Kylaris Sign-up Thread [MT]

[Gapolania]

National information
Official Name: Bistravian Republic
Shortened Name: Bistravia
Requested Location: E15, no changes here
Requested Population: 10,422,100
Culture: Bistravian culture is based on !Czech culture, with relatively strong !South Slavic (!Bulgarian, !Macedonian) and !Rusyn cultures (due to common history with Tengaria and Soravia)

• Ethnicity: 83% Bistravians, significant (~10%) Soravian minority. Tengarian, Laudanian, Miersan, Salikhan and Savader communities present near the borders and in the big cities.
• Religion: nearlu 90% of the population adheres to the Bistravian Episemialist Church organized under Soravian Episemialist Church. Followers of Tengarian Episemialist Church also present. There's also followers of heterodox Sycavite Church, an independent Episemialist Church created in the rural areas of Bistravia during the Iconoclast Wars. Irreligion is rising, though slowly, due to the huge role of the church in the daily life, often supported by the government's funding and campaigns.
• Languages: Bistravian is the only official language of the nation (soft conlanguage featuring !Czech/!Bulgarian/!Rusyn vocabulary), - because of relative isolation, a few dialects of the language evolved, though none of the enough to be considered a distinct languages. Soravian is the second most-used language, mostly in business; while Tengarian, Miersan, Laudanian, Salikhian and Savader are other recognized minority languages.

Government Type: Unitary, semi-presidential constitutional republic; strong role of the President, though they are controlled by the unicameral Rada ("Council")
Head of State: President Viktor Kríž
Head of Government: Prime Minister Martina Ovoječka
Requested GDP Per Capita (Nominal) and Requested GDP Per Capita (PPP): $11,870 (nominal); $19,787 (PPP)
National Overview:
The Bistravian Republic (bi. Бістравска Републіка, Bistravska Republika), also known as Bistravia (bi. Бістравя, Bistravia) is a landlocked country in central Euclea. It is bordered by Laudania to the north, Champania and West Miersa to the east, Amathia to the southeast, Tengaria to the south and Salikhia to the east. Bistravia has a hilly landscape that covers over 250,000 km² (100,000 sq mi) with a mostly temperate climate. The capital, Miensk, is also the largest city in the republic. Other major urban areas include Kraljovice, Růžyn, Sveti Hora and Andřejovice.

Several early feudal Marolevic states fought for the control over the area in the first centuries AD, with Vyzemia gaining an upper hand in the late 9th century, following the support of the Empire of Arciluco and introduction of the Sotirianity in the region. The Principality of Vyzemia, a client state of the Empire, controlled most of the eastern coast of lake Min until its vassalization by the Empire of Tengaria in 1330 by Ivan II. During the Iconoclast Wars the population of modern-day Bistravia, prone to religious conversion, supported the Iconoclasts, mainly the Realm of Thorns. Tengarian intervention ended the rebellion and installed Tengarian nobility on the principal seats. During the Tengarian golden age, many towns were founded, mostly along the coast of lake Min, as well as mines, latifundiums and universities. Fall of the empire saw the emergence of Tengaro-Bistravian and Amathian nobility, which created a semi-independent Verovinian Principality in 1549. Increasing Soravian and Amathian influenced in the late 16th and early 17th century ultimately ended with the partition of the state in 1650.

Bistravian lands were subjected to heavy industralization in the second half of the 19th century - mining, manufacturing and textile industry developed in the area. The region, comparatively undeveloped, quickly turned into an important industrial site of the Soravian Empire. During the late 1800s, a Bistravian nationalism emerged, focused mostly on the rural population, which had less privileges and opportunities than Soravo-Bistravian and Amathio-Bistravian burgher class. Bistravian nationalism would be hindered by the Great Collapse and the Great War, though, eventually, a Bistravian Federal Soravian Republic was created in 1936, the first Bistravian ethno-state. The Soravian civil war resulted in the Bistravian declaration of dissolution on 4th February 1980, while a new constitution was signed in 1982. Since then, the republic is a democratic and independent state.

Bistravia is a unitary, semi-presidential republic and a developing country comprised of 13 regions (bi. крає, kraje). Its market economy is largely based on services, though industries (such as machinery or mining) and agriculture still play an important role. Bistravian Republic is the member of many international organizations: Community of Nations, International Trade Organization and, most importantly, Samorspi. The country faces several socioeconomic problems: poverty is still prevalent throughout the nation, while corruption and nepotism affect many political groups on all levels. Bistravia is considered a flawed democracy, with many of the human rights below the level of other Euclean nations in the east.

Military Overview:
Bistravian military consists of the Bistravian Land Forces, Bistravian Air Force and Bistravian Water Force. All armed forces are managed by the Ministry of Defence. The President of the Bistravian Republic is Commander-in-chief of the armed forces. Forced conscription was abolished in 2008. Active personnel consists of around 25,000 men, with another 5,000 serving as a reserve. Government expenditures on the military reach around 2% of the GDP. Bistravia is a member of Samorspi and, as a border state of the organization, functions as its important member. Several Samorspi bases are established on the coast of Lake Min, as well as Bistravian eastern borders.

Social views:

• LGBT+ rights/LGBT+ people: People in Bistravia may face legal challenges not experienced by non-LGBT residents. Both male and female same-sex sexual activity are legal in Bistravia, but same-sex couples and households headed by same-sex couples are not eligible for the same legal protections available to opposite-sex couples. The conservative and relatively religious population of Bistravia may alienate, through beliefs, words or even acts of violence, LGBT+ population.
  
• Religious tolerance: Episemialism was and is the main religion, and often Bistravian national identity is based on religious affiliation, with non-Episemialists seen as "less Bistravian". Traditionally, several protestant movements rooted in Iconoclast traditions, have been present in the country, though they are often limited to a particular area. Other Sotirian faiths are met with neutrality, while Amendist faiths are viewed with more reserve. There's a relatively high intolerance towards non-Sotirians.
  
• Irreligion: Atheism and irreligion is slowly spreading, especially within young urban population. The Bistravian Constiution does not state anything about state religion, and religion (or lack thereof) does not affect a citizen's rights and privileges. Historically, irreligion was born during the 20th century, even though the Bistravian nationalism is centered heavily around Episemialism.
  
• Birth control: Abortion has been legal since 1997 up for the 20 weeks for women whose life or health can be endangered or when fetus is genetically harmed. Despite that, abortion is met with relative public ostracism, especially within the rural population, as it's viewed as an ungodly act. General disdain towards abortion has caused a serious drop of number of specialized clinics - many young Bistravian women move to neighboring countries to perform an abortion.
  
• Race and ethnic relations: Historically influenced by other nations, particularly Tengarians, Amathians or Soravians, Bistravia does not present ethnic tensions between these populations. However, many other inhabitants, especially those of a different race, can be met with xenophobia and racism. Some cities, serving as centres for a certain ethnic groups (for example, Sveti Hora, where nearly 25% of the population is Tengarian, demonstrate levels of prejudice towards Bistravians and other groups; likewise, urban areas traditionally inhabited by Bistravians may present prejudice (both factual and comical) towards non-Bistravian citizens.
  
• Major Prejudices: There are several prejudices towards Tengarian, Soravian and Amathian populations, due to high historical influence those nations had on Bistravia. Both Soravia and Tengaria are considered friendly (with Soravia being called "Big Mother", while Tengaria being nicknamed "Big Brother") nations - there are few prejudices considering the countries, some of them used jokingly, though resentment can be felt. Relations with Amathia are friendly, with people remembering Amathia as the country that allowed Bistravian culture to rise and develop during the 19th and 20th centuries.
  
• Immigration and Emigration: Bistravia is a migrant exporter. Many people leave the country in search for better education or job. Most other Euclean nations provide better financial opportunities and Bistravians, especially young people, tend to migrate to more democratic, eastern Euclean nations. There's still a large wave of Soravian emigration, due to less language cultural barriers (many Bistravians are taught Soravian in school) and prestige that education and work in cities like Samistopol bear. Immigrants are welcomed in more urban areas, though people arriving from non-Marolevic countries might suffer from hardships not experienced by the rest of the population.
  
• Women's Rights: According to the Bistravian Constitution, women have the same rights as men. Despite that, women are less prevalent on the job market and receive, on average, less pay. Women have more freedom in urban areas, where they tend to migrate - ratio of women to men is higher in larger cities.
  
• Soft and hard drugs: Use of tobacco and alcohol is wide throughout the nation. Alcohol, especially, has been listed as one of the main reasons of early deaths of the male population. Deindustrialization and changes on the job market have resulted in many men losing their jobs, and, as a consequence of unemployment, increase of alcohol usage. Tobocco is also popular, with a semi-serious prejudice about Bistravians stating that the Bistravian breakfast consists of egg, coffee and a cigarette. Hard drugs are shunned and are outlawed - whether it's marijuana, cocaine or any other.

Other:

• Factbook: to be adjusted
• RP Preferences: Culture, history, economy, events RPing.
• RP Samples:
• RP Intentions:
• Primary/Other NS Nations: previously Gapolania
• Any troubles with moderation? (If so, a link, please.): n/a
• Discord username (in the USERNAME#0000 format): Dervish#2240
• Anything else?: This is a reapplication of the former nation. No significant changes have been made to the overview and history sections, although some edits were made to accommodate accepted nations in this area - i.e. Laudania and Salikhia.

[Lesbian Communists]

Updated Application

National information
Official Name: Council Republic of Sappania
Shortened Name: Sappania
Requested Location: Former Belmonte
Requested Population: 37,227,915
Culture: Sappanian culture is diverse, a unique blend of Euclean, Indigenous, and Bahian cultures, more Estmerish along the coast and more Asterianer in the interior.

• Ethnicity:
  45% White
  
  22% Asterianer
  20% Estmerish
  3% other
  31% Creole (mixed heritage, primarily of Euclean and Indigenous descent)
  10% Black
  6% Indigenous
  2% Satrian
  2% South Coian
  2% Southeast Coian
  1% Gowsa
  1% Other
• Religion: 81% Sotirian, 8% no religion, 7% folk religions, 2% Zohism, 1% Badi, 1% other
• Languages: The two official languages of Sappania are Asteriaans and Estmerish. Most of the population is bilingual and fluent in both languages, though Estmerish is spoken more along the coast and Asteriaans more in the interior. Asteriaans is often used by default for government purposes on a national level as a holdover of the SSWI regime that ruled from 1958-1982, although both languages still enjoy relatively equal statuses. Minority languages include indigenous languages, mostly belonging to the Tupi, Guarani, Macro-Jê, Carib, Arawan, Panoan, and Arawakan families, among others. There are also some languages spoken by immigrant communities, primarily other Euclean and Coian languages.

Government Type: Directorial multi-party council republic
Head of State: Collective head of state and government in the form of the 12-member Presidency of Sappania. The current Chairman of the Presidency is Tjaart Arendse.
Head of Government: See above
Requested GDP Per Capita (Nominal) and Requested GDP Per Capita (PPP): $11,647 (Nominal) $21,863 (PPP)
National Overview: Sappania has been inhabited since at least around 10,000 BCE. It was claimed and settled by the First Hennish Republic in 1545. In 1719, the colony was transferred to the Duchy of Flamia.

Sappania was annexed by Estmere in 1747 after defeating Flamia. Estmere would continue to settle Sappania, leading to an influx of colonists mostly along the coastal areas, particularly trading ports, which saw major growth, especially as Sappania would industrialize during the 19th century. The Asterianers would be pushed further inland, leading to a shift where the urban, coastal areas being more Estmerish, and the largely rural interior being more Asterianer. This created ethnic tensions between Estmerish settlers and Asterianers, and pro-independence sentiment grew during this period among Asterianers. In 1795 slavery was abolished, which led to massive unrest among Sappania's Asterianer population, culminating in a full-scale revolt in both Nuvania and Sappania 1796 and the declaration of the Asterianer Confederation, consisting of Nuvania and Sappania. After some fighting, Estmere recognized the Asterianer Confederation as an independent state in 1801.

Following independence, there was disagreement among revolutionaries regarding the direction of the country. Enfranchisement was limited to burghers, free land-owning Asterianers. There was disagreement over the political structure of the nation, between the Centralists and the Confederalists over what degree of power should be granted to the national government versus the constituent republics and local governments, with the Centralists favoring the former and the Confederalists the latter. There was also tension between Nuvanians and Sappanians, and a desire among many for the respective republics to be independent states. Tinus Blignaut was elected as the first President of the Confederation, a Centralist. Blignaut became increasingly authoritarian during his presidency, and eventually declared himself Emperor in 1811, ending the Asterianer Confederation and replacing it with the highly centralized Asterianer Empire. The Empire was short-lived, and was overthrown in 1815, with the restoration of the Confederation, this time under the leadership of the Confederalists. In 1817 the Confederation was dissolved, and both Sappania and Nuvania became fully independent republics. Due to widespread ethnic tensions, Estmerish Sappanians were granted burgher status in 1820, allowing them to vote. However, non-landowning and non-white people could still not vote, leaving much of the country disenfranchised.

The 19th century saw major political instability as there was several changes of government. This intensified after 1913, when the Great Collapse caused political radicalism to grow.

Councilism, which had begun to grow at the turn of the 20th century, saw an upsurge in popularity. The councilists, represented by the Sappanian Section of the Worker's International, or SSWI, were divided into two major factions. One faction, which had its base mainly within the urban Estmerish working class, was more orthodox councilist, secular, and socially progressive, while another, which drew its support mainly from Asterianers, had a more agrarian socialist and Sotirian socialist stance. The latter faction came to dominate the SSWI.

This period also saw the rise of the para-functionalist and Estmerish chauvinist National Unity Front, or NUF. In 1922, the NUF seized power, banning all other political parties, and establishing a far-right, ultra-nationalist regime that was in many ways similar to functionalist regimes like Gaullica, and indeed drew ideological influence from functionalism, despite not explicitly using the label. The NUF dictatorship implemented policies that discriminated against Asterianers. The SSWI attempted to rebel, but was quickly crushed, causing it to flee into exile in Aucuria, where it later joined the Aucurian resistance to the entente during the Great War.

Sappania became rivals with Nuvania, which caused it to become diplomatically aligned with the Grand Alliance by the time of the Great War, despite being ideologically closer to the Entente. Nuvania and Sappania came into conflict during the Great War, and although Sappania emerged victorious, its economy was devastated by the war, causing major social unrest. Furthermore, it became diplomatically isolated due to its para-functionalist orientation and persecution of Asterianers. To make matters worse, in 1937 SSWI cadres re-entered the country and began a protracted insurgency. In 1938, with support from neighboring Nuvania and Satavia, a military coup overthrew the NUF-led regime, and subsequently transformed the party into the more moderate national conservative Sappanian National Party, or SNP. State discrimination against Asterianers ended, and other political parties were legalized. However, the government still retained some authoritarianism and the SNP dominated politics. Racist discrimination against ethnic minorities, such as black and indigenous people, persisted.

Initially relying on guerrilla tactics, in the late 1940s and 50s, SSWI forces began a several successful major offensives that captured large cities and towns and large swathes of the country's interior. During this time, in addition to dealing with the insurgents the Sappanian government also had to deal with significant social unrest due to authoritarianism, continued discriminatory policies, and a failing economy.

In the mid-to-late 1950s a wave of strikes weakened the government even further and the government's failure to control the unrest which often turned into violence, combined with the military being stuck dealing with a civil war it was losing, weakened Sappania and allowed the SSWI to finally captured the capital city of Aurora in 1958. The last areas still controlled by the government quickly fell thereafter.

The SSWI established the Democratic People's Republic of Sappania, or DPRS. The DPRS synthesized agrarian socialism and Sotirian socialism with elements of Equalism and Tretyakism. It was strongly Asterianer nationalist, often discriminating against Estmerish Sappanians for being largely seen as "bourgeois". It had ambitions for a pan-Asterianer socialist republic that included Nuvania and Satavia, which resulted in aggressive saber-rattling against these countries and some border clashes with Nuvania.

The SSWI's one-party rule came to an end in the 1982 revolution, transforming into a democratic councilist state. Today Sappania is a democratic multi-party state that, uniquely among council republics, has a system of Seyresian checks and balances. It has also shifted away from a command economy towards a participatory model.

Military Overview: Sappania's military, the People's Revolutionary Forces, or PRF, is divided into four branches: the People's Revolutionary Army (PRA), People's Revolutionary Navy (PRN), People's Revolutionary Marine Force (PRMF), and the People's Revolutionary Air Force (PRAF). Despite no longer being as aggressive as it was during the DPRN period, Sappania remains a strongly militaristic state due to being surrounded by capitalist neighbors. Its primary role is for defense and to project power. It frequently conducts joint military exercises with Chistovodia.

Social views:

• LGBT+ rights/LGBT+ people: LGBT+ people enjoy relatively good rights in Sappania. Homosexuality was first decriminalized in 1893, but re-criminalized in 1923 during the NUF dictatorship. In 1962 during the DPRS period, homosexuality was once again decriminalized, but due to the Equalist and Sotirian influence, LGB+ people still received no discrimination protections or legal recognition for partnerships, and were often looked down upon as homosexuality was seen as a sign of "bourgeois decadence", in addition to the religious objections to homosexuality from a Sotirian perspective. They were ostracized socially if outed and often subject to blackmail by the secret police. In the late 1960s, Sappania saw the birth of an LGBT+ rights movement, which initially saw heavy persecution from the government, however after the revolution of 1982 LGB+ rights greatly improved. Legal partnerships were allowed from 1998 onwards, marriage was granted in 2010, and adoption by same-sex partners since 2015. Commercial surrogacy is not allowed for same-sex male couples, but it is not allowed for straight couples either. MSMs have been allowed to donate blood since 2008, but with a 6-month deferral period. Socially, there still exists discrimination, but less so in the more urbanized coast than the rural interior. Transgender rights during the DPRS period, in contrast to LGB+ rights, were surprisingly progressive for the time. From 1971 onwards transgender patients could seek medical transition, including SRS, given they were diagnosed with "transsexualism" by a licensed medical professional. They could even change their legal sex after 1975, but this required SRS until 2017 when gender self-identification was legalized. Since 2022 there has also existed legal recognition for non-binary people, allowing for people to mark "X" on legal documents for gender. There also exists comprehensive discrimination protections for both gender identity and sexual orientation since 2018, though this is not always strictly enforced.
• Religious tolerance: Unlike other socialist states, the DPRS had a more religious slant, influenced by Sotirian socialism. To this regard, it was the only socialist state that had an official religion, Kasperist Sotirianity, represented by the Reformed Church of Sappania, a Kasperist church that broke with Hennish Reformed Church during the DPRS era for political reasons. The ruling SSWI promoted a Sotirian communist synthesis of Nemtsovism and Kasperist theology. Because members of the Reformed Church were merely a plurality and not a majority of the population, however, the regime did not outright suppress most who were outside of it. Other religions and Sotirian denominations were generally treated with indifference as long as they did not oppose the regime, but outright hostility and persecution if they did. Since 1982, however, Sappania has been an officially secular state and generally tolerant of all religions. Socially religious freedom is generally tolerated, although in more rural, socially conservative areas there is a greater emphasis on Sotirian values.
• Irreligion: Irreligion is generally viewed with indifference among the wider population, although in the more conservative rural areas there is a level of ambivalence towards irreligious people. During the DPRS era, despite being far more religious than other socialist states, irreligion was nevertheless tolerated due to Sappania's close ties with other, more secular councilist states like Chistovodia.
• Birth control: Due to its Sotirian communist orientation during the DPRS era, Sappania was unique in its hardline pro-life stance. This did not simply stem from a pronatalist stance that encouraged having many children for growth like with Chistovodia during the Tretyakist period, but due to Sotirian religious beliefs. Life was considered to begin at conception, and abortion was prosecuted as murder, against both the mother and doctor who performed it. The only exception to this was to save a mother's life, although even this had a gestational limit of 4 months. Following the revolution of 1982, the policy towards abortion was liberalized. Since 1984, abortion has been legal for any reason up to 17 weeks into pregnancy, but after 17 weeks only allowed in cases to save a mother's life. Socially, abortion remains a controversial topic in Sappanian society. While most agree it should be allowed in at least some cases, there is much disagreement about where the limit should be, if at all. Other forms of birth control are generally more accepted, but during the DPRS era they were viewed with ambivalence.
• Race and ethnic relations: Historically, there has been significant ethnic tension between the Asterianer and Estmerish populations in Sappania. Since the 1982 revolution, however, the government has moved away from showing favoritism towards either group, and although there remains some tension, it is not as prevalent in the present as it was historically. Historically some of the most oppressed ethnic groups in Sappania have been Indigenous people, who lost large swathes of territory and saw forced assimilation. Many suffered encroachment on their land and forced conscription from SSWI guerrillas during the councilist insurgency from 1937 to 1958. Indigenous people did not see much improvement to their condition during the DPRS regime, which favored Asterianer farmers and loggers who often encroached on Indigenous land. Since 1982, however, Indigenous rights have greatly improved, and the government has adopted a general policy of non-interference with uncontacted peoples in the Sappanian rainforest, greatly increasing the number and sizes of Indigenous land reserves to this regard. Black Sappanians, initially brought over during the transvehemens slave trade, have also experienced significant discrimination and oppression throughout history. They saw their civil rights improve somewhat during the DPRS regime, but the Asterianer nationalist character of it nevertheless placed them at a lesser status. After the revolution of 1982 their civil rights have significantly improved but there still remains some social discrimination, though this has been alleviated to some degree by anti-discrimination legislation. Immigrants, particularly Coian immigrants, have also been the center of some ethnic tension and subject to discrimination, and although this too has seen improvement in recent years, some discrimination persists.
• Major Prejudices: Despite racial and ethnic tensions receding somewhat in recent decades, they still persist in certain areas. Asterianers in more rural areas particularly often have a distaste for Estmerish Sappanians. There also exists some racial discrimination more generally by whites against ethnic minorities. Anti-discrimination legislation has led to some improvement in this area, but racism and ethnic tension nevertheless persist and anti-discrimination laws are not always strictly enforced.
• Immigration and Emigration: Sappania has had a complex history with migration. Following an initial wave of immigration in the late 19th and early 20th century, immigration dropped significantly later on in the 20th century. This was due to a number of factors including internal violence and political instability, lack of economic growth, and a more restrictive immigration policy. Consequently, during this period Sappania was a net exporter rather than a receiver of immigrants. In recent decades this has changed however, with more political and economic stability (albeit a relatively slow economic growth due to a complete lack of market mechanisms outside of the black market in Sappania due to its decentralized economic planning model), and today Sappania is a net receiver of immigrants.
• Women's Rights: Women's suffrage was first granted in 1949. During the DPRS period, Sappania had a complicated relationship with women's rights that tried to balance it's socially conservative lean with socialist feminism. Although the nuclear family was promoted as the basic unit of society, it was still encouraged for women to seek employment to contribute to society. Nevertheless, the socially conservative nature of the regime meant that promotion of traditional gender roles and misogyny were still prevalent. In more recent decades the growth of third-wave feminism in Sappania and anti-discrimination legislation have greatly improved the status of women.
• Soft and hard drugs: Sappania is known for having a very liberal drug policy that focuses on rehabilitation rather than punishment. Possession of most hard drugs is still illegal, but decriminalized. However, the production and distribution of these drugs is illegal, although Sappania faces issues of illegal drug cartels, mainly producing and distributing cocaine, which the government has tried to crack down on in recent years.

Other:

• Factbook: https://iiwiki.us/wiki/User:Sappania/sandbox
• RP Preferences: Diplomatic/political, character driven.
• RP Samples: I'd like a prompt.
• RP Intentions: Mainly nationbuilding and worldbuilding with others, as well as roleplay.
• Primary/Other NS Nations: None right now.
• Any troubles with moderation? (If so, a link, please.): None
• Discord username (in the USERNAME#0000 format): di__1
• Anything else?:

[Poshyte]

(reapplied)

[Azmara]

National information
Official Name: Kabuese People’s Republic
Shortened Name: Kabu
Requested Location: The current North Kabuese claim + the old South Kabuese claim.
Requested Population: 23 million
Culture: The Kabuese culture is based largely off of Javanese (and, to some extent, Indonesian more broadly) culture.

• Ethnicity: The dominant ethnic group of the country are the Kabuese, but small national minorities such as the Masiorese exist and the country has very small white and mixed minorities from its Estmerish colonial past.
• Religion: A plurality of the population are Badist of varying forms, albeit due to an anti-clerical legacy in the south of the country rates of atheism and agnosticism are high in these regions and due to colonial legacy and recent missionary work there exists a Sotirian minority both in mainline and evangelical churches.
• Languages: The native language of the vast majority of the population is Kabuese (Javanese), with the Masioran (Osing) language forming a majority in the Province of Masiora but having faced a decline in use in recent years.

Government Type: Federal parliamentary republic
Head of State: President Cahyo Wibowo (Independent)
Head of Government: Premier Kumat Dumarwulan (Democratic Reform Party)
Requested GDP Per Capita (Nominal) and Requested GDP Per Capita (PPP): $4,296 (nominal) $11,314 (PPP)
National Overview: The Kabuese People’s Republic is a multi-party liberal democracy in South East Coius consisting of the majority of the Kabuese archipelago bar the Estmerish-controlled Kingsport and Gaullican-controlled Nouvel Anglet. A developing country, the nation has experienced rapid economic growth since its reunification in the late 1980s, being a popular outsourcing location for Euclean, Asterian and Senrian manufacturing and a rapidly growing services sector.

A Kabuese national culture can be traced to the initial settlement of the archipelago by !Austronesian peoples yet is often popularly linked to the “rice kingdoms” era of the late first millennium CE in which much of the archipelago came under the control of small polities based around the cultivation of rice. These would ultimately slowly consolidate and lead to the “five kingdoms” period of the early second millennium CE in which the archipelago was run by five major kingdoms competing for influence, with states such as Lembeh seeing significant economic returns from attempts to control a growing spice trade.

The archipelago’s fertility would ultimately attract the Dezevau-based Aguda Empire, which would through the 16th century come to control a large proportion of the island despite resistance from the local states. This would strengthen the influence of Dezevauni culture on the archipelago, with the Ziba script becoming widespread and the Badist faith gaining prominence and supplanting traditional Kabuese folk religion. Aguda rule would not be challenged until the arrival of Estmerish-backed Corporations attracted for the same reasons as the Agudas, who would take the cities of Magelang, Solo and the island of Kingsport on leases as bases for their trade operations.

However, these bases would not prove enough for Estmerish consumer interests and through a mixture of unequal diplomacy and mercenary conquest the Corporation would take further control of the archipelago throughout the 18th century - by 1750 despite the Agudas administering a large portion of the archipelago the Corporation was seen as the “true” authority. Ultimately this power would be consolidated through the nationalisation of the Corporation and declaration of the Colony of the Carolinian Islands in 1797 encompassing the archipelago.

Estmerish colonialism would see the islands used largely as a base for the growth of “cash crops” and would see a limited degree of White settlement and the emergence of a middle class of administrators and civil servants. Ultimately, due to their ability to gain education in mainland Estmere, this class would be exposed to liberal, socialist and nationalist thinkers leading to the growth of a political movement for self rule led largely by two descendants of administrators - Purnama Sutoro and Sutikno Harjo.

The two men, both Morwall-educated, would take two different approaches - Sutoro would form a strand of Kabuese nationalism advocating for a self-reliant, democratic Kabu fusing Western and local political tradition and would found the League Against Imperialism to form this, while Harjo would read socialist and councilist writers such as Nemtsov and formulate an adaptation of councilism for Kabu’s largely agrarian, colonial society and would co-found the Kabuese Section of the Workers’ International (BKMI).

Beginning campaigns of agitation for self-rule, the League and the BKMI would see their campaigns halted with the Gaullican occupation of the islands during the Great War, which would see the two groups begrudgingly co-operate to resist the occupation, spurned by a dubious promise from the Estmerish administration to give self-rule after the end of occupation. While the colony is restored in 1935, this promise is not immediately honoured which results in the BKMI and later the League resuming their pre-war agitation for independence. Dezevauni independence under socialism ultimately inspires the BKMI, who declare an independent Kabuese republic, taking control of Solo and fighting to control the archipelago.

Initially ruled by a united front, consisting of both the League and the BKMI alongside smaller groups, with Sutoro as President, the League finds itself increasingly sidelined as its leftist factions splinter and join up with the BKMI and other groups to sideline the League. This results in a rival republic being declared in Sutoro’s Northern home city of Karangmangu which, after Sutoro’s untimely death and the loss of significant territory to the BKMI, would receive support from the Estmerish government to prevent a socialist Kabu.

While seeing a major human toll and the use of chemical weapons by Estmere in the BKMI-controlled South, the war would ultimately end in a stalemate of a League-controlled North and a BKMI-controlled South, with the Treaty of Aalmsted (?) negotiating a ceasefire with an Estmerish-backed League government controlling the Northern islands bar Kingsport and a BKMI government controlling the Southern islands.

Both states would be effective dictatorships in their early stages as, after a break with Estmere after disputes about the political role of the White and Mixed minorities, the North would move to an autarkic, agrarian, anti-imperialist position and would be ruled by a de facto military dictatorship under generals associated with the League. The south, meanwhile, would see power struggles between the BKMI and its allies, with the National Principlist-aligned Kabuese National-Socialist Party attempting a coup in 1957 that while thwarted would result in the death of Harjo and an authoritarian crackdown by the BKMI resulting in the South becoming a one-party state.

The League’s one-party rule of the North would be put down by a series of popular demonstrations by student and labour groups which would result in the North legalising opposition parties including the liberal Democratic Reform Party (PRD) which would win the resulting elections and ultimately form a two-party system with the League and see a period in which the nation would open up and pursue trade and foreign direct investment with other non-socialist countries in Coius.

The PRD would win in 1977 on a particularly radical platform and form a coalition with the student and labour-backed Democratic Left with a promise to negotiate with the South, a move which would trigger outrage from conservative sectors of society and see a failed coup attempt. The South had, in this time, seen conflicts between various factions in the BKMI as reformists and hardliners challenged the party establishment who had been seen as abandoning the goal of pursuing councilism in favour of relatively technocratic governance. After forming an alliance with the reformists to quash an attempted coup by military-affiliated hardliners and facing civilian pressure to liberalise, the party establishment would ultimately hold the South’s first multi-party elections in 1979 which the BKMI establishment would win on a promise of responding to the detente requests.

Detente would happen over the first half of the 1980s and would ultimately result in an election for a constitutional convention in 1984. The convention would write a federal constitution for a proposed unified country which, while based on a parliamentary liberal democratic system, would draw cues from councilism through having an upper house elected by provincial assemblies and civil society organisations, enshrining the right of recall through all levels and an emphasis on local direct democracy and being approved in a referendum in 1985 with the country ultimately reunifying in 1989.

The modern state has seen significant economic growth and possesses a multi-party system in which the PRD and BKMI currently serve in a coalition government, albeit the latter has often received criticism for a move away from councilism towards a stance of “popular socialism” which has been seen as based in Southern patronage politics. The country has, as a result of the detente settlement, attempted a “hand in both worlds” policy with regards to foreign affairs and as such attempts to maintain healthy links with the Senrian-led bloc alongside the socialist world, with increasing attempts to mend relationships with Estmere in recent years beginning with a peace settlement over Kingsport sovereignity in 1997 and resulting in Estmerish investment to develop universal healthcare and a tertiary education sector.
Military Overview: Both predecessor states possessed relatively large militaries due to the legacy of the Civil War albeit the thwarting of the 1978 coup attempt in North Kabu and the power struggles of the 1970s in South Kabu led to a decline in both military’s political importance and while still relatively large for its population the force has been downsized since reconciliation and has faced issues with reintegrating the two militaries.

Social views:

• LGBT+ rights/LGBT+ people: Kabuese society traditionally recognises a “third gender” in line with Badist customs, for which legal protection has been introduced in recent years. No specific laws currently on the books criminalise same-sex relationships or restrict freedom of expression for LGBTQ individuals yet little protection or recognition exists for such individuals outside of those for “third gender” issues and Kabuese society tends not to properly acknowledge LGBTQ identities outside of its historic “third gender”. Active hate crimes against LGBTQ people are however relatively rare.
• Religious tolerance: Kabu is officially a secular state and as such the national government does not show favour for any specific religious belief. However, a prejudice exists amongst a large swath of the population against Sotirians due to it being viewed as a “colonial” religion and the growth of evangelical Sotirianity has been viewed with suspicion by many. There have also been accusations of discrimination against religious individuals by BKMI-led Southern provincial governments.
• Irreligion: Irreligion is the plurality/majority religious belief in much of Southern Kabu and while less common in the North is fairly widely accepted by Kabuese society.
• Birth control: Abortion is legal with a doctor’s authorisation in the first trimester, with certain grounds allowed for abortion in the second and third trimesters.
• Race and ethnic relations: There has been a history of discrimination against the Masioran minority in Masiora Province and while since the granting of autonomy during the reunification process the minority has gained better rights discrimination still exists and the province and its Masioran community still lags behind on many quality of life indicators.
• Major Prejudices: There exists a mutual distrust between sectors of Northern and Southern society, especially in older generations, yet this has lessened in recent years with the coming of age of a generation without memory of a politically divided Kabu and national government efforts to encourage a common Kabuese identity.
• Immigration and Emigration: There is a large international Kabuese diaspora, partially due to the civil war and partially due to economic migration. This has meant that remittances have played a significant role in the Kabuese economy traditionally and has in some cases caused a “brain drain” that recent governments have attempted to address.
• Women's Rights: Gender equality is enshrined in the constitution and political parties are required to nominate at least 33% female candidates in elections. This, however, does not negate issues with gender inequality in Kabuese society - many women face expectations to be homemakers and those that work often face implicit discrimination in the workplace and women are underrepresented in senior business and political roles.
• Soft and hard drugs:Aside from those used in Badist ceremonies, Kabu takes a very harsh stance against recreational drug use and drug trafficking is one of the few offences for which the death penalty is still on the books.

Other:

• Factbook:
• RP Preferences: I tend to prefer newspost-based roleplay about current affairs.
• RP Samples: Any newspost about Azmara or about the old North Kabu.
• RP Intentions: I intend to focus more on worldbuilding but am interested in portraying a developing country recovering from a strict political division.
• Primary/Other NS Nations: Crylante and Azmara
• Any troubles with moderation? (If so, a link, please.): Informal warning for calling a region member an idiot in like 2017 when I was like 15.
• Discord username (in the USERNAME#0000 format): gingerstrawberry
• Anything else?: This supercedes North Kabu if it wasn’t obvious.

[Asase Lewa]

Application for Population and GDP expansion

Kylaris Nation: Asase Lewa
Username: Atlantica#6234
Previous population: 70,636,291
Proposed new population: 72,237,671
Previous GDP:

• Total: $208.45 billion (nominal), $645.4 billion (PPP)
• Per capita: $2,951 (nominal), $9,137 (PPP)

Proposed New GDP:

• Total: $358.95 billion (nominal), $1.016 trillion (PPP)
• Per capita: $4,969 (nominal), $14,069 (PPP)

Explanation:

Population: This minor increase in population (~2.26%) is only to account for population growth between now and when the application was accepted (i.e., in early 2023) and originally submitted (i.e., in mid-2022). This population growth is roughly comparable to Ghana and slightly lower than the Ivory Coast (which have culturally inspired Asase Lewa a lot) if calculated to be in 2023, though somewhat lower if calculated to be since mid-2022. While Asase Lewa's greater wealth and socialist-feminist policies mean that its fertility rate would likely be somewhat lower than these countries, Asase Lewa's greater wealth as compared to these countries and liberal immigration policies means that much of its population growth would likely be the result of greater immigration from other Bahian countries or the higher fertility rate of immigrants. In the early 2020s, most of this immigration would either be economic migration from Tiwura or, especially, refugees from the Yemeti Civil War (whose birthrate would likely be much higher than native-born Asalewans). This still leaves Asase Lewa's population density as lower than the countries that have inspired Asase Lewa's culture, history, and to some extent geography (i.e., Ivory Coast, Ghana, Benin, Togo, and South-West Nigeria), though still comparable to Ivory Coast and Ghana. Happy to talk more about whether or not Asase Lewa's population should or shouldn't be increased to match the population density of these countries, though since Asase Lewa has a large chunk of Highland and densely-forested regions whose population density would likely be much lower, comparable to Central Africa, my idea is that this density would account for a much lower population density in these regions and a much higher population density in the Asalewan Lowlands, comparable to South-West Nigeria and Togo.

GDP per capita:

When I originally created Asase Lewa, I based its GDP per capita off the Ivory Coast and especially Ghana given the cultural similarities and because aspects of its colonial-era, and early post-colonial, political economy were very similar (i.e., being one a major center of cash crop production, especially of cocoa, supplemented by gold mining in Ghana and nickel mining in Asase Lewa), though somewhat higher than these countries because of Asase Lewa's support from socialist countries. However, the more I develop Asase Lewa's lore, I think that its GDP per capita would be better-suited to match Algeria's (and perhaps Vietnam's, which also has a similar GDP per capita) for the following reasons:

• While Asase Lewa's colonial political economy is similar to the Ivory Coast and Ghana's in a lot of ways, it also has a lot of similarities with Algeria. Like Algeria, Asase Lewa is, crucially (as has IIRC been discussed in DMs and such, if not written down a lot, IIRC about Northern Bahia writ large) one of the key centers of the Estmerish colonial empire: cash crop production, as a waypoint from Euclea to the Asterias, mining extraction, etc.
• Like Algeria, Asase Lewa is a fairly large producer and exporter of oil, and would use much of these oil rents to fuel the development of domestic heavy industry (as did Algeria, especially under Boumediene's rule).
• Unlike the Ivory Coast and Ghana, but like Algeria, Asase Lewa never underwent structural adjustment.
• With the creation of Kitaubani and former Sabaw, Northern Bahia has kind of been established, much Northern Africa, as the wealthiest part of the Bahian subcontinent (perhaps for being a key center of trade and production during the colonial era, as discussed above). Asase Lewa is a part of this region, though I still made its GDP per capita lower than Kitaubani and Sabaw since Asase Lewa's neighbors to the south are admittedly quite a bit poorer.
• Like Vietnam (though unlike Algeria), Asase Lewa is undergoing a process of export-oriented industrialization, though in an earlier stage than 2020s Vietnam, for reasons such as a wide discrepancy between education levels and GDP per capita as in most socialist countries, friendliness with either socialist countries or now Estmere and the EC, etc. Though this is in pretty early stages so it's more likely to affect GDP per capita in a few years.
• Like Algeria and Vietnam, Asase Lewa has large numbers of emigrants (in Valduvia, Estmere, East Miersa, Chistovodia, etc.) that would likely send back lots of remittances. Some of these emigrants are post-Revolutionary emigres, some are highly-educated individuals able to make much more money than in Asase Lewa (and can get a visa!), etc.
• This is unrelated to either Algeria and Vietnam and a much more ancillary point, but one of Asase Lewa's main cash crops is sugar because its latitude is much further north, and climate somewhat colder, than RL West Africa and in that sense more similar to sugar-producing cash crops. For whatever reason, IRL historic sugar cash crop producers, even poorer and more rural ones like the Philippines and Jamaica, tend to be wealthier than other cash crop producers, and generally have a higher GDP per capita than Asase Lewa currently does.

Of course, there are definitely still lots of differences between the Asalewan and Algerian economies. Some of these differences would depress Asase Lewa's GDP compared to Algeria (i.e., Asase Lewa is a center of the colonial empire but definitely not as big as French Algeria, Algeria's limited adoption of market mechanisms post-1989 boosts its GDP relative to non-market economies like Asase Lewa, and the historic underdevelopment caused by the slave trade and to a lesser extent reduced state control in the Highlands), but others would likely increase it (i.e., the much-greater availability of arable land enables much greater cultivation of either cash crops or foodstuffs for domestic use, the Lokpaland insurgency is much more confined relative to the Algerian Civil War, and Asase Lewa wouldn't lose Valduvia and Chistovodia as patrons in the way Algeria lost the USSR), so I took the relatively uneducated guess of just kinda guessing the two things would even each other out.

Part of the GDP per capita increase is also just to account for changes since early 2023/mid-2022, both because substantial inflation in real life means devaluation of Asase Lewa's GDP capita in real terms relative to when I applied and because Asase Lewa is undergoing a sustained economic boom thanks to high oil prices and the beginnings of export-oriented industrialization. So even if the bigger GDP increase is denied, I think that a smaller one (perhaps to ~10,500? Depending on economic calculations ofc) would be a good idea.

What would change: Asase Lewa's GDP (PPP) per capita would increase to become slightly higher than Sainte-Chloé and Garambura and slightly lower than Shangea, while its GDP (PPP) would increase from $645 billion to slightly over $1 trillion, from comparable to Caldia to comparable to Ardesia or Amathia. Its GDP (nominal) per capita would increase from being slightly higher than Siamat to being slightly higher than Nise. Its GDP (nominal) would increase from $209 billion to $359 billion, from between Montecara and Vinalia to comparable to Tengaria or Auzance. I don't think that this GDP per capita would necessarily affect Asase Lewa's standing (at least I've written it) on the world stage; however, it would strengthen its position as Bahia's economy and its greater wealth would help explain why Asase Lewa is able to A: "Go it alone" in Bahia, substantially funding socialist/councilist movements (especially in the ~70s/80s, arguably to the point of acting as a rogue state) and survive when socialist regimes collapse or move rightwards in the rest of northern Coius, and B: Fund ambitious development and financing projects in the rest of Bahia through the Bank of Bahia.

Because a lot of this GDP per capita increase is because of higher oil revenues, this would likely increase corruption (and for reasons I've written about before, create a labor aristocracy of oil and refinery workers) and therefore inequality somewhat, so if the application is accepted I'll likely increase its Gini coefficient slightly, from 18.5 to maybe 21.5? Still lower than Algeria because Asase Lewa never reintroduced market mechanisms and its modern political culture and economy are much more democratic and participatory than modern Algeria, though not super different since Algeria's Gini coefficient is pretty low.

[Nassovia]

National information

Official Name: The Kingdom of Nassovia

Shortened Name: Nassovia

Requested Location: I'm not able to see the most recent map from the RMB, but based on what I had in mind and in the February 17 map, my application could be located in the Northeastern portion of Asteria Inferior. The exact location can be reworked to match the lore of other nations.

Requested Population: I'm open to discuss this. I don't want a nation that big, since that's not my main. From 5~20 million is a workable number.

Culture: Nassovia is intended to be a small monarchy by the sea, much like Monaco, or better saying, halfway between Monaco and the Serenissima Reppublica di Venezia and Batavian Republic, like the concept of "Crowned Republics". I think about it as a Naval Powerhouse despite the limited portions of "continental" land, possibly ruling some islands around the globe. Its history could predate a little the concept of the Italian/Dutch Aristocratic Republics before the nation turns a proper monarchy. A historical focus in Seafaring and Naval Trade could have been replaced to Tourism to some extent.

• Ethnicity: I'd state "mainland Nassovia" as a blend of Euclean ethnicities, mainly Hennish and Gaullican, However, with the possessions "kept" and "lost" around the seas, it could welcomely include other ethnicities.
  
• Religion: Church of Nassovia is an Amendist Church, but still episcopal-based, like the RL Anglican.
  
• Languages: As the ethnicities, it would have plenty of Hennish and Gaullican speakers. Maybe it should be a bilingual nation.

Government Type: Nassovia is your Cookie-Cutter Constitutional Monarchy.

Head of State: Nassovia is (at least ceremonially) under the righteous but gentle hands of Her Majesty Queen Anna II, may her live and reign over us for long.

Head of Government:By the result of the most recent elections in Nassovia, Ms Lisette Verhasselt is the Prime Minister of the nation.

Requested GDP Per Capita (Nominal) and Requested GDP Per Capita (PPP): As a "global north nation" but maybe not one of the richest, I'd state a number around 40~50k USD per year. Not using NS stats on this one.

National Overview: The origins of the nation are still somewhat vague, in fact, because they depend on input from other nations. According to what I could read, specifically from Hennehouwe and Gaullica. I thought about applying elements from the history of Dutch Brazil, what it would be like if it had become an independent country. For the current happenings, I think Nassovia as an "global north" outside Euclea, like Canada, New Zeland or Chile would be in real life: Nations formed majorly by immigrants. The state would be more like Canada or NZ than Chile, even with a "constitutional monarchy with little to no power" installed. Nassovia would clearly be a nation living between Classic Liberals/Conservatives pushing for less regulations, more financial liberty and respect to the traditions, while Progressives/American Libs/Labour pushing for more welfare state/government spending/civil liberties/globalism.

Military Overview: Nassovia military is theoretically Navy-centered, considering its history. If the region would have some kind of "natural interest area", like dunes, an island or something focused in preservation, Navy would surely step up to protect/manage the region. I had something like that in mind for my trial in TWI.

Social views:

• LGBT+ rights/LGBT+ people: No discrimination against LGBT+ is allowed. They're allowed enter a civil partnership, and some sectors of the Church of Nassovia give "blessings" to LGBT+ unions, even if not all of them. They are allowed to adopt and surrogate kids.
  
• Religious tolerance: Church of Nassovia is a Sotirian Church. It's recognized as the Official faith of the nation, and receives government support to its "spiritual and earthly duties", facing the "threat" of "new religions" and the "irreligious" by peaceful means. Freedom of religion isn't explicitely guaranteed in the constitution, that still regards the Church of Nassovia as the Official Faith of the land, but discrimination isn't allowed in any basis.
  
• Irreligion: Irreligion is a choice of many Nassovians. Most of people, even the religious ones, isn't going to a church every week, but this isn't punished or frowned upon, except for those "very religious". These last are a shrinking minority anyways.
  
• Birth control: Contraception and Family Planning are present in health and education politicies of Nassovia. Abortion is allowed in the first 3 months of pregnancy, with parliament sectors lobbying for and against a total abortion liberation.
  
• Race and ethnic relations: This is one of the questions that depends more on the historical context that needs to be further refined.
  
• Major Prejudices: I'm not fully aware of the nations in Asteria Inferior region, but ethnicity and/or financial issues would be more the cause for prejudice. Native population might have suffered a lot due to colonization. This and the prominent "Political-based hate between rich/poor, right-con/left-lib that happens on every nation.
  
• Immigration and Emigration: Nassovia would certainly be a welcomer of immigrants for the most time in its history. First waves would obviously of colonists, but later in the time, closer to the 21th century, it would receive more immigrants from neighbour nations.
  
• Women's Rights: Women have the same rights and duties of men, including access to education equal pay for the same positions and six months of military service for both sexes.
  
• Soft and hard drugs:Buying and Possessing alcohol is legal for everyone over the age of 16. Smoking products (Including Tobacco, Cannabis, Vapes and other Nicotine products) are allowed, but heavily frowned upon, and sold in packets covered with "health advice". Cocaine, Heroine and other hard drugs are banned. Its use, production and possession are criminalized.

Other:

• Factbook: Not yet. I'm already in IIwiki with my primary nation of Lisander, but Factbooks themselves are not my forte. I have plenty of information completely disperse and hadn't touched sectors in my nation(s) in ten years.
  
• RP Preferences: I'd say character-driver first, but I'm open to almost anything.
  
• RP Samples: Just have a look at my posts with Nassovia here. I've been trying to integrate it in different regions, but didn't had success yet.
  
• RP Intentions: Nassovia is my "pet project". I love to do all kinds of graphics and I'm loving to write more about royalty and stuff. I think I want to flesh more of its history at the moment, but as a sports fan, and a longtime member of NS Sports, I'd love to have some sporting events too.
  
• Primary/Other NS Nations: My Primary Nation is Lisander. I've been around with that for 11 years now.
  
• Any troubles with moderation?: I had a flag removed once, and had a strike for escalating a discussion a little bit too much in the rugby thread, but other than that, I can't remind nothing really serious.
  
• Discord username (in the USERNAME#0000 format): the #0000 part was dropped. But I'm already in the server, as blanchecroix
  
• Anything else?: Nothing in mind. Strike myself with questions. If I can answer it, I'll answer. If not, you're giving prompt for more lore building.

[Uatederstali]

National information
Official Name: Jendean State
Shortened Name: Jendea
Requested Location: The empty space in Euclea. The most recent map displayed it available; ideally retain the south & island if the claim is too large.
Requested Population: 43.9 million
Culture: The Jendean culture is somewhat based on the Basque culture, being close-minded and traditional.

• Ethnicity:
• 59.8% Jendean
• 36.4% Naspic
• 2.1% Sari
• 1.7% Other
• Religion: The Solarian Catholic Church had a significant influence on the government during the "Gobernu Zaharra" period between 1103 and 1821. The new republic sponsored atheism, and although they persecuted Solarians, they were tolerant of Amendists.
  • 61.8% Atheist
  • 28.1% Amendist Sotrirarian
  • 8.5% Solarian Catholic
  • 1.6% Other
  • Languages: Mihia is spoken by over 98% fluently either as a first or second language and is analogous to the Basque language, it is taught in schools and is the only language used in government. Naspic is spoken as a first language by slightly more than 13% of the population.
  Government Type: Unitary parliamentary republic under an autocratic military dictatorship
  Head of State: Mantaian Triumvirate
  Head of Government: Mantaian Triumvirate
  Requested GDP Per Capita (Nominal) and Requested GDP Per Capita (PPP): As a state in Western Euclea, this is in line with similar values. $18,304.32 (nominal) $19,095.57 (PPP)
  National Overview: Jendea has been a unified political entity since the 1103 unification of Jendea by King Abodi I. Throughout the subsequent millennia, it remained intact despite several succession crises and foreign invasions. By the beginning of the 19th century, Jendea was led by a Naspic dynasty which had imposed restrictive methods to control the majority Jendean population, and public discontent with this regime was high. A two-decade civil war began in 1801 with the execution of Arradoi Ahechu, leading to extensive population and economic losses.
  
  The modern Jendean State was founded in 1821 after the Kingdom of Naspa was toppled by republican revolutionaries. It was neutral in the Great War but sympathetic to the Estmerish side. In the 50s, liberalising reforms were passed by the recently-elected Prince-President Ernio Ecay, extending universal suffrage for all elections in the country, and redrawing the country's constituencies to re-enfranchise the Naspic people. Following the 1961 coup d'etat by the Mantaia, a new Prince-President was installed who reversed many of these measures and reinstated racial separation. From 1961 to 1994, the country was governed as a one-party dictatorship with strong limitations placed on the power of the Prince-President. Iñigo Celayaundi, with the assistance of the Patriot Party, established a political dynasty during this time. Upon his death in 1973, his son Umandi Celayaundi was elected as the new Secretary-General, remaining as such until 1989, when his 21-year-old son was elected to succeed him.
  
  In 1990, Abar Beingoolea was elected to become the new Prince-President, by this point little more than a figurehead. Through extensive negotiations between himself, the Mantaia, and the Party, he was able to successfully dissolve the Patriot Party in the 1994 Legislative Ethics Act, a move which many have since described as another coup d'etat. Following the ratification of this legislation, he imprisoned many of his allies to free himself of his obligations to them for their services, and passed decrees to greatly curtail the power of the Mantaia.
  
  During his three-decade reign as Prince-President, Beingoolea passed extensive education reform, infrastructure renewal acts, and expanded the rights of many groups. However, his redirection of funds away from the military led to the current state of certain elements of the Navy and Army. Nevertheless, he is a very popular figure, and his death was met with much public sympathy. The current Triumvirate is composed of Bernat Lasaga, Ostadar Lexarraga, and Teresa Celayaundi, all members of the National Congress Party.
  
  The Prince-President is the nation's chief executive and typically the leader of the legislature known as the Mantaia, or the leader of the National Congress Party. They are elected for life by all citizens of Jendea over 17 years of age, in an election held 2 months after the death of the previous leader. In the intermittent period, the Mantaia elects a temporary Triumvirate from themselves to manage the country's executive affairs. Many members of this body go on to win the elections.
  Following the death of the elderly Abar Beingoolea, the country has been led by this authority, with elections to take place in two weeks.
  
  Military Overview: The Jendean Military has a strong tradition, specifically for their ground forces. Currently, the military is known to have a strong code of ethics, but some aspects of the service need modernisation, at times composed of relics several decades old. It is split into four branches, the Army, Navy, Air Force, and National Guard Corps.
  
  Social views:
  
  • LGBT+ rights/LGBT+ people: Currently, all forms of discrimination in the workplace based on sexual or gender orientation are criminalised, and the country has allowed same-sex marriage since 2011, and since 2009 same-sex partnerships have been able to adopt children.
  • Religious tolerance: There is no recognised national church, and the political and economic elite ostracise those who engage with organised religion. Legally, all forms of discrimination based on religion have been criminalised since 1955, and there has been growing religious participation among the lower class.
  • Irreligion: As the government sponsors atheism and led an extensive multi-decade propaganda program to encourage a lack of faith, irreligion is viewed upon very well. The political and economic elite of the country are predominantly atheist, and over 85% of the Mantaia is atheist.
  • Birth control: Abortion up to the point of delivery has been legal since 2005, and all forms of birth control have been readily available nationwide since 1984. Most opposition to contraception and abortions have come from the growing Solarian Catholic community.
  • Race and ethnic relations: Until 1955, there was a system of Jendean racial supremacy over the country's Naspic minority population. Despite criminalisation of discrimination in the workplace or government, there exists lingering mistrust between the two groups.
  • Major Prejudices: Beyond the distrust of the Naspic and religious people, there is a degree of prejudice against individuals with familial ties to counterrevolutionaries, however in recent years the extent of this prejudice has greatly decreased. It is still evident in the country's leadership, as there are only two members of the Mantaia with such heritage.
  • Immigration and Emigration: Jendea is currently a net importer of people, at times receiving many refugees and economic migrants from Coius, but there is a strong Jendean diaspora, mainly composed of those whose families left during the Civil War and emigrants from the last three decades.
  • Women's Rights: There is universal suffrage above 17 years of age, and discrimination on the basis of gender is illegal. However, despite making up 51.2% of the country's population, only 36% of seats in the Mantaia are held by them. Although there have been several female Triumvirs, there has never been a female Prince-President in the country's history.
  • Soft and hard drugs:Tobacco and alcohol have been legal since the establishment of the Jendean State. Originally, cannabis was illegal to consume, until the 1999 drug liberalisation which decriminalised marijuana, magic mushrooms, and LSD as well. However, anabolic steroids, cocaine, methamphetamine, MDMA among other substances remain banned.
    
    Other:
    
    • Factbook:https://iiwiki.us/wiki/Jendea
    • RP Preferences: I prefer character-driven RP
    • RP Samples: Need a prompt
    • RP Intentions: Both but more worldbuilding
    • Primary/Other NS Nations: This one is the primary nation
    • Any troubles with moderation? (If so, a link, please.):
    • Discord username (in the USERNAME#0000 format): cabroncesto
    • Anything else?:

[Poshyte]

National information
Official Name: Kingdom of Sabaw (Tagelda Tsabawi, ⵟⴰⴳⴻⵍⴷⴰ ⵟⵙⴰⴱⴰⵡⵉ)
Shortened Name: Sabaw (occasionally Capria as well)
Requested Location:

Requested Population: 60.8 million
Culture: In general Sabawi culture is based on Maghrebi (mostly Moroccan) Berber culture whilst also taking certain influences from Lebanese Maronite culture particularly in regards to the Sabawi Alypians.

• Ethnicity: In 2016, 96.3% of Sabawis identified themselves to be ethnically Sabawi. Giving Sabaw the distinction of being one of the few ethnically homogenous countries in Bahia. Despite its ethnic homogeneity, two major minority ethnic groups also exist in Sabaw: the Rahelian population of Sabaw make up about 1% of the national population. Most Rahelians usually identify as Sabawi so the number is likely higher, however Rahelians who identify as such are exempt from mandatory military service which is a leading reason as to the amount of Rahelians who identify as such. In recent years owing to the Tsabaran war, Sabaw has taken in a number of Rahelian and Atudite refugees fleeing the conflict to the relative stability in Sabaw. The third major ethnic group in Sabaw are the Worodo (Bambara) population in the south-east on the border with Asase Lewa. The Worodo makeup about 2.6% of the total population of Sabaw and have faced historical discrimination over their definitely non-Sabawi status. They have been subject to some of the harshest Sabawification policies in the 20th century and are also exempt from military service. A common accusation against the Worodo is that they are illegal migrants from Asase Lewa who were encouraged by Estmere in an attempt to divide and conquer the previously homogenous Sabaw. Today, there is a Worodo independence movement largely backed by Asase Lewa that seeks either independence, autonomy and equality or unification with Asase Lewa. The remaining .1% of the population are a range of groups from foreign labourers, retirees who have settled in typically touristic areas and an incredibly small number of leftovers from the Estmerish colonial government which numbers under 5,000.
  
  There is debate on whether or not to include Alypians as an ethnoreligious group. Nationally, Sabaw does not count Alypians as a separate ethnoreligious group whilst census taking but does in other aspects. Internationally, Alypians are generally recognised as a separate ethnoreligious group either as Alypians or Sabawi Alypians.
  
• Religion: Sabaw is a constitutionally secular state and no one religion is given a higher status than the other. Sabaw historically has been accused of being anti-religion in the latter half of the 20th century. Despite this, two defined religious groups exist: the Irfanic majority which is followed by the vast majority of Sabawis (86.2% at the last census). The second defined religious group are Sabaw’s Sotirians who follow the Alypian church and live mostly in the north-east of the country. The Alypian Church which is a sui iuris particular church in full communion with the Solarian Catholic church that emerged in approximately the 4th century AD as a result of early Sotirian missionary work out of Tsabara. It is the largest group of native Sotirians in Rahelia outside of Tsabara.
• Languages: Sabaw has two official languages: Sabawi (the preferred language for everyday life) and Estmerish (which has historically been used in the business and political worlds). Both languages are taught in schools and proficiency in Estmerish as a second language is encouraged. In areas like Taddouf which experience large numbers of tourists, other languages such as Weranian, Gaullican, the Hennic languages and Mescon also have some recognised status alongside Sabawi and Estmerish. Most notably through street signs, signs in resorts or at airports.
  
  The only other recognised language is Worodo (Bambara) which holds the status of a recognised language which grants it no benefits other than being officially recognised as a language under Sabawi law. The usage of Worodo is not encouraged by the Sabawi government which insists on using Sabawi or Estmerish in public. Worodo is legally prohibited from being taught in schools and as a result many Worodo speakers must learn the language underground. Rahelian is also discouraged although the religious aspect of Rahelian grants it another special status, as such Rahelian is practically forbidden outside of a religious aspect. This has generated significant controversy and has led to Rahelian’s adoption by groups such as the Fedayun and PFLK.
  

Government Type: Unitary Parliamentary Semi-Constitutional Monarchy
Head of State: King: Heddi II
Head of Government: Premier Bekathen Sadek
Requested GDP Per Capita (Nominal) and Requested GDP Per Capita (PPP): $4,330 (Nominal) $10,374 (PPP)
National Overview: Sabaw is a regional power by all senses of the definition in Northern Bahia and to an extent Rahelia as it has one of the stronger economies in the region and has historically been comparably more stable than its neighbouring states. It is considered the breadbasket of Northern Coius due to its large agricultural industry. Sabaw enjoys adequate relations with the Euclean Community although recently concerns have been raised about the military's long-standing influence on politics, the shambolic state of democracy in the country, and human rights issues particularly against Irfanic religious groups and non-Sabawi ethnic minorities.

Historically in Euclea, Sabaw has been referred to as Capria after the port settlement of Capra from documents dating back to the Solarian Empire. Ancient Capria developed into an early centre of civilisation in northern Bahia owing to its large agricultural production and fertile land. Proto-Sabawi languages began to emerge around 4000BC and took hold amongst the Sabawi peoples in northern Bahia. Much of the north-east of Coius became unified under the Tarudant Empire which consolidated its authority and emerged as a distant rival to the Solarian Empire in the region. The Tarudant made a fortune as traders and were able to expand their influence as a result with Tarudant artefacts being recorded as far as north-eastern Euclea and Kabu. The Tarudant collapsed in the 3rd century with the near joint arrival of Sotirianity and Irfan into the region which caused a dual crisis that brought down the state as the Empire’s leadership failed to deal with either religion, instead attempting to crack down on both which stretched the Empire’s resources and only aided both the Irfanic and Sotirian causes. The primarily Sotirian northern coast and the mostly Irfanic interior emerged as direct competitors and there were several wars fought between them in the following centuries. In the 4th Century AD, the Alypian Church was founded by Saint Alypia, also known by his Sabawi name of Hdidou. Initially the Alypian Church and Sotirianity at large were persecuted with Hdidou being martyred in 387 in Nedrohari, although persecution gradually decreased and several smaller Sotirian states were formed on the northern coast after the collapse of the Tarudant Empire. The consolidation of the Alypian Church resulted in tensions between Irfani and Alypian Sotirians which emerged as a series of wars throughout the remainder of the first millennium known as the Umgaru n Asɣanan. The Umgaru n Asɣanan saw both sides compete for influence over the Sabawi plains and there were periods in which both sides dominated the area, however by the 10th century AD the Alypian states had been pushed back to the northeastern coast where their position was solidified and they were able to remain independent and relatively prosperous. The Asuddis in Nedrohari, a holy site for Alypians in particular fell under Irfanic control under the Nedrohari Taselṭna, an agreement between the Taselṭna and local Alypians saw certain groups swear loyalty to the Aselṭan in exchange for freedom to worship at the Asuddis and pilgrimage rights in and out of the area.

After centuries of disunity under various Sotirian and Irfanic states, the region was only once again unified in 1356 by the Irfanic Sella Taselṭna which rose to prominence after a series of wars amongst the Irfanic states over who controlled the most fertile areas of the interior. The Sella Taselṭna under Aselṭan Adrikan II was able to conquer the other Irfanic states and dominate the Sotirian states who had been supporting his rivals, leaving only the Kingdom of Taddouf as the last remaining independent Alypian State. In 1358, Adrikan issued the Tanaḍt on allowing Alypians to worship freely in exchange for paying a special tax to the relevant authorities and to allow Irfanis to worship freely in Alypian areas. The Sella Taselṭna ushered in a golden age for Capria, seeing the expansion of the University Complex of Takhenanet which became one of the most influential centres of knowledge in the Irfanic and Rahelian world at the time. The Golden Age is generally defined as encompassing the reigns of Adrikan and his immediate successors, although the decline began with the infighting within the dynasty which saw the Sella Taselṭna gradually weakened until it collapsed into civil war by 1532.

With the collapse of the Sella Taselṭna and the ensuing power vacuum, Corsairs who had been operating in the area for centuries were able to expand their influence establishing a series of Corsair Republics and states or controlling pre-existing states on the coast. The rise of piracy saw Euclean shipping targeted along the coast and Eucleans kidnapped into slavery or ransomed off for hefty prices, providing a major source of income for the region. Despite Euclean attempts to solve the issue, notably with the bombardment of Takhenanet which largely destroyed the University Complex and much of the old town, piracy in the area continued and Euclean states were forced into accepting the situation with their attempts so far at solving the issue having failed miserably. By 1780, most of the region’s economy was dependent on foreign tribute in the area in order to avoid being raided or captured and sold into slavery or ransomed back to their home countries.

Another contender emerging from the collapse of the Sella Taselṭna was the Achinettite Dynasty, formerly a minor house within the Sella Taselṭna, it rose to prominence after securing a base in Nedrohari amongst remnants of the Sella and gaining the support from local Corsairs as well, eventually taking control of most of the area by 1732 and eventually finally defeating the Kingdom of Taddouf which had remained outside of direct Caprian control for centuries. The Achinettites were permissive of Corsair activity as without it the basis for the Caprian economy (corsair activity) would cease and the powerful Caprian slave trade would also suffer. With the turn of the 19th century, there was growing resentment to the continued activity of the Corsairs in Capria who were now standing in the way of emerging Euclean imperial ambitions. Whilst prior to this no single state wished to attack the Corsairs as the existence of the Corsairs also harmed their continental rivals, the growing trade and influence between Coius and Euclea was now being limited by the Corsairs. The ascension of Aselṭan Daris III marked what appeared to be the continuation of the relationship between Capria and the Corsairs. This only drew the increasing ire of Euclean states, in particular Gaullica, Werania and Estmere all of whom had interests in the region. After a renewed series of naval bombardments against the Corsairs and Caprian failed, Estmere seized the island of Taddouf in 1834. Now with an actual firm position in the region to use as a means of protecting Euclean shipping and fighting the Corsairs, the Estmerish Navy dealt a series of decisive blows against the Corsairs at sea which triggered a major internal crisis in Capria and forced Aselṭan Daris to act, ordering immediate negotiations and a crackdown on the remaining Corsairs. Shortly afterwards Estmere seized prominent ports used by the Corsairs prompting a series of quick negotiations which were effectively diktats from Morwall, as a result Capria signed the Treaty of Skikjel in 1836 which made the country an Estmerish colony where the real power lay in Morwall and the Estmerish administrative centre in Nedrohari whilst the monarchy itself would remain as a way of preserving domestic stability. In addition, the Corsairs were to be dissolved, Capria was to pay reparations to Estmere for the damages it supposedly caused through the Corsairs and all remaining Euclean Slaves were to be freed and returned back to Euclea. Aselṭan Daris died only a few weeks after the signing of the Treaty of Skikjel officially from natural causes although it is widely believed he was murdered by palace guards funded by local elites angry with the Treaty, the dissolution of the Corsairs and the end of the slave trade in Capria. With Daris’ death, his nephew Aheyâd was installed on the throne with the backing of the colonial army and the Estmerish governor who saw Aheyâd as being easily manipulated.

In exchange for being placed on the throne, Aheyâd agreed to send his descendents to live and study in Estmere where they would not receive a Caprian education but an Estmerish and Northern education. This marked the beginning of the Asnummed period whereby Caprian elites would emulate the Achinettites and send their children to live in Estmere forming the beginning of the Sabawi diaspora and ensuring loyalty to Estmere amongst the local elites. Resultantly, the Caprian public began to view the Aselṭan as little more than an Estmerish puppet - an opinion which was strengthened by the fact that Aheyâd appointed the Estmerish Governor to be his chief advisor in 1845. Aheyâd's reign lasted until 1882 and ended with his death at sea when his boat sank in the Gulf of Assonaire as he was travelling to Estmere for medical treatment. His Estmerish educated son, Yufthen I became Aselṭan and despite being Aselṭan, never left the comfort of his private residence in Morwall or even visited the Caprian Colony after his coronation. Yufthen’s reign marked the definitive beginning of a period when the Caprian monarchy fashioned themselves more as Estmerish socialites rather than the monarchs of one of its colonies as their newfound position was seen as preferable and more prestigious, much to the chagrin of the Caprian populace and the colonial government who began to see anti-monarchy sentiment grow. The colonial government was also deeply concerned by this growth and sought to ensure a united front could not be achieved, Estmere adopted a divide and conquer strategy by favouring local Alypians over local Irfanis. Due to their divide and conquer policy, the primarily Alypian northeast became a commercial hub whilst the interior remained firmly agricultural.

The growing religious tension finally exploded with the outbreak of the Tazɣent, a period of intense religious communal violence. Most notably in the city of Tafrawt which was evenly split between Irfanis and Alypians and had been relatively peaceful prior to Estmere’s arrival. In 1913, what began as a dispute between vendors quickly escalated into an outright pogrom against the city’s Alypians by the Irfanis who had spent decades being mistreated by the colonial police, the elites and the colonial government who favoured the Alypian businesses. The pogrom lasted five days and saw 87 Alypians, 4 Estmerish colonial soldiers, 3 Sabawi police officers and 7 Irfanis die according to official reports, however the death toll is likely far higher. Thousands of Alypians fled Tafrawt as a result, fleeing into rural areas or hiding in caves nearby the city. The sheer scale of the violence saw Estmere declare martial law in an attempt to stop the spread of the violence and restore order in Tafrawt which it was able to successfully do three weeks later. The scale of the massacre attracted international attention and controversy as the perception abroad was that Estmere had done little to prevent the murder of Sotirians and had actively pursued policies which led to violence against the Sotirians of Rahelia and North Bahia. Fearing that the Tazɣent could spread, Estmere replaced the colonial governor and modified some of its policies slightly whilst also renegotiating the Treaty of Skikjel to allow for further Estmerish control over Capria to deal with any future revolts. The Tazɣent ended by 1915 and a period of normalcy returned to Capria, however the violence had given way to a new political force to emerge called the Taydemt Movement. Taydemt was effectively a six point ideology: ‘Secularism, Independence, Pan-Sabawism, Corporatism, Republicanism, Welfare’. The movement quickly saw success and gained traction amongst locals who resented the established political forces such as the Estmerish and the monarchy. The movement was first led by Autit Farooqui, a former student in Estmere turned socialist organiser, turned political radical. Farooqui organised Taydemt with himself as its unquestioned leader and organised underground militias and organisations to undermine Estmerish authority. With the rise of Functionalism in Gaullica, Farooqui aligned Taydemt with the emerging ideology, viewing a war between Estmere and Gaullica as beneficial to the Caprian independence cause. He travelled to Verlois on multiple occasions and as tensions grew in Euclea, Taydemt quickly became bankrolled from Verlois.

In response to this, Estmere issued an ordinance against Taydemt which saw its offices closed and known members arrested. The local police force, many of whom had sympathies with Taydemt warned the leadership of this beforehand which allowed all to escape arrest. The outbreak of the Great War saw Capria enter on the side of Estmere, King Syphax refused to vacate his Morwall villa and prevented any of his family members from doing the same. He however did encourage Caprians to enlist in the Colonial Army to protect Capria from foreign attack. Syphax’s refusal to leave Morwall saw his and the near entirety of the Caprian Royal Family’s capture when Morwall fell with only Syphax’s grandson Asagh who had enlisted in the Estmerish Air Force escape. Fighting Estmere, seeing the potential for utter chaos should Syphax switch sides and having Asagh in their control declared him to be King and sent him on a tour of Capria and Fighting Estmere to raise confidence in Capria and the colonies. Syphax died shortly afterwards and intended to leave the throne to his son, Asagh’s Uncle. However he was killed when he was accidentally shot by a Gaullican soldier holding the royal family under house arrest the night of Syphax’s death. With no legitimate heir in Gaullican hands, Taydemt was given full authority to launch a rebellion to try and destabilise Capria. As such on 14 February 1931, Autit Farooqui emerged in Nedrohari and proclaimed the independence of the Caprian Popular Republic, stating: “The monarchy has lost all authority over Ketat, there is no more basis for foreign domination of the homeland.”

The ensuing Tatrabt (emergency) saw the Taydemtists quickly pushed out of Nedrohari and most coastal areas and the revolt quickly failed, turning into a Guerilla movement. Asagh who had narrowly escaped death in the early days of the revolt was given permission to restore Absolutist rule and called on loyalists to secure order in Capria. What followed was a protracted civil war where loyalist forces held on to urban and coastal areas whilst the Taydemtists engaged in brutal guerilla warfare which lasted until 1934 and Autit Farooqui’s capture and arrest. Farooqui died two months later in prison whilst awaiting trial for Treason and rebellion. His death has sparked multiple conspiracy theories ranging from suicide to the most commonly believed theory that he was murdered by Estmere to prevent his case going to trial when the war ended. Now with a loyal absolutist Asagh and Gaullica on the backfoot, Estmere fully regained control over Capria and the final Taydemtist cells were crushed months after the Great War’s end.

The Tatrabt had long lasting effects on Capria, with Farooqui now memorialised as a national hero by both his supporter and opponents over the nature of his death and successful romanticist propaganda efforts by the remnants of Taydemt, calls for independence grew over the following year which were resisted by Morwall and the local elites who saw independence as detrimental to their future stability. However once tides began to turn and independence grew more likely, Asagh helped with the formation of the Ameẓraɣlan Party which advocated for gradual independence with close ties to Estmere. The first ever elections held in Sabaw in 1945 saw the Ameẓraɣlan Party win all contested seats with the rest being filled by non-partisan royal appointees. Now able to claim popular support for his own independence plan, Asagh engaged with Estmere over a gradual independence which heavily benefitted Estmere and Asagh. The resulting 1947 Treaty of Aïn El Keghoud saw Capria declare independence whilst remaining allied to Estmere and allowing Estmere to station forces in the country and interfere with local issues if the “stability of the nation and bilateral relations was ever to be threatened”. The Treaty was expectedly derided by Taydemtists who argued it was simply a continuation of the old colonial regime but with a different flag and a different name. Whilst publicly denied, the de facto royal palace being a series of villas in Morwall and Saint Avelines was a sign where the real power lay.

Over the next decade, a new constitution saw limited constitutionalism enshrined and the end of absolutist rule. However the Ameẓraɣlan Party remained the sole legal party and 2/3rds of the Senate was royally appointed. The Premier also was royally appointed and approval by the Senate became simply a formality. Corruption as a result of this situation grew as well as political disenchantment. This disillusion with the state of affairs allowed for the perfect opportunity for the Reformed Taydemt Movement to emerge as a credible opposition force. Led by Autit’s son Yeni, the new movement had abandoned its Functionalist leanings and now had much more contact with the global left whilst still remaining a distinct ideology. It partnered itself with the Councilist Popular Front for the Liberation of Ketat (PFLK) which itself sought to fuse councilism with Irfan. Taydemt and the PFLK became the two most credible opposition forces to the Ameẓraɣlan and a series of strikes in 1955 shook the political system. Asagh, fearful of revolution, appointed his brother in law Mastan Laham as Premier. Laham was a staunch constitutionalist who disagreed with how the Ameẓraɣlan had run Capria, he believed reform was preferable to revolution and believed the opposition could be moderated through inclusion. Whilst also a committed monarchist, he had links to the Tatrabt Taydemtist Movement and also knew Yeni Farooqui personally. The two met extensively between 1955 and 1957 when Laham announced constitutional reforms and the end of the Ameẓraɣlan’s political dominance. Elections in 1957 saw Farooqui’s Reformed Taydemtists sweep the elected Senate seats whilst the Ameẓraɣlan were pushed to second place and the PFLK experienced a disappointing result but agreed to form a coalition with the Taydemtist. In exchange for being appointed Premier, Farooqui signed an agreement of understanding known as the Anmireg with Asagh, acknowledging the position of the monarchy and agreeing not to abolish the monarchy or threaten its position within society. Asagh the following year died and was succeeded by his son Iles who had earlier married an Estmerish actress in a highly publicised wedding. Iles was much more connected with the Estmerish elite than the country he supposedly ruled and continued to live as an Estmerish socialite, becoming a media star and focusing on promoting his image while the actual governance was left to Farooqui. Morwall for its part, was absolutely horrified at the turn of events, seeing Capria drift away from it with the Caprian monarchy being too wrapped up in fame to actually care about what was happening in a country they led.

Farooqui for his part acted incredibly quickly. Within weeks he had been given the authority by Iles to use emergency powers and bypass the Senate to pass laws by decree which had to be approved by the King (who delegated these tasks to his personal secretary who themselves was quickly blackmailed by the Estmerish intelligence agency). He removed many of the royal appointees and replaced them with Taydemtists, technocrats or loyal military figures. The PFLK was thus jettisoned from the coalition and declared to be a clandestine organisation after protesting this move. In 1958, Farooqui publicly showed off his infamous Tan Dossier which laid out his plans for the total reform of Taydemtist Capria. Massive welfare reforms, developmentalist policies designed to modernise Capria’s industrial sector, expanding women's rights by granting them legal equality and allowing them the right to vote, enshrining Pan-Sabawism in the constitution which stated that all Sabawis in North Coius should reside in the Caprian state, anti-elitist laws and land reform were all covered in the dossier. The following years became known as the Tan Revolution for the dossier, the revolution saw massive social change, an end to feudalism, geopolitical realignment with the emerging world although it remained sceptical of councilism and an end to royal appointments which were replaced by meritocratic policies. Literacy for over 15 year olds grew from 8.8% when Farooqui took power to 62.3% when he died in 1986 largely as a result of the Tan Dossier’s focus on youth and adult education. Taydemtism was made a core part of the education system as any mass movement would be. It was made mandatory for school students in all stages of education to be proficient in the official state ideology, its history and its benefits to the Caprian people. The Taydemtist Youth was founded and membership made mandatory for all young people in Sabaw as a way to further promote the state ideology and instil key life lessons in the youth. Farooqui may have went a step too far by mandating Taydemt Party membership for the entire population which meant a de facto universal tax which led to previously untaxed sectors of society erupting into protest in 1960 which were quickly crushed by the newly established Internal Rapid Security Force. Capria was also declared to be a secularist state through the Tan Revolution and public displays of religion were totally banned. Crosses in churches were removed, the Irfanic symbol was declared illegal and reactionary and any religious head coverings or clothing were banned outside of designated religious buildings, there were no protests after these laws as the IRSF had threatened potential leaders with beatings, murders and jail time.

The PFLK, now a banned organisation, attracted support from Irfani rebels who opposed the reforms particularly on religion and launched a bombing campaign attempting to disrupt the state or kill Farooqui. They were supported in this effort by Asase Lewa who also funded ethnically based rebel groups in the south who were the victims of Farooqui’s Sabawification policies, internationally recognised as an ethnic cleansing policy. All minority languages were also banned in public in an effort to foster a common Sabawi identity. With the establishment of the United Rahelian People’s Republic, the PFLK launched an official insurgency to try and topple the Sabawi government which received support from other councilist and Irfanic groups abroad whilst Capria - renamed Sabaw by 1973 - gained support from elsewhere. Sabaw under Farooqui also opposed the UKP and Pan-Zorasanism as they saw Sattarism as an ideology which could threaten Taydemtism. Historically, Farooqui had tried synthesising elements from both ideologies and initially had good ties with the UKP, the two ideologies were however irreconcilable in terms of secularism vs Irfan which saw Farooqui openly condemn the ideology in his regularly scheduled television and radio statements which were used to bring Taydemtism into the homes of the people. Farooqui blamed the rise of Neo-Sattarism on the collapse in UKP-Sabaw relations and openly supported a return to Sattarist Orthodoxy.

The mutual dislike between Farooqui’s Taydemtist Sabaw and the UKP (now Zorasan) continued after the latter's unification with Farooqui not recognising unification for several years. Zorasani unification also has the effect of ending Farooqui’s love affair with the international left and Taydemtist Sabaw underwent another geopolitical realignment to return to the North’s good graces, angering Asase Lewa and other socialists even further. In 1981, Irfanis inspired by Sattarism formed the Fedayun, a clandestine Irfanic group that sought to replace or modify Taydemtism in favour of alignment with Zorasan. The Fedayun quickly grew in support amongst those disillusioned with Sabaw’s secularism but also with the open socialism of the PFLK. The security situation began to deteriorate and reached a climax in 1983 when at an independence day military parade, Farooqui was shot and nearly killed, only being saved by quickly being rushed to hospital. The attempted assassination was quickly blamed on the Fedayun and PFLK who both in turn claimed the assassination attempt to be the fault of the Estmerish intelligence service and the monarchy. The crisis in the 1980s saw Farooqui resign in 1986 due to ill health and be replaced by a council leadership to rule the country until a suitable successor could be chosen. This however did not pan out and the council fell to infighting. Now with the realistic outcome of either the PFLK or Fedayun seizing power, newly crowned King Cucanq, supported by Estmere, returned to Sabaw in what effectively amounted to a coup as he declared the suspension of the constitution and a state of emergency upon his return.

Cucanq, with total control as the army swore loyalty to him over any other contender, set about dismantling the most egregious elements of the Taydemtist state whilst retaining some of its elements. This led to the proclamation of a new liberal constitution in 1992 and the first free multiparty elections since 1957. The elections were won by a coalition of Neo-Taydemtists and Constitutionalists who formed a coalition to protect the new order from any internal or external threats. The new liberal government failed however to provide the stability that Taydemtist rule once provided and the economy entered free fall due to poor economic decisions. Corruption, once manageable under Farooqui, grew rapidly and more openly. Cucanq seeing the situation deteriorate appointed Amezyan Salek to lead a technocratic government in 1995, however Salek failed to get a grip on the situation and reacted to events as they occurred. This saw the ascension of former Fedayun Commander turned Irfani politician Azenzâr Farid to the Premiership after dominating the 1999 elections to the point where Cucanq could not reasonably not appoint him as Premier. Farid pursued detente with Zorasan, changes to Sabaw’s secularist constitution, the expansion of the Premier’s powers as well as economic reform to boost his image amongst the Irfani poor. He also led a populistic campaign targeting Sabaw’s Sotirians who still held privileged positions within society.

Farid’s Premiership saw the North view Sabaw as a less reliable partner particularly as Farid was accused of harbouring Irfani terrorist groups in Sabaw. Cucanq died in 2002 and was succeeded by his nephew Heddi II. Heddi was a prominent opponent of the constitutional order and particularly disliked Farid as he had nationalised some of Heddi’s business ventures in Sabaw. The disputes between Heddi and Farid became more and more public until both were issuing public denunciations of the other. The end for Farid’s Premiership came after he attempted to negotiate a peace deal and the inclusion of the Fedayun into politics. The army, seeing this as a bridge too far, orchestrated a 12 day long coup and standoff which ended with Farid resigning and entering exile under international pressure to avoid civil war and protect the large number of tourists in Sabaw during tourist season who were effectively stranded during the crisis. The subsequent military government undid almost all of Farid’s reforms and banned his political party. The military and royals quickly favoured the Governor of Taddouf Bekathen Sadek to become Premier and Sadek won the quickly scheduled snap elections under a Neo-Taydemtist platform although the military and media heavily favoured his candidacy and no other party had the same support as his Union did.

Now firmly in control, Sadek sought to expand Neo-Taydemtist rule in Sabaw and firmly entrenched his country with Estmere following the All Saints Day attack. Sadek’s welfare reforms have also proven popular despite accusations of pork barrelling his supporters and establishing a patronage system. He also appointed the first female cabinet ministers in Sabawi history and committed Sabaw to serious social reform during his government. Sadek was removed from office after a corruption trial and sentenced to 88 years imprisonment in 2015. He was succeeded by his wife and coffee chain mogul Yamina Sadek who became the first female head of government in any Irfanic majority state. Whilst praised internationally, Yamina Sadek launched a campaign against the judiciary and independent media who she blamed for disrupting the national order. Bekathen Sadek was pardoned in 2016 and appointed into Yamina’s cabinet, a retrial under a judge appointed by Yamina Sadek found the charges levied against Bekathen to have been politically motivated and found him innocent of any wrongdoing. The Sadek’s tandemocracy continued with Bekathen once again becoming Premier in a landslide victory in 2018. Whilst there is no mistake that the Sadek’s are the most popular politicians in Sabaw (they have built what amounts to a cult of personality around themselves), the country under their rule has experienced significant democratic backsliding and corruption continues to be an issue. Combined with the military’s political role as well as the monarchy’s role, Sabawi democracy appears fragile and has been downgraded since Bekathen’s retrial and Yamina’s judicial and media reforms. In 2023, journalists investigating Yamina’s alleged corruption were arrested on charges of defamation highlighting the decline in media freedoms. In addition, Sabaw has begun to experience problems with over-tourism particularly during tourist seasons and in coastal areas some of which have become de facto segregated between Tourists and Locals. In Taddouf, one of the most popular summer tourist destinations globally, locals have seen the average cost of a family home exceed one million Euclos which is far more than any average Sabawi family could even dream of affording. Taddouf itself has become reportedly over reliant on tourism which now makes up the vast majority of its economy, any change to Tourism levels in Sabaw and much of the economy could and likely would crumble.

Military Overview: The Sabawi Defence Force (FDT) is a professional well trained military force in the region and has the ability to defend Sabaw from external threats and has limited power projection abilities. The FDT exercises significant power upon the government which allows it to gain concessions via the threat of opposing the government. The country spends about 5.8% of its annual GDP on defence. The FDT's primary role however is to oppose Irfanic and PFLK militants and to assist stabilising the state, clashes between itself and militants are common with casualties mounting on both sides. The FDT has also been embroiled more recently during the Tsabaran civil war; the state has provided as of yet limited support to the interim government of Nazim al-Qutayni against the Supreme Political and Resistance Committee, seeing the conflict as a mirror of the civil situation in Sabaw in regards to the PFLK and Fedayun. A period of national service for all able bodied men between 18 and 35 is mandatory with exemptions or deferments being common, Rahelians, Worodos and non-Sabawis are also exempt from national service and very few serve within the armed forces itself.

Social views:

• LGBT+ rights/LGBT+ people: LGBT+ rights in Sabaw are considered to be lacking especially for the native population. Homosexuality is criminalised and is punishable by 5 years in jail, an unlimited fine, lashes or all 3 punishments and there is no recognition of same-sex couples. Foreigners are usually not subject to this law and the island of Taddouf has an active and vibrant LGBT community owing to Euclean Tourism and cultural influence. The official position of the government has changed throughout the years. Secular governments have said that homosexuality is either unnatural or Sabaw is not developed enough to begin contemplating recognition and religious governments have said that homosexuality is against Irfan. Pro-LGBT+ books, films and other types of media have been banned in the past and the country has a 'same-sex propaganda law' introduced in 2001 which criminalises the so called promotion of Homosexuality. Between 25%-30% of Sabaw say homosexuality is acceptable mostly in urban areas. Transgender and Intersex rights however are comparably good and are not covered under the anti-same sex laws. Laws regarding homosexuality are not applied evenly and are in general just not enforced for foreigners as part of a broader push to encourage more tourism in Sabaw.
• Religious tolerance: Historically, since the end of the Umgaru n Asɣanan, Irfani and Alypians have been able to coexist in relative peace and whilst different Alypian or Irfanic states have existed, there were very few instances of religiously motivated violence until the arrival of the Estmerish who used religion to drive a wedge between Alypians and Irfanis as part of a divide and conquer strategy to subjugate Sabaw. This culminated in the Tazɣent and the Tafrawt Pogrom which quickly spiralled out of control for the Estmerish authorities. The Tazɣent is the basis for much of the intercommunal animosity between religious groups. Whilst Taydemtist rule has largely healed many past rules by equally persecuting both Irfanis and Alypians, this animosity remains particularly through the Fedayun and PFLK groups which advocate for the establishment of an Irfanic state in Sabaw. With the arrival of these groups, Alypian militias have also been formed but on a much smaller scale and none are in open revolt.
• Irreligion: Irreligion is generally not a common aspect of Sabawi life and very few Sabawis would identify as stereotypically irreligious. As the vast majority of Sabawis identify as Irfanic or Sotirian there is an intense cultural taboo on identifying as irreligious. This is mostly done by the large Sabawi diaspora abroad in countries such as Estmere or Rizealand.
• Birth control: Birth control is legal* in Sabaw. Condoms, IUDs, diaphragms, birth control pills and the morning after pill have all been legal since Taydemtist rule when there were legitimate concerns that Sabaw would become overpopulated. The Taydemtist-era family planning laws have remained in force despite other changes since the Taydemtist era. Birth control is promoted to women who cannot afford having too many children and this is heavily discouraged by the state. Sabaw has been accused of forcefully sterilising women with too many children or those who the state has deemed unfit to be mothers or those of ethnic minorities particularly the Worodo in the past under Sabawfication laws. Abortion is banned in Sabaw with very few exceptions in the case of health defects or out of necessity . Otherwise anyone who has an abortion and is caught is subject to prosecution by the government although no jail sentences have been handed out in the last 20 years for having an abortion. Doctors who perform abortions automatically lose their licence if they are caught and face a jail term of up to 7 years. The country's abortion laws are opposed by the government of the day who have begun the incredibly slow process of liberalising the state's abortion laws.
• Race and ethnic relations: As an ethnically homogenous society, most Sabawis do not experience race or ethnic discrimination and Sabaw’s government has claimed it is the least racist state in Bahia in the past. Despite this significant racism exists primarily against the Worodo people who suffered extensively as a result of Taydemtism’s Sabawification policies. The Taydemtist state engaged in significant human rights abuses against the Worodo and the policy towards the Worodo was internationally panned as a policy of genocide or ethnic cleansing. Worodos are in general not accepted into the wider Sabawi society and face difficulty attaining the same benefits as ethnic Sabawis. Similarly to Worodos, Bahian immigrants who go through Sabaw whilst heading to Euclea or settle in Sabaw as foreign labourers are also severely mistreated and have little to no protections. Sabawis have also reportedly been getting increasingly tired of Euclean overtourism in coastal areas and have complained they are treated as second class citizens in their own country by tourists.
• Major Prejudices: Foreigners, Sotirians according to Irfanis and vice-versa and wealthy secular Sabawis have in many cases proven themselves to be above the law in certain cases. Foreigners are not subject to various laws in practice which has generated anger in the past. Sotirians and wealthy secular Sabawis have been able to buy their way out of persecution in the past which has become all the more common in recent years. Additionally with the outbreak of the Tsabaran civil war, the national government has introduced strict immigration policies to stem the flow of refugees arriving from Tsabara as well as elsewhere in Bahia. Southern Bahians face significant discrimination due to racist connotations of Southern Bahians being in the country illegally or criminals. The Worodo in general face universal prejudice from all aspects of Sabawi society with the aforementioned accusations that they are descended from illegal immigration, they were the main target of Sabawifcation laws and continue to face significant discrimination and prejudice when it comes to areas such as education, employment, healthcare, welfare or simply just existing as part of Sabawi society.
• Immigration and Emigration: Sabawis a net exporter of emigrants who mainly travel to Eastern Euclea or Asteria looking for a better life or for education, work or family reunification. This has caused a brain drain to become a problem as educated young people leave and rarely return. The upper class has also been affected by this as many wealthy people have also left to East Euclea or in some cases Asteria Superior. Various solutions to the brain drain have been proposed although government inaction has prevented them from being enacted. Most immigrants to Sabaw are from either neighbouring countries or from southern Bahia looking for work which is often in substandard conditions with low pay. As of 2021 the Sabawi diaspora is estimated to be between 9 million and 13 million across the globe.
• Women's Rights: The empowerment of women to achieve a better position in society was a part of Taydemtist ideology and women who had traditionally been excluded from public life were given much more freedom, autonomy and rights with the rise of the Taydemtists. Female employment and access to education became more common and it became illegal to prevent girls from receiving an adequate education. Additionally forced marriages and FGM were also banned, which some have pointed to as the cause of the Fedayun’s popularity amongst more fundamentalist and rural communities. Whilst they are de facto illegal it's an undeniable fact that these practices still occur in Sabaw despite government attempts to stop them. Significant discrimination also continues to exist with women still generally expected to be homemakers for families and their children. In areas such as sports, the Sabawi National Women's Football team was once banned by Farid’s government as it was seen as too controversial by the newly empowered clerics, whilst this was reversed, women’s sports remains significantly underfunded and does not receive nearly as much attention as men's sports does.
• Soft and hard drugs: Alcohol is restricted, Sabaw is not a dry country although Alcohol is notoriously difficult to get outside of tourist areas such as hotels, bars and resorts. The drinking age is 21 although this rule is often unenforced. To get an operating licence to sell Alcohol is also difficult, although easier for Hotels and in certain areas. Drugs, particularly Cannabis, are a controversial issue as Sabaw is a major producer and hub for Cannabis production although it is de jure illegal even for medicinal purposes. Cannabis has also played a role in traditional Sabawi culture which many use to get around the ban on Cannabis. For example, Sabaw is a hub for hashish and this plays a large role in society, it is technically both legal and illegal under differing laws from different time periods. Despite the differing laws being in place there has never been a crackdown on Hashish in modern times and it remains common in public.

Other:
[list][*]Factbook:
[*]RP Preferences: N/a
[*]RP Samples: I think I've done some posts here before. (The great big Alslandic oopsie where’d the money go moment)
[*]RP Intentions: Worldbuilding
[*]Primary/Other NS Nations:
[*]Any troubles with moderation? (If so, a link, please.):
[*]Discord username (in the USERNAME#0000 format):
[*]Anything else?: I'm very aware about what happened last time with Sabaw but I genuinely did really like the concept and I regret dropping it when I did. As for the population increase, I only saw Allen's map after I had initially applied and that made me consider whether Sabaw would have a higher population as the area appears to not be a desert and much more fertile than the Maghreb.