The display of the Hintuwani flag in cockpit arenas, casinos, disco venues, night and day clubs, gambling joints and "places of vice or where frivolity prevails" is illegal.

by **Hintuwan** » Thu Mar 24, 2022 5:40 am

A marriage ceremony between two Luhanese nobles, presided by a Doravan priest

Hintuwani vassalage under Ancient Doravo (Hintuwanese: Panahon ng pagkabasalyo sa Sinaunang Imperyo ng Dorav or panahon ng pagkabasalyo, lit.: "era of vassalage to the Ancient Empire of Dorav" or "era of vassalage") refers to the historical period when Hintuwan was under the rule of the Ancient Doravo tribal confederacy through a series of vassal-states. The "Vassalage Era" is traditionally considered to have started in 111 BCE when Ancient Doravo conquered modern-day Tunduk (although Doravan influence in the Lakapati River Delta had begun centuries earlier), and ended with the emergence of the secessionist Batara Dynasty in 100 CE.

Before the arrival of the Doravans, Hintuwan was divided among various polities which together formed a complex web of kinship-based alliances and frequently engaged in trade with both each other as well as neighboring civilizations in the Southern Sea. The Doravans knew of and engaged in commercial activities with Hintuwani peoples such as the Abo-abuhan as far back as 1000 BCE~, although historians speculate this relationship to be much older than carbon-dated artifacts recovered from the period suggest.

The exact reasons for why Doravo decided to embark on a campaign to subjugate the Hintuwani archipelago remain unclear, although it should be noted that Ancient Doravo was in the process of rapid military expansion against other neighboring states during the time that it attacked the estuarine polities of Tunduk. A scribe from the court of an unnamed Köşbasşı (king of Ancient Doravo) states in one account that the Doravans first gained the alliance of a nearby "mountainous peoples", suspected to be the Kiray-a who inhabited the Hangzuishan Mountain Range, before initiating their offensive. As recorded by the same scribe, the outcome of Ancient Doravo's initial gains on the main island of Luhan was the establishment of a traditional Hintuwani blood compact (known as sandugo) between its ruling dynasty and the Datu (leaders) of the people it had occupied. Thereafter the Luhanon Datu provided tribute to the Doravans, whilst Ancient Doravo offered administrative patronage and protection to the Luhanon. Luhanon Datu were also allowed to marry into the family of the Köşbasşı, extending the privileges of the Doravan royalty to the Luhanon royalty. With relative peace established in Luhan, small groups of Kiray-a began migrating South of the Hangzuishan in modern-day Panginoan and Salampatihan.

Doravans introduced several agricultural products that were not present in Hintuwan before their arrival - including sweet potatoes, guavas, dragonfruit, mangoes, as well as an early ancestor of corn. They implemented controlled irrigation which greatly improved crop yields and led to a massive increase of population, introduced a sanitation system in the form of aqueducts, and made masonry widespread through the construction of stone monuments dedicated to both Hintuwani and Doravan deities. A caste system was implemented in Hintuwan which placed satraps of Ancient Doravo (known as Manunungkulan) in charge of leading the Datu, who in turn led freemen known as maharlika and owned servants known as alipin.

The Doravans built several cities including Karnata, which is the site of modern-day Aklatan and Birgül ("one rose"), which was later renamed Ginantungan under the Batara Dynasty.

Ancient Doravo attempted several times to conquer the Panhai region as well, but faced fierce resistance from the highly-militarized Záchwa and Hani-Hani warrior societies. Small Doravan outposts evidenced by the remains of stone towers littered across Kemarak suggests some measure of control over small inland towns, however constant resistance by the indigenous people who inhabited the area frequently jeopardized Doravo's control of the entirety of Panhai. Ancient pirates in the Southern Sea known as Woko-Woko used modern-day archipelagic Gambang as one of their most fortified bases of operation and their asymmetric raids on treasure-fleets coming in and out of the Hintuwani archipelago also posed a major threat to Doravan occupation in Panhai despite Ancient Doravo's renowned naval supremacy during this era.

The Biag ni Suko Batara (Tale of Suko Batara), a highly exaggerated account written by Luhanon scribes which narrates the establishment of the Kedatuan Hintuwan, remains the most exhaustive account regarding how Doravan vassalage was ultimately usurped in 100 CE. According to the biag, a Tunduk-born almirante (admiral) of Ancient Doravo by the name of Suko was bestowed a vision by the Supreme Deity Ba'thala Maykapal that he was destined to unite the peoples of Luhan. This leads him to convince his fellow admirals in the Doravan navy who are of Hintuwani descent to rise up against Ancient Doravo and together they assemble a squadron of 10 ships. These ships are prayed to by Suko and blessed by Ba'thala Maykapal, who then enables him and his admirals to resist 1,000 Doravan imperial galleys. The Biag ends with the coronation of Suko as Suko Batara (having adopted the name of the Supreme Deity himself), and his reign is said to have been long and prosperous.

Many Hintuwani nobles interpreted (or at least propagated the idea of) the Biag as evidence that Suko I Batara was an avatar of Ba'thala, and his descendants are thus children of the Supreme Deity. While the Batara Dynasty never explicitly confirmed this in known written accounts, historians believe that their silence on the matter was a way of mystifying their clan's origins and leaving the Kedatuan's establishing story open to local religious interpretations who in turn exaggerated the account even further.

Regardless of whether the Biag is fact or fiction, the Kedatuan Hintuwan was ruled as an oligarchy of Datu led by a hereditary monarch (known as the Lakan) until 1106 CE when a succession crisis ended the propagation of the Batara Dynasty.

by **Hintuwan** » Tue Apr 05, 2022 8:41 am

Haijing is the capital of Hintuwan and its most populated city, with over 924,973 inhabitants in 2020. It is located on the eastern shore of Haijing Bay in Tunduk Province, National Capital Governorate - which Haijing is also the capital of. The Lakapati River flows directly through the middle of Haijing from the Hangzuishan Range, dividing the city into northern and southern sections ("north bank" and "south bank"). The cultural and historical centerpiece of the city is its "old town" known as Haijing El Viejo.

Haijing was established sometime during the Vassalage Era by ethnic Han migrants. The name Haijing is derived from the language of the Han, and directly translates to "the seaside capital" (lit. sea capital; hai meaning sea + jing meaning capital city). The city has seen numerous battles throughout Hintuwani history - it has been destroyed and reconstructed on more occasions than any other city in The Western Isles.

Most people in Haijing live in high-rise apartment buildings, and there are more professionals without dependents in Haijing than in any other city in Hintuwan. A few suburbs lie along the Lakapati River, on the outskirts of Haijing - most of which used to be farmland until around two to three decades ago.

Retail and manufacturing remain among Haijing's biggest industries, although its residents are increasingly turning to office-based livelihoods such as the Business Processing Output (BPO) and Information Technology (IT) sectors.

Roughly 70% of the electricity consumed by Haijing is generated by coal power plants in Sambel Province while 30% is generated by the Talimaylan Dam, a small hydroelectric plant located on the northern bank that connects water flowing from the Hangzuishan to Lake Bakunawahan.

The water infrastructure of Haijing is infamously precarious. This is because Haijing's high level of pollution has rendered the water of the Lakapati River in the sections where it passes through the city no longer safe for drinking. Private companies operating fleets of supply trucks are therefore primarily responsible for regularly transporting barrels of potable water from purification plants in Lake Bakunawahan to reservoirs on the outskirts of Haijing. When this network is disrupted due to infrastructure damage caused by natural disasters or other factors, the price of potable water in Hintuwan has a tendency to skyrocket.

Haijing accomodates five major hospitals, among which are some of Hintuwan's most advanced medical institutions. Alongside several smaller private clinics scattered throughout the city, Haijing's medical infrastructure is composed of the:

Haijing Medical Center;
Hintuwan General Hospital;
Dr. Ricardo Nguyen Memorial Hospital;
Mary of the Immaculate Conception Medical Center; and the
Commonwealth Army of Hintuwan Medical Center

Haijing houses several important government buildings, most notably, the Haijing Palatial Tower - a decorated multi-story tower which serves as the residence of Hintuwan's royal family. The Bulwagang Batasan (Hall of Laws), where Hintuwan's parliament convenes, is also located in Haijing. It takes the shape of a large, enclosed two-story complex which houses office blocks for the parliament's elected political parties as well as the National Library.

Other notable structures in Haijing include the University of Hintuwan (UH Haijing), the country's national university; the Cultural Center of Hintuwan, a large amphitheater operated by the Hintuwani government for the purposes of preserving Hintuwani performing arts; the National Museum of Hintuwan, which contains several historical artifacts such as the Kesampuhan's royal copperplate collection; the Jay Limwit Sports Complex, where sports games of national importance are held; the Haijing Cathedral, established by the Dominican Order in the year 1771 as one of Hintuwan's largest Roman Catholic churches; and the Haijing Memorial, where many of Hintuwan's great thinkers, presidents, monarchs, and war heroes are buried.

Haijing also hosts Hintuwan's only Pizza Zone branch.

by **Hintuwan** » Tue Apr 05, 2022 10:15 am

Macapulao is a city in Kemarak del Sur Province, on the island of Kemarak. It is the regional center and seat of government of the Governorate of Kemarak. In 2020, it was recorded to have been inhabited by 721,929 people. The city resides on the western bank of the Tacugupan River which pours outward into the Hintuwan Sea from Mt. Hsikareik.

Macapulao was established by native Kemarakans in antiquity, and was once the beating heart of the Macapulao Empire (Kedatuan Macapulao) which ruled over much of Kemarak and Dapitlupa for most of its existence. The Macapulao Empire collapsed when its leaders supported the pretender Mok Dynasty during the Mok War of 1134 and was annexed into Hintuwan by the Batara Restoration Dynasty in 1136. Macapulao's leaders were represented in the Kesampuhan alliance of clans until Hintuwan was itself annexed by the Pordhesian Empire in 1762.

Low-rise apartments and suburban family homes predominantly dot Macapulao's landscape, although a few high-rise office buildings (mostly operated by Hintuwani shipping companies) and several malls compose the bulk of the city center.

Macapulao and its metropolitan area exerts influence on commerce, trade, industry, education, culture, tourism and healthcare beyond the region, over the entirety of Panhai and partly over Lan Guó. It is Hintuwan's main domestic shipping port and is home to about 80% of the country's domestic shipping companies.

Electricity is generated for Macapulao by a series of windmills on the slopes of Mt. Hsikareik however roughly half of its power output still comes from coal power plants which operate on the outskirts of the city. In 2010, Kemarakan leaders vowed to gradually phase these plants out however the progress of this initiative has slowed down in recent years.

Water purification plants have been set-up on the eastern bank of the Tacugupan River, and the city also imports limited amounts of potable water from desalination facilities in the northern Kemarakan town of Sitawan.

Macapulao operates two major hospitals. Alongside several smaller private clinics scattered throughout the city, Macapulao's medical infrastructure is composed of the:

Macapulao Doctors' University Hospital; and the
St. Vincent General Hospital

Macapulao is known for being the home of the Center for Southern Sea Arts, a research institution and public museum funded by the government of Hintuwan to research and showcase the arts of Hintuwan's neighboring countries. The center houses a vast collection of paintings and sculptures in the modern and post-modern styles, and hosts several internationally-operated consulates working to bring a greater appreciation of foreign cultures to Hintuwanis.

by **Hintuwan** » Tue Apr 05, 2022 11:16 am

Van Hoorn is a city in New Annecy Province, Governorate of La Paz. In 2020, it had a population of 216,062 residents.

Van Hoorn was founded in 1915 during the Doraltic occupation of Hintuwan as an industrialized fishing settlement in order to accommodate the increasing demand for food in rapidly-growing urban centers of Hintuwan at the time such as Haijing and Macapulao. The city was named after one of the most prominent Staatskapitein of Dormill and Stiura, Joan van Hoorn, as a tribute to Doraltic teachers who in the early 1900s established a new public education system in Hintuwan, taught basic education, and trained Hintuwani teachers with English as the medium of instruction.

Residences in Van Hoorn are primarily suburban. Most of the city's inhabitants belong to large families with deep family connections which can be traced all the way back to when the city was first founded. Squatter's areas are a common sight, and homeless people can often be seen living under the city's many highways and bridges.

Van Hoorn remains one of Hintuwan's most productive fishery centers. A network of coral reefs along the west coast of La Paz houses significant numbers of tuna and sardines which, when caught and sold, make up the bulk of Van Hoorn's local and domestic market exports. Most of the city's inhabitants make a living either as fishermen or as clerks for fishing businesses, although the number of micro-small-medium fishing enterprises has drastically decreased in recent years and foreign fishing monopolies from Hyukai and New Aapelistan have exercised more and more influence over the region's lucrative economic output.

The city consumes a relatively low amount of electricity. What little its power grid does consume is sourced from windmills in New Temple. Its potable water supply is imported from desalination plants in Cape Favre.

The Saint Bernulf of Utrecht Cathedral is the city's religious centerpiece and the capital parish of the Archdiocese of Talaghay. Predominantly Gothic in design and based on medieval Doraltic architecture, the cathedral - built in 1926 - is characterized by its pointed arches, ribbed vaults, and flying buttresses. Intricate stained glass windows, depicting scenes from biblical narratives, adorn the walls, creating a luminous kaleidoscope of colors within. The façade of Saint Bernulf's is adorned with finely detailed sculptures depicting saints, angels, and religious motifs. Two towering spires flank the entrance, their intricate stonework reaching toward the sky. The main entrance is framed by a grandiose portal, its arches adorned with sculpted scenes narrating moments from the life of Saint Bernulf.

Van Hoorn is severely lacking in medical infrastructure and only operates one major hospital, the Dr. Roko Cabadligan Memorial Hospital. Clinics are scattered across the city few and far between. Van Hoorn reports the highest child mortality rate and number of deaths by easily-preventable illnesses in Hintuwan.

by **Hintuwan** » Wed Apr 06, 2022 7:22 am

Turarong is a city on the island of Gambang (Gambang Island Province) and the capital of the Governorate of Peninsular Gambang. According to a 2020 census, it has a population of 131,171. It resides on the far western tip of the island of Gambang, and is flanked by two rivers: the Betang River (to the North) and the Dagubalay River (to the South).

According to oral tradition, Turarong was founded in the late 10th or early 11th century as a settlement by natives of Dapitlupa who were being persecuted by the primarily animist Macapulao Empire for their adherance to Islam. It quickly became the site of trade among Hintuwanis, Aprosians (from New Aapelistan), Kemarakans as well as Hacopare and Iza from modern-day Corindia together with different native ethnic groups around the area. It became a vassal of the Batara Restoration Dynasty sometime during the 12th century and was gradually annexed into the increasingly expansionist Kedatuan Hintuwan.

Turarong remains deeply Muslim and possesses a diverse diaspora of adherents of different Islamic sects, although Shi'ism is demographically predominant. The city hosts the second largest concentration of Muslims in Hintuwan, next to Sultan Dawud.

Families living together in Turarong tend to be larger and more closely knit compared to other cities in Hintuwan due to men being allowed to have multiple wives by Islam. This results in sprawling suburban households, which tend to be multi-storied and built to accommodate at least three generations of families each.

Manufacturing, particularly food processing, is the city's biggest industry. Agricultural products are transported from all across the vast farmland and fisheries of the island of Gambang to be turned into canned goods by the large factories of Turarong.

Electricity is supplied to the city by the Gambang Electric Cooperative (GEC), a non-stock, non-profit electric cooperative which manages the Popong Amorin Dam: a hydroelectric plant in Sithaya located on the Dagubalay River Delta. Meanwhile, Turarong sources its potable water from purification plants on the outskirts of the city, along the Betang River.

Turarong operates three major hospitals, all of which are large and more than capable of tending to the city's relatively small population. Private clinics are few and far between. Its hospitals include the:

Imam Amjad el-Awan Memorial Hospital;
Turarong General Hospital; and the
University of Eastern Hintuwan Medical Center

Turarong's most famous building is the Gambang Grand Mosque - also known as the Islamic Center of Gambang. It began construction in the 1950s and was completed in 1970. Its construction was led by the site's landowner, a Kemarkan nobleman by the name of Maritangas Gokarta of Clan Pangarungan, with funding coming from local-based private individuals and some foreign donors. Muslim ambassadors to Hintuwan often make stopovers to the mosque when making official visits. The mosque is one of the popular tourist destinations in Hintuwan. The Gambang Grand Mosque was designed to attract believers of the Muslim faith throughout the entirety of the Gambang Peninsula. It has three floors and a basement and has a total floor area of 9,434 m2 (101,550 sq ft) square meters. It has the capacity to accommodate 20,000 worshippers at any given time, and is considered to be the biggest Islamic place of worship in Hintuwan.

Terrorism is a latent problem in Turarong. One such group, the Gambang Group - a militant organization seeking a separate state for Muslims in Hintuwan called "Bangsagambang" - posseses the intent and capability to carry out attacks anywhere in Turarong especially in places visited by foreigners, such as shopping malls, entertainment establishments, public transport (including airports and the metro system) and places of worship. Attacks are known to have been carried out using small arms and improvised explosive devices, including both vehicle and personnel borne. There have been a total of 56 kidnap-for-ransom cases carried out by the GNIS between the years of 2015 and 2020 in Turarong.

by **Hintuwan** » Wed Apr 13, 2022 7:58 pm

Alpas Motors Manufacturing Inc., more commonly known as simply Alpas Motors is a Hintuwani multinational automotive manufacturer headquartered in General Macalinao City, San Bernardino Occidental, Hintuwan. Founded by the visionary Hintuwani industrialist Sidal Matang and incorporated on August 28, 1951, Alpas produces close to a million vehicles per year.

In the aftermath of its involvement as a protectorate of the United Republics of Dormill and Stiura during the Imperial War, Hintuwan found itself in possession of a large number of military purpose light utility and reconnaissance trucks which were left behind by the liberation forces of the Free Powers. To maintain and build more of these wartime vehicles, the government nationalized a series of small armament factories and automotive coach-builders into the Haijing Armamement Corporation (HAC) in 1945. This was a popular move, as it guaranteed struggling businesses would continue to survive and workers would continue to be employed while also increasing Hintuwan's capability to defend itself against a strengthening communist insurgency.

By the '50s, the basic design of the vehicles was horrendously out of date, thus the HAC commenced development of a newer, larger model with contemporary engines and components. This new design, though more capable than the old design, was overly complex and difficult to repair in the field. Around the same time, the communist insurgency situation of Hintuwan was also beginning to stabilize. Thus, the Hintuwani government abandoned locally-manufactured arms production and the maintenance of a large military in favor of outsourcing the task to foreign nations with much more streamlined arms production. It also privatized most of the HAC's assets into Alpas Motors, which began manufacturing civilian purpose vehicles and became the company we know today.

Alpas is a Hintuwanese term meaning "to break loose" or "to break free", which is also Alpas Motors' slogan. Alpas believes that the unparalleled freedom which the open road provides should be available to everyone, which is why it has spent the last half-century creating capable yet cost-effective private transportation vehicles aimed at providing an experience that truly lets its drivers break free from the rigors of everyday life.

You can franchise Alpas Motors here.

by **Hintuwan** » Fri Apr 15, 2022 1:57 am

Pueblo Rum Distillery Ltd., more commonly known as simply Pueblo Rum, is Hintuwan's second oldest and largest distillery with a rich tradition of producing a variety of traditional "Kemarakan" rums since it was founded in 1893. Pueblo Rum produces 80% of Hintuwan's rum, and its portfolio consists of widely popular award-winning labels such as Macapulao's Finest © - an affordable 5% ABV rum made using streamlined production methods, Prinsepe Brew © - a line of experimental multi-flavor rums, and Plantation Classica © - Pueblo's most luxurious product made using slower, more traditional methods for those who enjoy the finer things in life. Pueblo Rum produces rum for all of the bottlers on the island of Kemarak, where the company is headquartered and where most of its bottling plants reside, as well as a handful of other foreign companies.

Hintuwani rums are typically produced with a combination of column and pot stills, which means rum from Hintuwan is well-balanced and somewhere between light rums and heavy, dark rums. Pueblo Rum Distillery Ltd. crafts Rum from sugar cane molasses, sourced from Sarikula island and the Gambang peninsula.

You can import Pueblo Rum here.

by **Hintuwan** » Sat Apr 16, 2022 9:36 pm

Lakan Kalahok II Luntian performing the salute during his accession ceremony (1955)

The Hintuwani Patriotic Salute is a salute used in various national ceremonies (primarily on military occasions) in Hintuwan performed by extending the right arm from the neck by a 45° angle into the air with a palm outward, straightened hand. Usually, the person offering the salute would follow its performance by saying "Mabuhay ang Lakan!" ("Long live the Lakan!"), "Mabuhay ka!" ("Long life to you!"), or simply "Mabuhay!" ("Long life!"). The patriotic salute was popularized during the 1950s and was erroneously believed to be based on an ancient Kesampuhan era Hintuwani custom that signified putting one's hand on an imaginary Bible or Qur'an.

Today, many members of the Hintuwani citizenry, government, and military still use the outstretched right arm salute to greet the Lakan, who usually responds by raising his own right hand crooked back at the elbow, palm opened upwards, in a gesture of acceptance. The salute is sometimes offered to the flag of Hintuwan during recitations of the patriotic oath. The patriotic salute is generally understood to be a display of commitment to the Hintuwani monarchy as well as a declaration of the traditional Hintuwani principle of loyalty and honor to the outside world.

by **Hintuwan** » Mon Apr 18, 2022 11:40 pm

There are currently no laws explicitly prohibiting child labor in the Commonwealth of Hintuwan. Many factors contribute to the continued utilisation of child labor in the country - some of which include lobbying by influential corporations, a lack of political will in the Hintuwani government, and fears that the informal sector may collapse if such laws were enforced.

Despite - or perhaps because of - its fast-growing economy, Hintuwan has witnessed substantial increases in the private and informal sector's reliance on child labor over the past few decades. The use of vocational work and study schemes, along with the continued use of children in factories, present significant supply chain risks to companies even in the country's more economically developed provinces. The deliberate trafficking of children into forced labor, while less common compared to other states in the Southern Sea region, is generally rare in Hintuwan as children are often given the same benefits as adult employees by most legitimate businesses that hire them.

Estimates of how many children are involved in Hintuwan's workforce vary vastly, with the lowest reports citing around 5,000 and some of the highest claiming well over 20,000. Most heavy industry and informal sector workplaces in Hintuwan's largest cities overtly display their usage of child labor, and usually do so without protest from the general population.

by **Hintuwan** » Wed May 25, 2022 9:26 am

Hintuwani names are the primary means of identifying and referring to a person in Hintuwan. To outsiders they are often the subject of much confusion in that they may belong to one or any combination of the three dominant naming conventions which were popularized throughout different eras of Hintuwan's history: the "traditional" system, the Pordhesian system, and the Doraltic system.

"Traditional" System

The serial structure present in most Western names appeared in the national culture of Hintuwan gradually, often reflecting socio-linguistic changes which ran parallel to its emergence. For most of its history, the Kedatuan Hintuwan did not facilitate the implementation of any sort of customary matronymic or patronymic system and thus its people possessed no surname at all. Academics have sometimes attached surnames to members of the Kedatuan's nobility in textbooks, especially as a means of tracing the lineage of the Synod of Aklatan's members back to their original ancestors, however it should be noted that this was done after the fact and is not at all indicative of how they would have referred to themselves when they were alive.

"Traditional" Hintuwani names can be based on a wide variety of things, a fact which reflects the sheer diversity of cultures which inhabited Hintuwan prior to its colonization. They are sometimes descriptive of the quality of the person (e.g. Dakila, "great"; Mayumi, "elegant"; Magiting, "brave"; Dalisay, "pure"), inspired from flora and fauna (e.g. Bulalacao or Bulalakaw, a prophetic bird from Mangin mythology; Bituin, "star"; Tagugay, a type of jasmine unique to Hintuwan), or even - following the arrival of Islam in the country circa 14th century CE - adopted from Muslim prophets (e.g. Mohammed, Dawud, Maryam).

Pordhesian System

Colonization under Pordhes introduced the convention of having one or more personal names (nombre) followed by two surnames (apellido) – usually the father's paternal family name and then the mother's paternal family name (e.g. Juan de la Cruz y Lopez, where "Juan" is the nombre while "de la Cruz" and "Lopez" are the apellido). Surnames became an essential part of Pordhes' tax collection system and also helped the imperial bureaucracy keep a written record of each Hintuwani family's land holdings as the population of the archipelago increased.

Given names were often carried over from traditional Hintuwani naming conventions especially in the early days of the Pordhesian system's adoption. Surnames were chosen at random from a list recommended by the colonial government. As time went on and Hintuwani people became increasingly adaptive to Western culture, they began naming their children after famous Pordhesians (such as Pordhesian Kings and colonial governors) as well as Catholic saints.

Doraltic System

The establishment of a protectorate in Hintuwan by Dormill and Stiura encouraged some Hintuwani people to adopt the Doraltic standard of abbreviating one's maternal name with a middle initial (e.g. John H. Appleseed, where "H" is the middle initial).

Honorifics

One trait which many Hintuwani names have inherited from the traditional system is that they often use an honorific, given at some point in life, as an integral part of their name. Some Hintuwani people change their name in accordance with these honorifics at will, often with no government oversight, usually to reflect a change in the course of their lives. Honorifics supplement a given name, and can be the normal form of address used both in writing and in speech, especially with a name of one or two syllables. Widespread use of honorifics is found within all cultures in the Hintuwani archipelago. Although some ethnic groups have special honorifics, these words are recognized and applied by other groups (rather than being translated).

In official documents Hintuwani names are indexed by the first element unless this element is an honorific. Honorifics are mentioned after the other elements of the name, separated by a comma, or are not stated at all.

Below are some common honorifics used in Hintuwani names:

PREFIXES

Honorific	Rough Translation	Usage
Mang (Mn.)	Mr.	Working adult men
Manang (Mnn.)	Ms.	Working adult women or adult women who are married to working men
Ginoo/Ginoong (G.)	Sir	Men in a senior position
Ginang (Gn.)	Ma'am	Women in a senior position
Tanlos	Brother	Young boys
Baching	Sister	Young ladies; sometimes used by women of the same age as a term of endearment to refer to one another
Ngon	Master/Sir	Men, typically of noble or elderly Panhaian descent
Ngan	Lady/Madam	Women, typically of noble or elderly Panhaian descent
Kouron	Lesser	Slaves, widely used during the Mok Dynasty Era in Panhai but now considered derogatory
Tandang/Tanda	Elder	Elderly men in a senior political, philosophical, or consultative position; sometimes used by those with higher education (i.e. people with PhDs)
Kepe	Head	First adopted by members of the Royal Guard around the 17th-18th century; used by military, police, and other peacekeeping officers in general
Zao	Organizer	Mangin chieftains
Quai	Treasured	Wives, typically of Mangin descent but popular among Luhanon nobility

SUFFIXES

Honorific	Translation	Usage
Malaki	Big/Great	To show respect
Maybahay	Lit.: House-owner, used like Mrs.	Married women
Maylupa	Landowner	Luhanon nobles (Datu) or freemen (Maharlika) who own farmland and pay servants to cultivate it
Dilisamba	Non-believer	Dhimmi in Panhai; increasingly rare
Palasamba	Lit.: [One who] often prays	Panhaian monks, shamans, and imams - typically those who are senior or have achieved something of importance in the field of religion
Ramaya	Teacher	First adopted by scholarly advisers of the Datu as a reference to the pagan Luhanon deity of the same name; used by members of the academe
Palagoog	Lit.: [One who] often toils	Blacksmiths, masons, and other Maharlika craftsmen; increasingly rare
Palabaybay	Lit.: [One who] often travels	Sailors; sometimes used by diplomats

Notable Examples:

Tandang Lontok Seremhat Bagtas Masipag Luntian y Maungtaga XI Malaki Palasamba, Lakan of Hintuwan
Ginoong Tjandrakusuma Guang Ramaya, Hintuwani Minister of Health
Kepe Severo Malatang, a Hintuwani MP
Manang Teresita Carnila Maybahay, a Haijing-based Singer/Songwriter
Quai Seung-Ri Choi, Vice Mayor of Pagagos

by **Hintuwan** » Thu May 26, 2022 7:39 am

Lèse-majesté (meaning "to do wrong to majesty") in Hintuwan is a crime according to Section 112 of the Hintuwani Criminal Code. It is illegal to defame, insult, or threaten the royal family of Hintuwan (Lakan, Dayang, Dayang-dayang, Prinsepe, and any other member of the Luntian Clan). Modern Hintuwani lèse-majesté law has been on the statute books since the Restoration of Titles Act was passed in 1955. Hintuwan is one of the only constitutional monarchies to have strengthened its lèse-majesté law since the Imperial War. With penalties ranging from three to fifteen years imprisonment for each count, it has been described as the "the harshest lèse-majesté law in The Western Isles".

There is substantial room for interpretation as to what counts as defamation, which has caused great controversy in the past. Broad interpretation of the law reflects the inviolable status of the Lakan, resembling feudal or absolute monarchs. Hintuwan's Supreme Court has decided that the law applies to prior monarchs and in recent years some Hintuwani politicians have argued that it should apply to national heroes as well. Criticism of the Hintuwani monarchy as an institution has raised the question of whether lèse-majesté applies by association however even attempting to commit lèse-majesté, making sarcastic comments about the Lakan's pets, and failure to rebuke an offense have all been prosecuted as lèse-majesté in the past.

The leaders of the 1972 coup d'état which put into power the Cagalanganista military dictatorship cited a surge of alleged lèse-majesté charges as one of their primary reasons for overthrowing the elected government. In 1987, following the collapse of the Cagalanganista dictatorship, the Hintuwani transitionary government temporarily granted authority to army courts to prosecute lèse-majesté which resulted in several secret trials that imposed harsh sentences upon those which they accused. Although this authority was repealed in 1990, some human rights groups have continued to condemn lèse-majesté law in Hintuwan as a political weapon and a means to restrict freedom of speech.

The last time a Hintuwani citizen was imprisoned due to lèse-majesté was in 2015, when a 37-year-old self-identifying "anarchist" woman on social media threatened to detonate an explosive device to kill the Lakan resulting in 87 years imprisonment, reduced to 10 years because the defendant turned herself in and pleaded guilty.

by **Hintuwan** » Fri May 27, 2022 12:29 pm

Flag of the Second Republic of Hintuwan, appropriated from an earlier design

The Second Republic of Hintuwan (Hintuwanese: Pangalawang Repúbliká ng Hintuwan; Pordhesian: Segunda República de Hintuwan), sometimes called the Second Hintuwani Republic but officially known as simply the Republic of Hintuwan was a fraternalist satellite state sponsored by Dormill and Stiura established on October 30, 1943, during the Doraltic occupation of Hintuwan. It was the second state to be established with the pretitle of "Republic" since the original First Republic of Hintuwan was proclaimed in the aftermath of the Hintuwani Revolution. The circumstances of its provisional "independence" from Dormill and Stiura, lack of recognition from the international community, perpetration of human rights abuses, and inability to implement genuine democracy led to opposition by Hintuwani revolutionaries from the very beginning of its establishment culminating in the Hintuwani Civil War and the establishment of the Commonwealth of Hintuwan.

Problems Faced by the Republic

The Second Republic of Hintuwan went through many political changes during its existence. In the aftermath of its independence, the Republic had inherited a government system that respected the separation of powers and was divided into the executive composed of the president, vice president, and cabinet members; the legislature, known as the Congress of Hintuwan, which was divided into a Senate and a House of Representatives; as well as the judiciary which was made up of a hierarchy of several regional trial courts - the highest of which was known as the Supreme Court. The Senate of Hintuwan was initially exclusive only to recognized members of Hintuwan's royal clans due to privileges that were established by the Favre presidency during the first half of the Doraltic occupation of Hintuwan. This system was unpopular, however, largely because monarchical leaders were considered collaborators during Pordhesian rule. In 1945, it was repealed entirely through an executive order issued by the Second Republic's first president, Bayubay Hamexas, which allowed anyone to run for the senate regardless of their relation to Hintuwan's royal clans leading to malcontent among the nobility.

Despite Hamexas' reforms opening almost all government positions for election by and from the general public, the Second Republic's projection of itself as a democracy was farcical at best. Although opposition parties were permitted during the early years of the Second Republic's rule, Hamexas' party known as the Association of New Liberals (ANL) consistently maintained the majority of posts throughout its existence. This majority was facilitated by Doraltic agents who enforced fraternalist ideological hegemony in Hintuwani politics by manipulating ballots and assassinating rivals vying to change the status quo as they considered their projection of power in the Southern Sea region to be sacrosanct. Dormill and Stiura effectively controlled the career of President Bayubay Hamexas, with Doraltic agents going so far as to physically beat him when the Hintuwani leader delivered a speech written by a fellow Hintuwani. Later on, as the regime began to fail, Doraltic agents also instigated a plot to introduce him to copious amounts of addictive drugs such as cocaine to ensure his dependence on financial aid from the Doraltic government.

Another problem faced by the Second Republic was its intolerance for the creole population of Hintuwan. Inspired by the ideas of the fraternalist movement in Dormill and Stiura, President Hamexas' reigning faction of New Liberals promoted the idea that Hintuwani society had been infiltrated from the ground up by "unclean races". The origin of Hamexas' hatred of creoles is not clear, however he described his development into an anti-creole as the result of a long, personal struggle which culminated in the loss of his Dalawampuhan faction to Mercadejas' creole cabinet in the Aklatan Convention of 1906. This hatred also built upon centuries of stereotypes welcomed in some Hintuwani circles which viewed creoles as greedy and opportunistic, as they were brought to Hintuwan as slaves during the Pordhesian colonial era. Under Hamexas' administration as president, the persecution of the creoles became an active government policy. In addition to experiencing discrimination in employment, welfare, and housing, creoles in the Second Republic were also barred from pursuing higher education, were socially isolated, and forbidden to have sexual relations and marriages with Hintuwani people. Extrajudicial imprisonment and killing was also carried out against the creoles albeit in secret through the establishment of death-camps such as the infamous Pantiyon (Hintuwanese: lit. "The Tomb") in New Annecy province where 11,000~ people were interred and an estimated 5,191 people perished.

Leaders of the Second Republic attempted to show that their independence was genuine by making efforts to rectify the myriad of problems the country was facing on their own volition. Prioritizing the shortages of food, the government organized an agency to distribute rice, even though most of the rice was confiscated by Doraltic soldiers. In order to improve the economy, a national currency known as the Hintuwani Piloncito (HNP) was also established in 1943 which consisted of denominations of 1, 5, 10 and 50 centavos and 1, 5, and 10 piloncito bills. The next year brought "replacement notes" of the 1, 5 and 10 piloncitoes while 1944 ushered in a 100 piloncito note and soon after an inflationary 500 piloncito note. In 1945, the government issued a 1,000 piloncito note. This set of new money became infamous for its very low value caused by severe inflation. Opposition newspapers during this time reported many stories of citizens going to the market laden with suitcases or bayong (native bags made of woven coconut or buri leaf strips) overflowing with the government-issued bills. The failure of this program only served to push the Hintuwani government to shy away from economic reforms, which exacerbated poverty conditions in the country.

Involvement in the Imperial War

The outbreak of war between Roendavar and Athara Magarat in 1943 as part of a wider conflict which began in 1941 known as the Imperial War represented a dangerous shift in the balance of power on the continent of Gael, and ultimately triggered Dormill and Stiura's involvement on the side of Roendavar and the Free Powers in order to contain the growing influence of the revaunchist Athara Magarat and the Neo-Imperialists. As a Doraltic satellite state, Hintuwan mobilized national guard combat brigades mainly composed of volunteers and joined the war on the Free Powers' side at the behest of Dormill and Stiura. Notable engagements in which Hintuwani soldiers played a key role include the 1943-1947 defense of Gael, the 1947 invasion of Doravo, and the 1948 invasion of Athara Magarat.

The Royal Haijing Regiment during the Battle of Ginantungan (1949)

Hintuwani Civil War

Opposition to the Second Republic was led by the Kilusang Bayang Muog (National Fortress Movement), a racial equality league founded during the North Haijing High School Crisis of 1931 which by the 1950s had grown into a broad coalition composed of democratic, federalist, and monarchist groups which militantly opposed fraternalism and wanted an end to continued Doraltic influence in Hintuwani politics. The KBM was able to conquer vast swathes of rural Hintuwani territory by effectively waging a protracted guerilla war in areas North of Haijing against the Doraltic military. They continued this struggle against Hamexas' government even after the country's independence was nominally gained from Dormill and Stiura.

The preoccupation of the Doraltic military with the Imperial War only strengthened the resolve of the KBM and worsened the insurgency situation in Hintuwan. In December 1948, the KBM moved their base of operations to a cavern complex at the foot of Mt. Suko Batara known as Faro de la Libertad (Beacon of Liberty, sometimes referred to as simply La Faro or "The Lighthouse") and used it to stage skirmishes against the fraternalist garrisons in Dambana, Kawayan, and Anihan. The KBM also used it to stockpile arms and other resources needed by its agents operating in major cities of the Mangin Archipelago and the Gambang Peninsula, including Tisang and Turarong.

Noting heightened KBM activity, battle-hardened Hintuwani national guard combat brigades deployed overseas during the Imperial War were gradually sent home by the Doraltic government beginning early 1949. On March 31st of the same year, the death of the exiled first president of the First Republic of Hintuwan, Virgilio Mercadejas, as result of old age in the Doraltic city of Kapolder re-ignited nationalist sentiments among Hintuwanis and sparked massive anti-fraternalist protests (partly orchestrated by KBM agents) on the streets of Haijing, forcing the Second Republic to move its entire entire government to Olonriñas for safekeeping.

On April 9th KBM forces took over the entire city of Ginantungan and hijacked its radio station for use by former Vice President and Chairman of the Federalist Party of Hintuwan (FPH), Sigat Orogupan, who alongside a few other federalist politicians had joined the KBM only a few weeks prior.

In a now-infamous speech Orogupan made public his contempt for the persecution of the creoles, denounced fraternalism, pledged his allegiance to the cause of the KBM, and affirmed armed struggle as the only way to permanently expel Dormill and Stiura's colonial control over the country. This caused several contingents of the Second Republic's army - particularly those who had fought alongside or under the command of Orogupan during the Hintuwani Revolution - to go AWOL and join the KBM.

From April 16th to 25th, the KBM waged an all-out assault on the strategically-important port cities along the Bacalan coast but quickly called it off after fraternalist forces broke the KBM's siege of Mijung in Salampatihan. Still, the offensive succeeded in allowing the KBM to assert their control over urban Cabalagdag and has come to be known as the March on Mangin, considered to be the first military campaign of a conflict which observers would eventually take to calling the Hintuwani Civil War.

"Free and Noble Citizens of Hintuwan,

Today, I stand before you, not just as a voice but as a heartbeat resonating with the collective will of a people yearning for freedom. We find ourselves at a crossroads, facing a menace that threatens the very essence of our being. The shadow of fraternalism looms over our land, seeking to extinguish the flames of liberty and chain us to the shackles of oppression. Fraternalism, that dark and malevolent force, thrives on the subjugation of the weak, the suppression of diversity, and the worship of a twisted notion of strength. It revels in regimentation, reducing human beings to mere pawns in a heartless game of power. Fraternalism has crept into the corridors of power, poisoning the very essence of our society. It is a scourge that thrives on division, sowing the seeds of hatred among us.

We must stand united against this affront to our shared humanity. I declare before you all that fraternalism shall find refuge within our borders no longer. We, the sons and daughters of Hintuwan, will not bow to this insidious ideology.

In the face of this threat, we forge a new destiny. The KBM has transformed into the guardian of our aspirations, standing not as an end but as a means to an end. We, the defenders of liberty, reject the shackles of dictatorship and embrace the values that define us – democracy, justice, and equality. To those who have joined the ranks of the KBM, you are not merely soldiers; you are architects of a new dawn. Your sacrifices pave the way for a future where every citizen stands as an equal, irrespective of their background or beliefs. The war council assembled, not as rulers, but as servants of the people, commits to safeguarding the principles that form the bedrock of our society.

Armed struggle, my fellow citizens, is not a choice lightly made. It is the only recourse left to us when diplomacy has failed when the cries of the oppressed have fallen on deaf ears. We must rise against the colonial chains that bind us to Dormill and Stiura's whims, for they do not have our best interests at heart. We must denounce fraternalism, not with hatred, but with a solemn duty to protect our homeland. A beacon of hope in a world darkened by the clouds of oppression. Let every citizen, every town, and every village echo this declaration. Let it resonate in the hearts of those who yearn for freedom.

To my comrades in arms, those who have fought alongside me in the Hintuwani Revolution, I extend an invitation. The KBM welcomes you with open arms, for it is through our unity that we shall forge a path to true liberation. In unity, in resilience, and in the spirit of liberty, we shall prevail. The Hintuwani people and their army, in their righteous might, are marching together towards a total and absolute victory.

May freedom guide our path and justice be our shield. Mabuhay!"

— Sigat Orogupan, 1949 "Ginantungan Speech"

Flag used by the Commonwealth of Hintuwan to distinguish itself from the Republic during the Hintuwani Civil War

The Commonwealth Proclamation

As its frontline with the Second Republic solidified and both sides became unable to advance against each other past Mt. Suko Batara, the KBM's leadership began to form a revolutionary government to administer its newly-acquired territories. Rather than hold elections which could cause instability and compromise the KBM's capability to win its current war with the fraternalists, a war council (consejo de guerra) with dictatorial powers composed of its most influential leaders was instead established. It included Sigat Orogupan, Enrico Mabalapi (founder of the KBM), Raymond Deshommes (former Minister of Economics of the First Republic, founder of the Communist Party of Hintuwan), Seikshwe IV of the Cerong Clan (a Brigadier-General of the Second Republic who defected together with his men during the March on Mangin), and Martin III of the Marabay Clan (an anti-fraternalist senator purged from the Second Republic in 1944 popular for being a direct descendant of the Kesampuhan).

On May 2nd, the consejo de guerra - broadcasting from Ginantungan - declared the establishment of their revolutionary government as the Commonwealth of Hintuwan, a state independent of the Second Republic of Hintuwan vowing to eliminate the scourge of fraternalism and foreign occupation by Dormill and Stiura once and for all.

End of the Republic

The deployment of Doraltic military forces to Hintuwan in full force to supplement the cadre of military advisors guiding the Second Republic's fraternalist armed forces temporarily stemmed the advance of insurgents however the infiltration of the Mangin Archipelago and the island of Kemarak by anti-fraternalist militias would gradually turn the tide of the war in favor of the Commonwealth. A regular bombing campaign over Cabalagdag was conducted by offshore Doraltic Navy airplanes, warships, and aircraft carriers joined by Air Force squadrons through 1950 and 1951. Fighting up to that point peaked during the Bagumbuwan Offensive of February 1953, when there were over a million Second Republic soldiers and 500,000 Dormill-Stiuran soldiers in Hintuwan. What started as a guerrilla war eventually turned into a more conventional fight as the balance of power became equalized. An even larger, armored invasion from the North commenced during the Easter Offensive of 1954 following Dormill and Stiura ground forces withdrawal, and had nearly overrun some major northern cities until beaten back.

The regular Commonwealth army and militia auxiliaries launched a major second combined-arms conventional invasion in 1955. Commonwealth forces overran Olonriñas on the April 30th, 1955, marking the end of the Second Republic of Hintuwan. On the July 2nd that same year, the Commonwealth-controlled Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of Hintuwan (PRG-RH) was formally merged into the Commonwealth of Hintuwan.

by **Hintuwan** » Mon May 30, 2022 8:26 am

A Batara Dynasty era Hintuwani warrior

The Hintuwani Conquest of Ivolshok, known as the Eastern Expedition (Hintuwanese: Silanganang Pandadayuhan) in Hintuwan and as the Hintuwani Invasion Period in Ivolshok, refers to a series of military campaigns to bring the Ivolshokian archipelago under the control of occupying Batara Dynasty era Kedatuan Hintuwan forces.

Ivolshok before the arrival of the Hintuwanis was divided into different often-warring civilizations and had enjoyed ample trading links with the people of Hintuwan since antiquity. Ivolshok's coastline had been explored by the Hintuwani geographer Perpat Ramaya in the 4th century CE and may have been explored even earlier in the 3rd century by the Kemarakan sailor Dupok. Before the advent of large carracks, flat-bottomed galleys with fully battened sails were the dominant form of maritime transportation used by Hintuwanis at this time and since such journeys were made perilous by rampant storms endemic to the region many Hintuwanis perceived Ivolshok, lying as it did beyond the Southern Sea at what was to them the edge of the known world, as a land of great mystery.

Hintuwani conquest began in earnest in 522 CE after Pekantaram IV Palabaybay of Clan Matulaik, a Datu of the Kedatuan Hintuwan, landed on the western shore of what is now the city of Kopino and established the small outpost of Bagungkahuyan (lit.: "new place to gather wood"). As the name suggests this was a densely wooded area that served to supply strong timber for the Kedatuan's shipbuilding industry. From there the Datu Penkantaram's armies rapidly expanded throughout the Ivolshok, reaching the central region known as Balabinka Heights no later than 534 CE. The last and largest military invasion in 548 CE conclusively put the islands under the Kedatuan Hintuwan's dominion.

In 567 CE, the Hintuwani Lakan, Arankok I Malaki of Clan Batara, reorganised Ivolshok from a collection of conflicting claims and small fiefdoms, into twelve large provinces, each lead by a Datu. For the most part the natives of Ivolshok enjoyed great autonomy, paying tithes to their Datu on a tribe-by-tribe basis and were generally left to their own devices for the first 50 years of Hintuwani occupation.

By the early 7th century CE demand for more tribute from the Lakan led to increasingly repressive treatment of the native Ivolshok as the Hintuwani administration attmepted to squeeze more and more tribute from an increasingly impoverished land. Contempt for Hintuwani rule came to a head in the Bughawan Uprising (lit.: "those who wear blue", referring to the headwraps worn by the tribal leaders in the Eastern fringes of Ivolshok), a peasant mob led by a coalition of 20 tribes. The success of the uprising saw the indigenous tribal leader Oslan become Datu of Eastern Ivolshok. He remained Datu for the rest of his life and his title passed on to his kin with the permission of the Lakan on the condition that he continued to provide tribute (albeit at a lower rate) and that his people begin worshipping Hintuwani deities. This emboldened some tribal clans to attempt to do the same, but none were successful and eventually the lowering of the rate of tribute throughout Ivolshok led to a period of peace and stability beginning around the year 820 CE.

The Kedatuan Hintuwan's direct rule over Ivolshok ended in 1134 CE. The eruption of the Mok Wars in mainland Hintuwan due to a succession crisis within the Batara Dynasty gave the Datu of Ivolshok enough breathing room to break free of their obligations to the Lakan and began the establishment of several independent polities. These secessionist Datu intermarried with indigenous tribal leaders and produced a hybrid of native and invader culture, marking the beginning of the Warlord Period in Ivolshok.

There exists numerous legacies of Hintuwani rule in Ivolshok which remain in both countries up to the present day. Cultural contact between the natives of Ivolshok and their Hintuwani overlords meant that over time, the two peoples began worshipping common deities and inheriting each other's folk traditions. Hintuwan also sparked the Bronze Age in Ivolshok by connecting them to their trade routes with Gaeltic countries.

by **Hintuwan** » Thu Jun 02, 2022 11:43 pm

The Hintuwan national football team (Hintuwanese: Pambansang koponan ng futbol ng Hintuwan) represents Hintuwan in international football. It is governed by the Football Association of Hintuwan (FAH) and is a member of the Confederation of Eastern Football Associations (CEFA). The Hintuwan national football team has been playing at the international level since 1913, when the archipelago was still a Doraltic protectorate, making it one of the oldest football teams in the Southern Sea region.

Nickname: Kalabaw Hintuwan (Hintuwani Carabaos)

Offensive Rating: 7/10

Defensive Rating: 9/10

Goalkeepers: Melchior Telubatangan, Manrit Suomar

Defenders: Adrian Singdang, Baltazar Singdang, Elliot Ayanze, Shawn Taungbakal, Jamie Talod, Fabian Manzon

Midfielders: Tagumitan Palatac, Arankok Pasuraya, Marabas Nagao, Alimuddin Mansur, Juan Pedro Suriñas, Alexander Cimakerto

Forwards: Lorenzo Chang, Palemkan Sorsodian, Carlomagno Kidarawi, Ramut Taguizon

Formations: 4-4-2, 5-3-2, and 4-2-3-1

Notable Players:

The Singdang Twins - Adrian Singdang and Baltazar Singdang are twin brothers from Macapulao who are said to have "played football since birth". Their specialty in defense has made them well-known throughout the country for saving their team from defeat during especially close games.
Shawn "Man of Steel" Taungbakal - Shawn Taungbakal was a "striker" for the New Annecy Pirates (FC Carandang) who was a champion of university-level Hintuwani football during the late 1980s. His surname, which translates to "one who works with steel" in Hintuwanese, led to local sports press labeling him with the moniker "man of steel" as a sort of pun in reference to his unflinching fortitude on the field. Since joining the national team, Taungbakal has been outshined by more adept strikers but has learned to play more defensively and synergizes well with the Singdang Twins.

Achievements:

The Carabaos ranked 4th place in the 2022 CEFA Cup

by **Hintuwan** » Sun Jul 31, 2022 2:41 pm

A fireteam of Dormill-Stiuran volunteers in rural Hintuwan (circa 1950)

Ludovic Denis Told The Nation is a song written by an unknown author that became popular among Dormill and Stiura troops during the 1949 Hintuwani Civil War. It is believed to have been written some time in 1953.

The song emphasizes the double talk of Dormill and Stiura's president, Ludovic Denis, who denied the escalation of war while sending more and more soldiers to fight on behalf of the fraternalist Second Republic of Hintuwan. The song also notes the hypocrisy of sending Dormill-Stiuran troops to "save Hintuwan from the Hintuwanis" and questions the right of Dormill and Stiura to intervene in foreign conflicts.

Originally banned by the Dormill-Stiuran army, the song eventually made its way back to the Gaeltic mainland where it became a symbol of resistance for anti-fraternalist protestors who would frequently sing it during meetings and rallies.

by **Hintuwan** » Wed Aug 10, 2022 5:57 am

In this Hintuwani name, Tandang and Palasamba are honorifics and not part of the given name.

The abbreviation OP stands for "Order of Preachers".

His Eminence, Tandang Manuel "Manny" Dimasangcay Cuserta Palasamba, OP (born January 1, 1952) is a Hintuwani prelate of the Catholic Church and a professed member of the Dominican Order who has been serving as Archbishop of Haijing since June 24, 2021. He became a Cardinal in November 2020. He previously served as Bishop of the Diocese of Sithaya from 2001 to 2011 and Archbishop of Turarong from 2011 to 2021. On December 16, 2020, the Pope appointed Cardinal Cuserta as a member of the Dicastery for Clergy.

Cuserta, who generally prefers to be called by his nickname "Manny" rather than by his clerical title, has been involved in many social issues in Hintuwan with an emphasis on helping the poor while defending the Catholic Church's opposition to abortion, contraception (equated with abortion in Hintuwan, and what he has calls "practical atheism" or the belief of living under the disregard of the existence of a deity.

In 2012, in response to a campaign organized by the Liberal Party of Hintuwan (LPH) urging Church leaders to do more for human rights and in particular LGBT rights in Hintuwan, Cuserta acknowledged that some of the sanctions imposed on homosexuals in Hintuwan were an "exaggeration" but pointed out that the stigmatization of homosexuality in Hintuwan is traditional and that "just as there's a sense of a call for rights, there's also a call to respect culture, of all kinds of people." Cuserta called on Hintuwani legislators to recognize the "subtle distinction between morality and human rights," and not disrespect moral doctrine in the name of protecting human rights.

by **Hintuwan** » Wed Aug 10, 2022 6:04 am

The Catholic Church in Hintuwan (Hintuwanese: Simbahang Katoliko sa Hintuwan) is part of the worldwide Roman Catholic Church, a denomination of the Christian faith which adheres to the spiritual direction of the Pope for interpretation of Christ's scriptures, traditions, and dogma. The episcopal conference responsible for governing the Catholic Church in Hintuwan is the Catholic Bishops' Conference of Hintuwan (CBCH). Roman Catholicism is the largest denomination of Christianity in Hintuwan and is also the country's state religion. Hintuwan has the largest substantial portion of the population professing the Catholic faith in the Southern Sea of the Western Isles: with over 10,951,572 adherents (64.53% of the total population) in 2015. The principal figurehead of the Catholic Church in Hintuwan is traditionally the Archbishop of Haijing, a position held at present by Cardinal Manuel Dimasangcay Cuserta.

Christianity was first brought about in Hintuwan by traveling merchants in the 16th century. In 1762, the Kingdom of Pordhes captured Haijing, marking the beginning of their campaign to colonize the entirety of the Hintuwani archipelago and paving the way for the establishment of the first Catholic diocese in Hintuwan. During the Doraltic occupation of Hintuwan from 1906 to 1943, Dormill and Stiura implemented the separation of church and state which reduced the significant political power exerted by the Church and led to the establishment of other Christian demoninations (particularly Protestantism) which were previously suppressed under Pordhesian rule. Today, although this secular principle has largely been retained by a provision in the Hintuwani constitution which states that "[t]he exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and worship, without discrimination or preference, shall be forever allowed," the overall Hintuwani national experience has shown that this theoretical wall of separation has been crossed several times by secular authorities.

In the 21st century, Catholic practice in Hintuwan ranges from traditional orthodoxy, to Folk Catholicism and Charismatic Catholicism. The Catholic Church in Hintuwan is also involved in education at all levels - it has founded and continues to sponsor hundreds of secondary and primary schools as well as a number of colleges and internationally known universities. Hintuwan has been active in sending Catholic missionaries around the world especially in war-torn regions and has been a training center for foreign priests and nuns. There have been a total of three Papal visits to Hintuwan: one in 1969, another in 1987, and the most recent in 2010.

An exceptional characteristic of the Catholic faith in Hintuwan is that its adherents have shown a strong devotion to Mary, evidenced by her patronage of various towns and locales nationwide. Particularly, there are pilgrimage sites where each town venerates a specific title of Mary. With Pordhesian regalia, indigenous miracle stories, and Eastern facial features, Hintuwani Catholics have created hybridized, localized images, the popular devotions to which have been recognized by various Popes.

Hintuwani Marian images with an established devotion have generally received a Canonical Coronation, with the icon's principal shrine being customarily elevated to the status of minor basilica. Below are some pilgrimage sites and the year they received a canonical blessing:

Our Lady of the Lakapati River (Nuestra Señora del Río Lakapati) Lidawan, Haijing — 1922
Our Lady of Mount Macaraeg (Nuestra Señora del Monte Macaraeg) Cotamacaraeg, Haijing — 1924
Our Lady of the Haijing Fleet (Nuestra Señora del Santísimo Rosario - La Naval de Haijing) Santo Domingo Church, Haijing — 1930
Our Lady of the Immaculate Conception of Arankhio (Nuestra Señora de la Inmaculada Concepción de Arankhio) Arankhio, Tunduk — 1956
Our Lady of Sudden Aid (Nuestra Señora del Pronto Socorro) Manigarao, Mangin Island — 1956
Our Lady of Almeida (Nuestra Señora de la Almeida) Almeida — 1962
Our Lady of Cabanaguete (Nuestra Señora de la Cabanaguete) Cabanaguete, Panginoan — 1969
Our Lady of the Pillar of Bacoque (Nuestra Señora la Virgen del Pilar de Bacoque) Bacoque, Cabalagdag — 1978
Our Lady of Hope of Daungan (Nuestra Señora de la Esperanza - Daungan) — 1991
Our Lady of the Immaculate Conception of Columba (Nuestra Señora de la Inmaculada Concepción de Columba) Columba — 2007
Our Lady of Liberty Point (Nuestra Señora de la Punta Libertad) Carandang, La Paz — 2019

Below is a list of the Catholic dioceses in Hintuwan. The dioceses' bishops comprise the CBCH, an episcopal conference. The dioceses are grouped into ecclesiastical provinces, each of which comprises a Metropolitan archdiocese and several suffragan dioceses and is headed by the archbishop, as the metropolitan bishop of the province. Apostolic vicariates and the military ordinariate are not part of any ecclesiastical province, but are included in the list. Like diocesan bishops, they are the ordinary responsible for spiritual care of the Catholics under them and are directly subject to the Holy See.

Archdiocese of Haijing
- Diocese of Arankhio
- Diocese of Payaklaon
- Diocese of Cabanaguete
- Diocese of Tisang
- Diocese of Columba
Archdiocese of Nueva Ávedra (Ginantungan)
- Diocese of San Eduardo (Tayagan)
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by **Hintuwan** » Fri Aug 19, 2022 6:36 am

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Lupah Ilijay (also referred to as Ilijayland or Hintuwani Sawneeak) is a territorial collectivity of Hintuwan in Sawneeak Atoll, a disputed archipelago in the northwestern part of the Southern Sea of The Western Isles. It consists of eleven main inhabited islands as well as a number of uninhabited islets and outcroppings. It lies west of the Mario Islands (San Montagna) and south of the Pelican Islands (Vancouvia). While Hintuwan lays a historic claim on the entirety of Sawneeak Atoll, in practice, its sovereignty and governance over the Atoll only extends as far as its control over Lupah Ilijay and its surrounding waters. The territory was a byproduct of gradual Hintuwani migration as far back as the 6th century CE and was controlled by several colonial empires throughout history before an invasion placed it firmly under Commonwealth rule in 1958.

Hintuwan governs Lupah Ilijay as a territorial collectivity, which designates it as an integral part of Hintuwan but not as a part of an independent or existing Governorate - meaning that it is not led by a locally-elected governor nor represented by delegates in the national assembly. Instead, Lupah Ilijay is administered by a Prefect who is appointed or removed at the behest of the reigning Commonwealth President. The Hintuwani Constitution provides that, in general, Hintuwani laws and regulations (Hintuwan's civil code, penal code, administrative law, social laws, tax laws, etc.) apply to Hintuwani overseas regions the same as in metropolitan Hintuwan, but can be adapted as needed to suit the region's particular needs. However, the local administration of Lupah Ilijay is itself barred from passing or enforcing any new laws without the instruction of the Hintuwani government.

Lupah Ilijay's regional capital is Ilijay City. As a territorial collectivity, its official currency is the Hintuwani Piloncito (HNP) and any Hintuwani citizen is free to settle and work there indefinitely. The official language spoken is Standard Hintuwani and Standard English; though Sawneeaker Creole is also spoken. In 2020, Lupah Ilijay had a total population of 7,759 across all of its islands.

Etymology

The term Ilijay is presumed to be a combination of the name "Ili" with the word balanghai (a trimere-like Hintuwani boat used in antiquity). The word Lupah means "soil" in Hintuwanese.

A Hintuwani general, Datu Ili, is recorded as being the first Datu to rule over Hintuwani Sawneeak. As it was his fief, it was likely he that had a chance to name it and he probably chose to do so after himself. Put together, Lupah Ilijay is implied to mean "land where Datu Ili's balanghai sailed".

History

According to legend, Sawneeak Atoll was first discovered in the 3rd century CE by the semi-historical Hintuwani explorer Dupok who made known to Hintuwan's Lakan the existence of a 'Kingdom of the Islands' to the northwest of the Hintuwan. It is also said that the mythic Datu Makadag, an exiled Hintuwani nobleman whose odyssey was foretold in the oral tradition of Hintuwani folklore (later recorded by Hintuwani scribes on imperial copperplates in the late 16th century), settled there and married the Sawneeaker queen around the time after Dupok's expeditions - subsequently earning himself the title of Lakan of Sawneeak. Both Dupok and Makadag's accounts are heavily disputed by modern historians and are often seen less as genuine evidence of Hintuwan's early history in Sawneeak Atoll as much as propaganda created in later years to justify Hintuwani settlement.

Regardless of the extent to which Hintuwan was aware of Sawneeak Atoll's existence prior to its settlement of the archipelago, the 'Kingdom of the Islands' is known to have vanished circa 419 when what meteorologists generally infer was a Category 5 typhoon on the Saffir–Simpson scale swept across the eastern Southern Sea, wreaking horrendous damage to the Atoll's island, destroying much of the infrastructure of the Kingdom, and throwing Sawneeaker civilization back by generations. A unified Sawneeaker kingdom would never again be achieved and the territory became open to conquest by its neighboring polities.

Material evidence suggests that Hintuwani settlement of Sawneeak began in earnest during the early 6th century by Hintuwani traders establishing a "stopping point" between their suppliers in the Eterna Sea and their customers in Hintuwan. Over time, this settlement grew to encompass the entirety of the main island of Hintuwani Sawneeak which came to be known as Pulapatagan (a shortening of pulang kapatagan, "red plains"). The natural wealth of the region tempted many Hintuwanis, especially freemen among the lower orders, to make their fortune there by establishing farms, building mines, and creating infrastructure to accommodate further settlement.

Not much else of note is known about the history of Hintuwanis in Sawneeak up until the 12th century, when in the wake of the Mok Wars and the end of the Hintuwani expedition in Ivolshok, Hintuwan became more forceful in integrating the Sawaneeakers into Hintuwani society. During this time, local Datu were compelled by the Lakan to fill their harems with natives, inadvertently creating a hybrid race of Hintuwani-Sawneeakers known as the Tauili (The Ili People) while what remained of the temples built by the 'Kingdom of the Islands' were deliberately destroyed to erase any semblance of a unique Sawneeaker culture. Defiant natives banded together and formed a series of barbarian coalitions, and their people slowly came to be called by Hintuwanis as the Kematau (Inner-folk). Although never culminating in a separation of Sawneeak from Hintuwan, the conflict between Sawneeakers and Hintuwanis became a persistent and extremely expensive threat that contributed to the decline of the Kedatuan Hintuwan.

In 1721, the Hintuwani garrison in Lupah Ilijay suddenly came under attack by privateer and mercenary forces of the CMC - a trade company established by Laeden to expand their economic influence in the Southern Sea region. The Kedatuan was unable to proportionately respond to the threat due to Laeden's superior modern navy and overwhelming military power, and was forced to sign a humiliating treaty known as the Macapulao Accord which ceded total control over its holdings in Sawneeak and even parts of the island of Kemarak to Laeden under the CMC's administration.

With the outbreak of the Hintuwani-Doraltic War at the turn of the 20th century, Lupah Ilijay was sold by Laeden along with other Laedenian holdings in Kemarak to Dormill and Stiura. Doraltic administration allowed some areas of the territory to industrialize, but ultimately, its use became far more punitive. Insurgent Hintuwani leaders were often exiled to Pulapatagan and its surrounding islands in order for Doraltic officials to avoid being seen as executioners while also preventing revolutionary ideas from spreading throughout the rest of the country.

On paper, Lupah Ilijay first came under Hintuwani possession again when Dormill and Stiura granted phony independence to the Second Republic of Hintuwan, which led to the establishment of the territory's current arrangement with the Hintuwani government as a "territorial collectivity". During the brutal Hintuwani Civil War which succeeded the Second Republic's inauguration, Lupah Ilijay provided R&R to Doraltic soldiers who were off-duty. An airbase was also established and maintained by Dormill and Stiura in order to refuel planes which were conducting various airborne operations against Commonwealth forces in Hintuwan.

Although the Hintuwani Civil War is generally acknowledged to have ended with the evacuation of all Doraltic military forces from Hintuwan in 1955, Dormill and Stiura actually continued to operate their bases in Lupah Ilijay until September 28th, 1957 when the Commonwealth of Hintuwan launched Operation Sea-Gypsy - a coordinated assault conducted by army, navy, and air forces of Hintuwan alongside Tauili rebels aimed at ending Doraltic colonial rule in Sawneeak Atoll. Although the operation was intended to also capture Doraltic-settled Sawneeak in the northern region of the Atoll, logistical shortcomings and the risks of doing so convinced Hintuwani leadership that it should only take what it originally possessed before the arrival of the CMC in the 18th century. Doraltic forces attempted to recapture Lupah Ilijay on November 3rd but were completely annihilated by Hintuwani defenders in a battle known as the Santa Maria Bay invasion. The massacre dissuaded Doraltic leadership from taking any further military action against Hintuwan, cementing the Commonwealth's independence. Lupah Ilijay was formally annexed into the Commonwealth of Hintuwan on January 6th, 1958.

Geography and Climate

Contrary to its name, the interior of the main island of Pulapatagan is mostly comprised of dense jungles and swamps. Lupah Ilijay's tallest geological structure, Mt. Sibang, stands at around 3,098 metres or 10,164 feet above sea level. Biodiversity throughout every part of the territory is immense, harboring a plethora of hitherto undiscovered flora and fauna on land and in its seas. One notable creature indigenous to Lupah Ilijay is the Tauili Mouse-deer (Tragulus sawneeaker), a small, nocturnal ruminant measuring 40–50 cm from its head to its tail base abundant on Santa Irene and its surrounding islets.

Lupah Ilijay has a tropical rainforest climate in the coastal and lowland areas. The annual average temperature in Lupah Ilijay is 25 °C (77 °F). At higher elevations the temperature averages 18 °C (64.4 °F) while near sea level the average temperature is 28 °C (82.4 °F). Low temperatures of 0 °C (32 °F) are possible in the mountains while high temperatures of 40 °C (104 °F) are possible in protected valleys.

Demographics and Culture

Nominally, the population of Lupah Ilijay is split mainly between the Tauili and the Kematau. Most of the Tauili population of Lupah Ilijay lives in the territorial capital of Ilijay City; while the term "Kematau" simply refers to any indigenous people who live outside of Hintuwani cities. The Kematau are composed of multiple tribes which have existed since antiquity, and are often the subjects of hostile eviction by Hintuwani companies which seek to exploit the ancestral land upon which they live. In a 2015 survey, 70.4% self-identified as mixed (Tauili 58%, Kematau 12.4%), 15.8% as black, 13.5% as white, and 0.3% as "other".

The median age in Lupah Ilijay is 37.1 years, while average life expectancy is around 74.7 years. Poverty incidence is on the decline, having dropped to 25.3% in 2015 from 42.1% in 2007.

The people of Lupah Ilijay is overwhelmingly Christian, with around 73.4% of the population identifying as Roman Catholics, 20.6% identifying as Protestants, and less than 5% identifying with other religions in 2015. Among those who identified as Protestants was a notable 8.9% who claimed they were adherents of the Hintuwani Independent Church.

Lupah Ilijay is home to a unique blend of Hintuwani, Laedenian, and Doraltic culture which manifests in a strong emphasis on the integrity of the family unit, affinity for superstitious beliefs, and acceptance of elite status as a general fact of life. Francophonic musical and fashion trends are commonly observable, especially in Lupah Ilijay's urban areas where Western culture is associated with wealth and sophistication. Laedenian architecture is predominant among older buildings, where many colonial offices - largely unaffected by conflicts which shook mainland Hintuwan - remain intact and in use by the local government. The CMC's extended control over the archipelago definitely made its mark on the island's culture, and Lupah Ilijay's culture has often been described as "more Laedenian than Hintuwan is Pordhesian".

Economy and Infrastructure

During the last three decades, Lupah Ilijay's economy, formerly dependent on the export of agricultural commodities (mainly sugar, cocoa and coffee), has transitioned to a diversified mix of services, manufacturing, agriculture, mining, and trade. The service sector accounts for almost 60% of GDP; manufacturing, for 22%; tourism, telecommunications and finance are the main components of the service sector; however, none of them account for more than 10% of the whole. High unemployment and income inequality are long-term challenges. International migration affects Lupah Ilijay greatly, as it receives and sends large flows of migrants. Mass illegal immigration of Sawneeakers from neighbouring territories, the commonplace use of child labor especially in Lupah Ilijay's informal sector, and the integration of Tauili of creole descent are among its most contentious issues.

Electric power service in Lupah Ilijay has been unreliable since the Cagalangan era, and as much as 75% of the equipment is that old. Lupah Ilijay operates two coal-fired generators as its main source of electricity: one on the island of Santa Irene and another in Ilijay City. The country's antiquated power grid causes transmission losses that account for a large share of billed electricity from generators. Household and general electrical service is delivered at 110 volts alternating at 60 Hz. Electrically powered items from abroad work with no modifications. The majority of city centers in Lupah Ilijay have access to electricity. Tourist areas tend to have more reliable power, as do business, travel, healthcare, and vital infrastructure.

by **Hintuwan** » Fri Jan 05, 2024 4:45 am

Succession to the Hintuwani throne is primarily determined by descent, sex, and religion. The Lakan is ideally the most senior male member of the Luntian Clan, which originally came into power after the Hintuwani Civil War by being legally recognized as the most legitimate from among the cadet branches of the Marabay Clan, the last traceable family to have once held a seat on the Kesampuhan. The legal framework for succession is based on the traditions, norms, and precedents set by the aristocratic families of the Kesampuhan - which although being disestablished in the 18th century before being re-established in 1955 is the primary basis of legitimacy for the ruling Luntian Clan in Hintuwan.

According to the 1955 Restoration of Titles Act, the throne is inherited by a Lakan's children or by a childless Lakan's nearest collateral line - with the special exception of any adopted children the Lakan might have, which in the absence of any direct male biological heir can be customarily selected by the Lakan to accede the throne.

Another rule concerning the law of succession, which although not formally written in the Hintuwani constitution but observed as de facto law by members of the Luntian Clan, is that heirs should not be of the Muslim faith. This is because the founding family of Hintuwan, the Batara Dynasty, was specifically killed off by Muslim separatists from the Panhai region of Hintuwan as part of a perceived holy war against the first Hintuwani state. Foreign royals married off to members of the Batara Dynasty - in theory - may be allowed to keep their faith, so long as they do not impose this faith onto their children which should ideally be brought up in Hinutwan's state religion: Roman Catholicism.

Lakan Lontok XI's Biological Sons

Lakan Lontok XI's Biological Daughters

Adopted Sons

Tamtu
Estefan

by **Hintuwan** » Sat Jan 06, 2024 3:21 am

The present sovereign's full style and title is "Lontok the Eleventh, by the Grace of God of the Commonwealth of Hintuwan and of His Other Realms and Territories Lakan, Most Noble Patriarch of the Luntian Clan, Protector and Defender of the Christian Faith in These Isles" (Hintuwanese: "Lontok Panlabing-isa, sa Kanyang Biyaya ng Diyos, ng Komonwelt ng Hintuwan at ng kanyang iba pang mga Kaharian at Teritoryo Lakan, Kataas-taasang Patriyarka ng Angkan Luntian, Tagapagtaguyod at Tagapagtanggol ng Pananampalataya ng mga Kristiyano sa mga Isla na Ito"). Pope John XXIII first granted the title "Protector and Defender" to Lakan Kalahok "the Brave" Luntian II in 1959 during his visit to Hintuwan in the same year, rewarding him for his support of the Papacy and of the Catholic Church following the restoration of the monarchy in 1955. Reportedly, this was at the request of the Hintuwani sovereign himself, who wanted to earn legitimacy for his clan by styling his title the same way as that of the Western monarchies.

According to the 1955 Restoration of Titles Act, the eldest of the Luntian royal family is legally recognized as the country's sovereign and acts as head of state of Hintuwan up until their death or abdication (with the title being passed on hereditarily, in turn, via the eldest of the head's heirs). Children of the sovereign are known as prinsepe if male, and dayang-dayang if female.

The sovereign is known as "His Royal Majesty" or "Her Royal Majesty". The form "Royal Hintuwani Majesty" appears in international treaties and on passports to differentiate the Hintuwani monarch from foreign rulers. Unlike most monarchies, it is unconventional for the Hintuwani monarch to choose a regnal name different from that which he was born with. The queen and queen-mother (both referred to as Dayang) are also addressed as "Her Royal Majesty".

Children and male-line grandchildren (Princes and Dayang-dayang) of the Lakan bear the style of "Royal Highness" or simply "Highness". Male-line great-grandchildren hold the style of Highness; also, the eldest son of any person who holds the style of Highness also holds the style of Highness. All other male-line descendants hold the style of "Serenity", often translated as "Serene Highness". Some Hintuwani noble princes also hold the style of Serenity; all others and Hintuwani princely counts hold the style of "Illustriousness", often translated as "Illustrious Highness".

Dukes and duchesses in the peerages of the Hintuwani royal family (known as Rajahs), as well as marquesses (Datu or Datin if female) bear the style "Grace" (i.e. "Your Grace").

by **Hintuwan** » Sat Jan 06, 2024 4:47 am

The Royal Clans of Hintuwan (also known as the Aristocratic Clans, Hintuwanese: Angkang Maharlika) form the bedrock of the country's monarchic lineage, playing a pivotal role in the nation's historical and cultural legacy. These clans, modeled after the constitutional monarchies most prominent in the West, "rule but do not govern". Nonetheless, they are esteemed for their contributions to Hintuwan's past, their resilience during periods of upheaval, and their ongoing influence on the nation's present body politic.

What is classified as a royal clan in Hintuwan is up to debate. Prior to its colonization, Hintuwan was ruled by a variety of family-centric polities which exercised authority and administered laws in the lands which they occupied. The genealogy of many of these original families have since been lost. Many of the surviving clans maintain dynastic records in copperplates known as tarsillas, some of which date all the way back to the foundation of their original polities (before they were annexed into the Kedatuan Hintuwan) although there are some mythical elements involved which corrupts determination of the actual legitimacy of their claim. The clans that, in practice, exercise the most legitimacy today and have preserved their lineage to the greatest extent are those that successfully negotiated for or through other means acquired and protected leases to their ancestral lands during the colonial period. Stateless but not without authority, these clans never disbanded and remained organized as powerful landlords throughout Hintuwani history.

The most prominent among the royal clans of Hintuwan derive their legitimacy from the Council of the Ten Clans (Hintuwanese: Kesampuhan, sometimes referred to as the Synod of Aklatan), which after defeating the largely Muslim Mok Clan during the Mok Wars, arranged the political establishment of the Kedatuan Hintuwan into a confederate oligarchy whereby their descendants would elect from among themselves a Pinuno every 3 harvest seasons. This has led to a sporadic number of families which each claim lineage to one or more of these ten clans, some more or less legitimate in their claims than others. The most legitimate of these clans, the Luntian Clan, which directly descends from the Marabay Clan - an original participant of the Kesampuhan system - was selected in 1955 to govern Hintuwan from whom descendants would thereafter assume the role of constitutional monarch.

While even the Lakan holds a largely ceremonial position, the presence of the clans under his peerage in government affairs can carry symbolic weight. The clans may be consulted on matters of cultural significance or during national ceremonies. Furthermore, due to their historical connection with diplomatic missions, they may play an informal role in fostering international relations. They may also exercise special governmental authority in the absence of the Lakan, particularly through the role of Counsellor of State which he bestows upon senior members of the Hintuwani royal family to prevent delay or difficulty in the dispatch of public business in the case of their illness (except total incapacity) or of their intended or actual absence from Hintuwan.

Between 1955 and 1972, the head of each royal clan received an annual stipend to maintain their position of power and status in Hintuwani society, however, this relationship with the state coffers of the Hintuwani government has since been revoked. Disbursement of the royal clans' activities thus primarily derives from rents collected from their individual estates as well as any special monopolies over Hintuwani state companies these clans may possess.

Luntian Clan (Angkang Luntian)

Motto: Nemo me impune lacessit (No-one provokes me without impunity)
Parent Clan: Marabay Clan
Founded: 1156 (claimed), re-established: August 11, 1955
Current Head: His Royal Majesty, Lakan Lontok XI
Base of Power: Haijing

The Luntian Clan is the ruling dynasty of Hintuwan. It rose to prominence during the Hintuwani Civil War and played a crucial role in the establishment of the Commonwealth of Hintuwan. Recognized as the most genuine cadet branch of the Marabay Clan, the Luntian Clan draws its roots from the historical Kesampuhan which the Marabay Clan partook in. The founder of the Luntian Clan was Datu Lontok I Palagoog - originally a commoner, he is said to have been a legendary blacksmith (panday) for the Marabay Clan who was awarded land in Mangin to establish his own dynasty and the opportunity to marry off his daughters to his masters for his outstanding service during the Mok Wars. Lontok I is said to have crafted a master shortsword (kris) known as Mandangkini that could cut the head of a horse off "in one fell swoop". Supposedly, this sword was forged using the fragments of a blade wielded by Alexander the Great himself, acquired from merchants passing through Hintuwan. The Mandangkini remains in the Luntian Clan's possession and remains its foremost symbol of authority.

Members of the Luntian Clan are fiercely loyal to one another, and are renowned for their stoic and heroic qualities. Leaders from this clan are said to be able to keep a cool head even under crisis, and have been the best at balancing their limited constitutional authority with their need to exercise their power in order to present themselves as necessary for the operation of the Hintuwani government. Members of the Luntian Clan scarcely involve themselves in the politics of the day, and when they do even in the slightest it tends to be a matter of national scandal.

Cerong Clan (Angkang Cerong)

Motto: Virtus in arma nostra (Valor in our arms)
Parent Clan: N/A
Founded: 1154 (claimed), re-established: August 11, 1955
Current Head: Her Grace, Datin Sihamau Surtinem Cerong Maybahay
Base of Power: Mijung

Although its contemporaries claim to have been one of the clans to have partaken in the Kesampuhan system, the modern Cerong Clan traces its origins to the tumultuous period of the Hintuwani Revolution in the early 20th century. The clan emerged as a distinct entity through the convergence of military prowess, political maneuvering, and strategic alliances. Even the name "Cerong" symbolizes the clan's commitment to unyielding strength and unwavering loyalty - the word itself, derived from an ancient language spoken by Mangin Islanders, conveys a sense of resilience and determination.

The Cerongs first appear in the annals of Hintuwani history during the Battle of Mangin on November 7, 1905 between pro-independence separatists and the local Pordhesian garrison following an uprising by army mutineers and peasant rebels under the Manigaraoan landlord Seikshwe III of the Cerong Clan. Seikshwe was granted the rank of General upon subordinating his insurrectionists under the command of the leader of the Hintuwani revolution in Mangin, Emperor Virgilio Mercadejas, in the aftermath of their victory on November 10th.

Amidst the chaos of the civil war, Seikshwe III's son - a charismatic and ambitious military leader named Seikshwe IV also rose to prominence. The Cerongs at this point of Hintuwani history was a prestigious family that had a renowned history of military service. As the conflict intensified, Seikshwe IV saw an opportunity to not only advance his family's standing but also to play a pivotal role in shaping the future of Hintuwan.

Seikshwe IV led a contingent of the Second Republic's army, the Mijung National Guard (now the 40th Infantry Battalion) during the Imperial War and took part in the invasion of Athara Magarat in 1948 but grew disillusioned with the regime's policies and perceived corruption. His dissatisfaction culminated in a decisive moment during the March on Mangin, where he defected from the Second Republic along with a significant number of his loyal soldiers. Seikshwe IV, now a Brigadier-General, rallied like-minded individuals who sought a different vision for Hintuwan—one that prioritized military discipline, national pride, and a strong, centralized authority.

As the civil war progressed, the Cerong Clan became a key player in the anti-colonial, pro-independence National Fortress Movement (KBM). The KBM sought to challenge the existing power structures set up by the Doraltic government in the Second Republic, especially those associated with the fraternalists. Seikshwe IV's strategic acumen and battlefield successes elevated the Cerong Clan's status within the KBM. The Cerong Clan quickly gained recognition for its military prowess and adherence to a strict code of conduct. Seikshwe IV's leadership style emphasized discipline and order, earning him the respect and loyalty of his followers.

After the proclamation of the Commonwealth of Hintuwan, the Cerong Clan continued to play a crucial role in the nation's military affairs. Over time, the clan diversified its interests, engaging in politics, commerce, and cultural endeavors while maintaining its reputation for disciplined military service. Male members of the Cerong Clan are expected to serve the national armed forces in some capacity when they come of age, those that do not are looked upon with shame and disdain. Some members of the Cerong Clan have become heavily involved in far-right politics, ostensibly to preserve the integrity that military service plays in Hintuwani society but some say for more nefarious purposes such as maintaining the institute of militarism itself within Hintuwan.

Her Grace, Datin Sihamau Surtinem Cerong Maybahay, stands as the current matriarch of the distinguished Cerong Clan in Hintuwan, embodying the epitome of aristocratic elegance and societal responsibility. Although without a military career herself, Datin Sihamau carries the legacy of her forebears with both grace and authority, recognized for her philanthropic endeavors where she channels the influence of the Cerong Clan to contribute significantly to community development in the Mangin region and charitable causes. As a tourist icon, she is also known for her dedication to preserving and showcasing the rich heritage of the Cerong Clan. Under her guidance, the Cerong Clan has opened its doors to the public, allowing visitors to explore the clan's ancestral homes, museums, and cultural centers. These spaces are adorned with artifacts, artworks, and historical documents that provide a vivid narrative of the Cerong Clan's illustrious past.

Petagat Clan (Angkang Petagat)

Motto: Ordine et stabilitate firmi (Firm in order and stability)
Parent Clan: Sriwidadi Clan
Founded: January 21, 1788
Current Head: His Grace, Rajah Adi Tengmulih Petagat IV Ramaya
Base of Power: Payaklaon

The Petagat Clan's history in Hintuwan is marked by complex political dynamics, ranging from involvement in the initial grievances against the colonial rule to later collaboration with the colonial authorities. The first Petagat was Josiah Petagat I, said to be a Tauili immigrant and commoner from then-Laedenian Lupah Ilijay that married into the now-extinct Sriwidadi Clan - an original participant of the Kesampuhan system. This marriage awarded Josiah I and his heirs holdings near what is now Cabanaguete in Panginoan.

The Petagat Clan originally earned renown as one of the 23 movements (Dalawampuhan) that converged for independence against Dormill and Stiuran colonial rule during the Hintuwani Revolution. Juan IV Petagat, the patriarch of the clan, played a significant role in revealing the locations of Hamexas' (leader of the Dalawampuhan) hideouts in Haijing to Pordhesian authorities during a confession. This revelation, occurring on June 3rd, 1905, led to the exposure and subsequent retreat of the Dalawampuhan from Haijing.

Juan Petagat's decision to collaborate with the colonial government is believed to have stemmed from concerns that Kesampuhan aristocrats would be marginalized in the aftermath of a successful democratic revolution. As a reward for his assistance, Juan Petagat was granted land in Northern Tunduk and a weekly stipend of 15 Pordhesian Pesos by the colonial authorities.

The Petagat Clan's shift from participating in the anti-colonial movement to collaborating with the colonial government was a strategic move to secure its interests. This decision, however, had long-lasting consequences on the clan's reputation, as it chose collaboration over the revolutionary cause. The Petagat Clan's history reflects the complex political landscape of Hintuwan during the struggle for independence and the subsequent establishment of a democratic system.

Upon the opening of the first Congress of Hintuwan on May 7th, 1936 under Doraltic sponsorship, Kubanuddin I of Clan Petagat - son of Juan IV Petagat - ran as the leader of the Liberal Party of Hintuwan (LPH) and was elected President of the Senate while Sigat Orogupan ran under the Federalist Party of Hintuwan (FPH) and was elected as House Speaker of the House of Representatives. The two are known to have been fierce rivals, with the former typically championing the rights of the nobility and the latter representing the interests of the common citizenry.

The Petagats chose to stay neutral during the Hintuwani Civil War, siding with neither the Doraltic-sponsored fraternalist Second Republic nor the Commonwealth of Hintuwan. After the war, due to their influence in the national assembly, the Petagats were able to preserve the recognition of their clan as a royal clan of Hintuwan. In 1957, Delilah Josefina Luntian II the sister of the current Lakan's father, was married to the heir of the Petagat Clan, Kubanuddin II. This enabled his sons, the heads of the Petagat Clan, to assume the title of Rajah thereafter.

The perception of the Petagat Clan in contemporary Hintuwan is nuanced and reflects the complex historical context of their actions during the struggle for independence. Views on the Petagat Clan are often polarized, shaped by the clan's decision to collaborate with colonial authorities during a critical period of the country's history. On one hand, some individuals might view the Petagat Clan unfavorably, considering their collaboration with the colonial government as a betrayal of the revolutionary cause. Critics may see this collaboration as a compromise of the ideals for which many other clans and individuals fought, making the Petagat Clan a controversial clan in Hintuwani history. For this reason they are known as the "Traitor's Clan" to some, and are typically looked down upon even within royal circles.

On the other hand, there might be those who acknowledge the pragmatism of the Petagat Clan's decision, understanding that political choices during such tumultuous times are often complex. Supporters or those with a more pragmatic perspective may argue that the Petagat Clan acted to protect its interests, anticipating potential repercussions for the aristocracy in the post-revolution era. For this reason, many staunch monarchists and those who view the Hintuwani aristocracy as a necessary tool for preventing unwanted extremist influences from the far-right and far-left continue to protect the Petagat Clan's reputation. The Petagats maintain connections within both the modern LPH as well as the Royalist Party of Hintuwan (RPH).

Nguyễn Clan (Angkang Nguyễn)

Motto: Ex humilibus ortu, ad altiora ducimur (From humble beginnings, we rise to greater heights)
Parent Clan: Marabay Clan
Founded: 1154 (claimed), re-established: August 11, 1955
Current Head: Her Royal Majesty, Dayang Quynh Hong Nguyễn-Luntian
Base of Power: Zambate

The Nguyễn Clan traces its origins to the Dapitlupa region, a historically rich agrarian region in Hintuwan. In the early 18th century, during the aftermath of the Kesampuhan's disestablishment, the Dapitlupa region witnessed a transformative period. The collapse of the Kesampuhan led to the redistribution of land, and emerging families seized the opportunity to establish themselves as influential landowners. Among these families, the Nguyễn Clan rose to prominence.

The Nguyễn Clan's first patriarch, Datu Nguyễn An Nam, was a charismatic and resourceful individual who led a group of settlers to the fertile lands of Dapitlupa. These pioneers, skilled in agriculture and resource management, worked tirelessly to cultivate the soil and build a community that would flourish over the generations. The Nguyễn Clan's success was deeply rooted in their commitment to agriculture. They cultivated vast stretches of land, introducing innovative farming techniques adopted from Western technology that maximized yield. Their dedication to the land not only contributed to their economic prosperity but also solidified their status as respected landowners in Dapitlupa.

As the region underwent historic shifts, the Nguyễn Clan embraced the evolving cultural landscape. They actively supported community initiatives, invested their wealth into the region, and established themselves as patrons of the arts. This cultural integration strengthened their bonds with the people of Dapitlupa and earned them a place of honor in the Northern Tunduk. During the Hintuwani Civil War the clan's patriarch Nguyễn Thành Phươn (the current Dayang's father) rose to the ranks of Brigadier-General, commanding the 5th Tank Battalion (now the 5th Light Armored Cavalry Platoon) during the Easter Offensive of 1954. It is said that during a particularly fierce engagement in Dambana where the Dormill-Stiurans overran a briefly held the upper hand, Nguyễn Thành Phươn's M4 Sherman was able to destroy 7 enemy troop carriers and 2 heavy tanks on its own initiative before returning to Commonwealth lines.

The Nguyễn Clan's greatest achievement has been being able to marry into the royal family. The current head of the clan, Quynh Hong Nguyễn-Luntian, is Dayang (Queen) of Hintuwan by virtue of her marriage to the Lakan. Today, the Nguyễn Clan's legacy endures as a testament to the power of resilience, hard work, and cultural integration. Their contributions to the development of Dapitlupa and Hintuwan as a whole have left an indelible mark on the region's history. The Nguyễn Clan remains an integral part of Hintuwan's societal tapestry, embodying the spirit of progress and tradition.

by **Hintuwan** » Fri Jan 19, 2024 2:42 am

Born: June 12, 1995
Palatial Tower, Haijing
Spouse: Sara Felitiana-Secunda (m. 2018; ann. 2019)
Issue: Prinsepe Rodrigo (b. 2018)
Education:

Allanea

University of Hintuwan

Military Awards:

Prince Lontok XII, officially Prinsepe Lontok Seremhat Bagtas Masipag Luntian y Nguyễn XII, is a prince of and the heir apparent to the throne of Hintuwan. A senior member of Hintuwan's ruling Luntian Clan, he is the firstborn son of Lakan Lontok XI Luntian and Dayang Quynh Hong Nguyễn.

Educated in the finest educational institutions the Lakan can provide for his children, Lontok has excelled in both academics and military training. Known for his diplomatic skills and strategic mindset, Lontok is actively involved in international relations, fostering ties with other nations to ensure Hintuwan's prosperity. A family man, he balances the demands of royalty with a genuine love for his people.

At the age of just 10 years old, Lontok was sent to the Asterleigh Academy of Liberty-City, an elite boarding school in Allanea as part of Hintuwan's growing efforts at the time to align itself with liberal democratic countries. Known for its emphasis on critical thinking and intellectual rigor, the academy nurtured Lontok's analytical skills. The young prince engaged with a challenging curriculum that included a broad range of subjects, from humanities to sciences, encouraging a holistic approach to education. In later years, Lontok has described his time in Asterleigh as "a lonely affair" being the only Hintuwani student there at the time, although has also stated that it was "a beacon for individual liberty and critical thinking at a time of growing politicization in academia in the world today."

Prinsepe Lontok has served in the Commonwealth Army of Hintuwan: in April 2015 at the age of 20, Lontok completed his officer training and was commissioned as a second lieutenant in the 1st "Imperial Hussars" Cavalry Company, a battalion of the 1st Hintuwani Infantry Division. On 13 April 2017, when he reached two years' seniority, he was promoted to lieutenant. Lontok first served in the capacity of targeting assistant to the BGM-71 TOW of his M2 Infantry Fighting Vehicle (which his crew reportedly nicknamed Black Beauty), before becoming its main commander. Lontok was described as an excellent gunner, but a "shoddy engineer" by his crewmates.

After completing his military training, Prinsepe Lontok studied Comparative Politics at the University of Hintuwan. There, Lontok became president of the university's Monarchist Society and a striker of the university's football team. Lontok graduated with a general weighted average (GWA) of 1.75, and took electives in the fields of classical philosophy and Western literature but had to drop out of his intermediate statistics class. One of Lontok's former teachers, Catherine Palacar, has asserted that he was a "weak student" and that staff at the university conspired to help him cheat on examinations but this allegation has been denied by both Lontok and the royal family. Lontok also joined the Senior Cadet Force while studying at the University of Hintuwan and was made cadet officer in his final year, leading the corps' annual parade at the Parade Square.

During his time at the University of Hintuwan, Prinsepe Lontok married classmate and minor noble from Panginoan Sara Felitiana although his marriage with her was annulled the following year after news outlets reported that she was having an illicit affair with a former lover, Jaime Segunda. In 2022, Sara Felitiana married Jaime, becoming Sara Felitiana-Segunda. Lontok has had one child with his former wife, Prinsepe Bagtas, who is considered third-in-line to the throne of Hintuwan.

In December 2021 shortly after completing his university studies, it was announced that Lontok's unit was scheduled to be deployed to Gambang as part of Operation Crepusculum in the following year. A public debate ensued as to whether he should serve there. In January 2022, the Ministry of Defence announced that Lontok would be shielded from the front line if his unit was sent to war, with a spokeswoman stating that he was expected to "undertake the fullest range of deployments", but his role needed to be monitored as "his overt presence might attract additional attention" that would put him or those he commanded at risk.

In the summer of 2022, Prinsepe Lontok was trained as a joint terminal attack controller at Camp Cianwang, Olonriñas. From December 2022 to December 2023, Prinsepe Lontok served one tour of duty as a troop commander in his unit, responsible for coordinating patrols in the Matayumtayum sector of JTFMZ "Panhai". It was later reported that Lontok helped repel a terrorist attack on a forward military installation near Sultan Dawud, for which he was awarded the Order of Bagtas II Luntian (Military Merit Medal, Second Grade).

Prinsepe Lontok is rumored to be shrewd and a womanizer, but with a very martial and disciplined attitude similar to his father when it comes to matters of state. He has often appeared indifferent towards matters of religion. Lontok also appears to care deeply about his son, at least in public. The Hintuwani people have a moderate to high opinion of him, particularly influenced by his service in the military which has led to some people seeing him as a modern hero. He lives with the Lakan at the Haijing Palatial Tower complex.

by **Hintuwan** » Fri Jan 19, 2024 3:22 am

Born: March 8, 1998
Palatial Tower, Haijing
Spouse: N/A
Issue: N/A
Education:

Riverwood College

Galimencia

Prince Dula, officially Prinsepe Dula Pendatun Marangal Luntian y Nguyễn is a prince of the throne of Hintuwan. A senior member of Hintuwan's ruling Luntian Clan, he is the second son of Lakan Lontok XI Luntian and Dayang Quynh Hong Nguyễn. Dula is a charismatic and outspoken, yet private and reserved figure. Passionate about social justice, he has engaged in various philanthropic endeavors, working towards the betterment of the less privileged. Dula's commitment to humanitarian causes often puts him on the front lines of social change. Despite his lineage, he is known for his humility and approachability.

Dula first studied at Prabusa School and later Riverwood College, Galimencia. At Riverwood College, Prinsepe Dula delved into the intricacies of finance, studying both traditional financial models and emerging global economic trends. Unlike his older brother, Dula is renowned for his sharp intellect and diligence, garnering accolades and recognition from his professors. Dula's time in Galimencia was not solely dedicated to academic pursuits. During his university years, Dula hosted several financial forums, initiated research projects, and contributed to community initiatives, demonstrating a commitment to understanding the practical applications of financial theory.

In 2019, Dula was named Chairman of the Luntian Cultural Foundation (LCF), a royal monopoly holding exclusive rights to organize cultural events, manage historical sites, and produce and sell traditional arts and crafts belonging to or associated with the Luntian Clan, contributing both to the preservation of cultural identity and the economic development of the nation. In an exposé done in November of the same year, HBS-PEC reported that Prinsepe Dula had allegedly quarreled with Prinsepe Liang over the post with both members of the royal family jockeying influence in various state institutions such as the Ministry of Tourism and the Ministry of Culture through a series of private communications known as the Black Tarsillas Letters. The letters included references to bribery, sparking questions on the constitutionality of both the prince's actions and the true role of the royal family in the business of the day.

Dula has held a position on the board of directors of the Luntian Wellness Foundation (LWF) since 2020. In January 2021, Dula launched the Prinsepe Dula Trust (PDT) to establish health clinics in rural areas where healthcare infrastructure is lacking. These clinics provide basic healthcare services, conduct health awareness campaigns, and facilitate vaccination and preventive care programs. In particular, Dula has championed the development of mobile medical units equipped to reach isolated communities, offering medical check-ups, consultations, and basic treatments.

Little is known about Dula's private life, but it was heavily speculated that he was in a relationship with Dayang-dayang Priyanshi Saanvi of the Petagat Clan from 2015 to 2017. The reason for the couple's breakup is hitherto unknown, but he is rumored to maintain strong ties with other senior members of the Petagat Clan. Dula is extremely introverted and spends his summers in Dupokville, Lupah Ilijay.

Dula is rumored to prefer to avoid open confrontation and conflict, both in business and personal interactions. While this may contribute to a harmonious work environment, it could also mean that important issues are not addressed promptly or assertively, potentially leading to unresolved conflicts.

by **Hintuwan** » Fri Jan 19, 2024 3:26 am

Born: September 21, 2000
Palatial Tower, Haijing
Spouse: Kinipela Mei Mele (m. 2019)
Issue: Dayang-dayang Kamaile (b. 2021)
Education:

Royal Kimini University of St. Mekonnen the Great

Kimina

Prinsepe Liang Trung Nalinawagan Luntian y Nguyễn is a prince of the throne of Hintuwan. A junior member of Hintuwan's ruling Luntian Clan, he is the third son of Lakan Lontok XI Luntian and Dayang Quynh Hong Nguyễn. Liang is a creative soul with a deep appreciation for the arts. Gifted in music and literature, he actively supports cultural initiatives within Hintuwan. His artistic pursuits extend beyond the royal court, aiming to preserve and promote the rich cultural heritage of Hintuwan.

Liang married Kinipela Mei Mele, a classmate from Kimina when he was at the age of 19. Although an Orthodox Christian and a commoner, Kinipela lives happily and mostly undisturbed by the general public with Prinsepe Liang at their private sea-side residence known as Chalet Azura in Macapulao, Hintuwan. The two rarely spend time outside of the city, except to attend to matters of state.

✹ Hintuwan Lore Thread [READ ONLY, DO NOT POST]

Flag of Hintuwan

Hintuwani Vassalage Under Ancient Doravo (111 BCE-100 CE)

Haijing

Macapulao

Van Hoorn

Turarong

Alpas Motors

Pueblo Rum

The Hintuwani Patriotic Salute

Child Labor in Hintuwan

Hintuwani Naming Customs

Lèse-majesté in Hintuwan

The Second Republic and the Hintuwani Civil War (1943-1955)

The Hintuwani Conquest of Ivolshok (522-1134)

Hintuwan National Football Team

Ludovic Denis Told The Nation (1953)

Cardinal Manuel Dimasangcay Cuserta, Archbishop of Haijing

Catholic Church in Hintuwan

Lupah Ilijay, Sawneeak Atoll

Succession to the Hintuwani Throne

The Royal Style of the Hintuwani Monarchy

Royal Clans of Hintuwan

Prinsepe Lontok XII Luntian

Prinsepe Dula Luntian

Prinsepe Liang Luntian

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