Kylaris Sign-up Thread [MT]

[Freedom Planita 2]

National information
Official Name: Republic of Arthadesh
Shortened Name: Arthadesh
Requested Location: Arthakhand's old spot
Requested Population: 107,281,772 (Arthakhand’s old population)
Culture: General West and South Indian; mostly !Bhojpuri, !Odia and !Bengali, with influence from dravidian groups.

• Ethnicity: Madaghan (Bhojpuri) is the plurality group, with Utcalan (Odia) and Prasuma (Bengali) minorities also being significant. There are some dravidian minorities as well and some small remnants of !uzbek peoples
• Religion: majority Ashram, minority Tulyata and Zhoism. Sathyam sect included.
• Languages: Madaghan (!Bhojpuri) is the official language of the nation, though the other minorities also speak their languages

Government Type: Ethnofederal parliamentary republic with an autonomous stratocratic dependency
Head of State: President
Head of Government: Premier
Requested GDP Per Capita: $7,607 (Nominal), $20,474 (PPP)
National Overview: Arthadesh is a sovereign state in Satria, bordered by Padaratha to the west, Rajyaghar to the east, Ajahadya to the southeast, and Baekjeong to the south. It has a population of nearly 110 million, divided into 15 districts.

The area which makes up Arthadesh has been continuously inhabited for thousands of years, with archaeological remains recording the presence of sedentary agriculture from around 4,300 BCE and the existence of pastoralist groups before this time. Located at the delta of the Bashurat river, Arthadesh was a heartland for the development of the Sataro-Euclean peoples who arrived from the east and subjugated the endemic peoples. The fertile valleys of the Bashurat river helped grow several large states in the antique era, making Arthadesh a centre of religious and philosophical as well as economic exchange. This led to the birth of the Ashrama, philosophical and theological schools which centred upon religious asceticism and pacifism. Under the Ashramic period, which began around 700 BCE and which would continue until the emergence of the Sangma as a rival power, Arthakhand was the home of several wealthy states. However, at the coming of the common era, the Arthic princedoms were subjugated by the Sangma dynasty. Arthadesh would remain under the Sangma for the majority of the dynasty's history, before the Nadipatnam Thakurate broke away and fought several wars with the central state. As Sangma power receded, more Arthakhandan Thakurates would break away, eventually forming a confederacy of princely states called the Arthadesh Confederacy. The confederacy was partially conquered by the Togoti Khaganate; its eastern region was directly annexed and its southern region was vassalized. Following the collapse of the Togoti Khaganate, a major general named Akdoğan, established his own fiefdom which became the Akdoğan Khanate. The Khanate faced strong competition from the Rajadom of Ajahadya. Desiring support, Arthakhand turned to Euclea and especially Etruria and Narozalica. While this was at first manifested by increased trade and military advisors, the Euclean powers began to extract concessions. Kassar, modern day Nagapur, was granted to Narozalica following a limited armed campaign, and in 1863 the Sardar was forced by Etruria to cede his state to Etrurian rule. During the Great War, Arthadesh became a centre of activity for anti-Euclean resistance, especially for the Green Pardals. Independence would come during the Solarian War, led by the National Liberation Army, a branch of the Green Pardals. Following independence it established itself as a confederation of many Pardal Republics and other factions. Arthadesh was caught up in the First Satrian war, and in the following decades Arthakhand fought several wars against Ajahadya which sought to unite the Satrian subcontinent under its rule. As a result, the NLA became a fundamental part of the country during the Commandery. In the 1980s, the Commandery was formally dissolved, which led to the formation of a Republic. However the NLA was allowed to keep its power and autonomy.

Arthadesh is classified as a flawed democracy, having been ruled by a coalition of pro-NLA parties since independence. Furthermore the power and the autonomy of the NLA effectively creates a second autonomous state within Arthadesh’s borders, which has led to many political disputes. Ethnic and religious divides are also present, due to the diverse nature of the state which unites many different groups and religions. Economically, Arthadesh is a developing nation, reliant on agricultural production, manufacturing, commercial fishing, and tourism for much of the state's income.

Military Overview: Arthadesh’s armed forces has two major branches; the People’s Defence Force and the National Liberation Army. Although the Defence Force is concerned with external defence and the Army is focused on internal affairs, the interservice rivalry between the two is intense. As a result, there is a level of redundancy and overlapping authority in the Armed forces such as between the ground and naval forces. While the People’s Defence Force acts as a traditional military, the National Liberation Army is actually a collection of seven paramilitary forces descended from various Pardal militias.

Social views:

• LGBT+ rights/LGBT+ people: While LGBT rights have never been criminalized, they don’t have protections either. In general, the majority of Chandans are uncomfortable and uncertain about them, but don’t outright hate them.
• Religious tolerance: Arthadesh practices state secularism although it is rather notorious for favoring the Ashram religion. Nevertheless there is little religious strife.
• Irreligion: They view atheism with suspicion as they believe in the stereotype that evil forces are at work to cause irreligion. Nevertheless, the state’s official secular policies prevent official discrimination.
• Birth control: Largely opposing, although the population generally understands if the pregnancy was caused by rape or the mother’s life is in danger.
• Race and ethnic relations: Largely calm, no significant ethnic strife despite the organization of politics along ethnic lines. Arthadesh is officially a multicultural state.
• Any big prejudices in your nation: Ajahadya must be destroyed
• Immigration and Emigration: As Arthadesh industrializes, it is experiencing a lot of rural to urban migration, leaving some of the rural areas depopulated. Externally it is experiencing some brain drain to Senria and to Baekjeong.
• Women's Rights: There are some protections, but it is not comprehensive. Women still face some lack of rights such as financial independence from their husbands. However if they are the head of their household, they are automatically granted rights that come with managing a household. Nevertheless in rural areas, society remains largely patrichical.
  
• Views on tobacco/alcohol/pot/other drugs: The usage of Tobacco is legal after the age of 18, where it is commonly used by adults. Alcoholic drinks are legal after 16. Hard drugs such as cocaine and heroin are banned.

Other:

• Factbook: will make
• RP Preferences: TBD
• RP Samples: Submitted before
• RP Intentions: Worldbuild first, RP later
• Primary/Other NS Nations: None
• Any troubles with moderation? (If so, a link, please.): Warnings in the past
• Discord username: Planita#2057
• Anything else?:

Swapped with Arthakhand

[Pkam]

National information
Official Name: Union of Zomia, Pyidaunzu Hsan, ပြည်ထောင်စု သျှမ်
Shortened Name: Zomia (Estmerish exonym), Hsan (Hsan-Lue endonym)
Requested Location: https://media.discordapp.net/attachment ... nknown.png
Requested Population: 19,300,000
Culture: Zomia is a little-developed region of narrow intermontane valleys separated by vast, rugged highlands, broadly analogous to the Southeast Asian Massif. As such, its ethnic, linguistic and cultural diversity is almost incomparable - in particularly remote areas there may be new languages literally over each hill. Highly localised animist and shamanist traditions abound, often syncretised with idiosyncratic folk-sects of Badism and Zohism, even Irfanism brought by foreign merchants and emissaries in ages past.

Zomia's widest and southernmost valleys, however, once gave rise to significant pre-colonial polities: densely-settled city-states that terraced entire valleysides for wet-rice cultivation. They flourished throughout the Medieval Climate Anomaly, when high global temperatures kept the coasts of Southeast Coius swampy and malarial, and the interior temperate, but global cooling in the early modern era reversed this fragile balance of power, rendering the coasts hospitable and the uplands ever drier - condemning the Zomi civilisations to an irreversible decline.

When the emergence of global trade brought Euclean gunpowder and mercenaries to the coasts, this reversal was complete, and the far-flung valley-states of Zomia - with their fragile alliances and stagnant populations - were doomed to become tributaries of the ascendant Aguda Empire. When Euclean colonialists partitioned Aguda lands between them, the semi-nomadic hill peoples that had once provided the valley-states with slaves and auxiliaries became another menace - toppling rump kingdoms long dependent on Aguda armies to guard their frontiers, and forming amorphous tribal confederations of their own. Euclean colonisers found these ever-shifting clans and warbands impossible to administrate directly, and were forced to rely on native chieftains and tribal assemblies to achieve any semblance of control. Thus, the foundations of the modern Princely Union were laid down, the region remaining far less Eucleanised than any of its neighbours to the present day.

• Ethnicity: The Hsan-Lue minority are the dominant ethnic clique of the Union, concentrated in the larger, relatively urbanised southernmost valleys. They are descended from the hill peoples that invaded the valley-kingdoms, and were favoured by Euclean colonialists as a 'natural warrior-people', sowing a lasting enmity between them and other Zomi tribes. Intermixed offshoots of the Chanwan, Kyu, Isan-Kasi and Kachai peoples predominate throughout the mountain highlands, and at the Northeastern borders of Zomia, where they gradually plateau into the Great Steppe, the outer valleys are populated by Irfanic Oegun and Badist Ukilen, descendants of ancient nomadic conquerers. Their relatively homogenous religious identities set them apart from the syncretist majority, and various separatist movements are growing in strength.
  
• Religion: The state religion practiced ceremonially by the royal family is a syncretic Badist-Zohi offshoot, most profoundly influenced by the Busothaq school of Zohism, which holds that salvation is possible in all faiths on account of their underlying oneness. This is not a widespread or popular religion, rather it serves as an anodyne and acceptable umbrella-faith, to which the lesser Princes and Chieftains can pay token homage while practicing their own folk religions.
• Languages: There is no official language, though the Lue dialect of Kasine serves as a de facto lingua franca in education and government. Weranian and Estmerish are commonly spoken by the royal classes, who due to historical-colonial ties are usually educated in these countries.
  Government Type: Federal Elective Absolute Monarchy
  Head of State: Prince Paramount Nyapkthe III Uo Sthe, Sahkan of Yotkuy
  Head of Government: Viceregnant Badithirat I Na Israt, Sah of Jattasey
  Requested GDP Per Capita (Nominal) and Requested GDP Per Capita (PPP): $ 854 (Nominal), $ 3734 (PPP)
  
  National Overview:
  
  The Princes of the Union style themselves in the tradition of the legendary valley-kingdoms of the middle ages, though in reality they can claim little in the way of genealogical, ethnic or even cultural descent from those vanished civilisations. They are the descendants of up-jumped 20th century tribal warlords, and their appeals to a grander history are a matter of political expedience. Zomia is one of the last absolute monarchies in the world, and is often considered backwards and reactionary - which it certainly is - yet arguably the only means of making a nation out of such diverse peoples is to hearken back to such pre-national notions of legitimacy.
  
  During decolonisation, when the tide of socialism swept over Southeast Coius, Zomia northern neighbours adopted a mild form of democratic councillism, but the revolution took on an ugly ethnic dimension in the heterogenous highlands of Zomia, where such national unity did not exist. Once powerful clans that had long been maligned and marginalised by the colonial powers became the harbingers of socialism, using agricultural collectivisation as a blunt instrument of demographic warfare. Famine and forced relocation decimated the Hsan-Lue, and many other privileged minorities once favoured by the Eucleans - and long resented for it. Initially supported by Dezevau and Lavana, the People's Republican Army inflicted brutal conditions on their collectivised labour force, whose suffering was hidden from the world by the remoteness of the highland jungles.
  
  The Union originated in an unlikely alliance borne of military necessity, an assembly of tribal leaders that formed a united front against the socialist advance. Propped up by foreign support once the scale of the PRA's atrocities became known - or once their inevitable collapse into ethnic infighting had become clear, as others more cynically claim - the Union was able to regain control of the majority of the Zomi highlands. Many observers reasonably argue that this patchwork of corrupt, authoritarian junta-monarchies - and their rubber-stamp assemblies full of royal cronies with foreign bank accounts - is no better than what it replaced.
  
  But for better or worse, there now exists a great deal of genuine autonomy, simply due to the acknowledged limitations of the Paramountcy's power. Local tribal assemblies and petty princes may or may not be democratic, progressive or benevolent, but they sustain a staggering diversity of local traditions and cultures that anywhere else in the world would have been long Eucleanised and eradicated. Modern Zomia is romanticised as often as it is maligned by foreign intellectuals, and cannier royals play on such sentiments to curry favour with foreign press.
  
  Military Overview: The Royal Union Army is an anachronistic patchwork of non-professional militia levied from its various chieftaincies, armed with outdated equipment, and with little in the way of combined arms training. Though there is a thin upper crust of professional elites led by officers from the remoter royal lineages, theirs is mostly a ceremonial role, fit for the parade ground and little else. Such an army performs adequately in suppressing and containing the insurgency of the United Councils in the Southeast - the last holdout of Zomia's socialist regime. But it is abundantly clear that it cannot hope to stand against a real state opponent. Desultory border conflicts with Lavana have proven as much, Union soldiers fleeing into the forests as soon as serious fighting began. They are more loyal to their clans or sects than their nominal officers, and are unwilling to put up more than token resistance outside their own homelands.
  
  Social views:
  
  • LGBT+ rights/LGBT+ people: The Royal Charter, the Union's founding document, makes no mention of sexuality or LGBT in the Euclean sense, but as throughout much of Southeast Coius, traditional Badists believe in a third indeterminate gender, known under a variety of local names. Religious freedom is enshrined in the Charter, and transgenderism is thus, to an extent, protected as a form of Badist expression. Though same sex activities carry little stigma, traditional marital mores mean that the idea of a permanent, committed homosexual relationship is still beyond the pale.
    
  • Religious tolerance: Whatever else it isn't, Zomia has always been a place of broad religious tolerance. It is situated at the crossroads between three major faiths, and in its remote and isolated mountain valleys they have syncretised for centuries, both with each other and the region's myriad indigenous pantheons and folk-cults. The growth of a violent and radical Irfanist movement in the Northeast, however, may change this longstanding religious peace.
  • Irreligion: Legally, there is no such thing as irreligion. Culturally it is viewed with suspicion, if not loathing, due to the militant atheism of the United Councils and their destruction of many ancient monasteries, shrines and statues. Religious affiliation in the Confederacy proper is a concrete matter of census record, though in reality the vast range of folk traditions listed under the single category of 'indigenous belief' obscures this diversity.
  • Birth control: Unusually, it is among the educated and royal classes that principled opposition to birth control is greatest. There is no official support for abortion or contraception in Zomia. Among local tribal communities, however, traditional plant-based remedies are commonly used to induce miscarriages. Even the exposure of infants is a widespread practice, despite its nominal illegality.
  • Race and ethnic relations: There has always been inter-tribal conflict in Zomia, though colonialism entrenched certain ethnic divides and left a legacy of lasting enmity and resentment between major ethnic groups. During the civil war, the Kyu militias of the People's Republican Army inflicted a deliberate famine which claimed over a million Kasine lives. To this day, though both socialist and royalist factions claim to stand for all the people, their supposed ideologies are in reality little more than the banners of ethnic loyalty.
  • Major Prejudices: Persecution of 'socialism' - in effect, of the hapless Kyu minority that are the demographic base of the Socialist insurgency - is endemic. Though the Kyu territories are nominally autonomous, with their own devolved tribal assemblies, this is a legal fig leaf which enables the Royal Government to deny the crimes committed by the Jatt 'peacekeepers' that occupy their lands. This violence, however, also serves to obscure a myriad of pettier injustices that still impact thousands of lives every day. Corrupt princes ignore the tribal rights of minority communities and open protected lands to foreign multinationals. Rampant nepotism ensures that virtually all well-paying government jobs are held by ethnic Lue. Zomi royals may play on Euclean colonial guilt by praising the traditional lifestyles of Zomia's disadvantaged communities, but for those in the wrong ethnic group, there is little hope for anything else.
  • Immigration and Emigration: The jungles and rugged highlands of Zomia offer refuge for many. Dissident political groups and militias often cross over from neighbouring countries, and the decentralised government and ineffective military of Zomia can do little - and has little desire to do anything - to stop them. In the more conventional sense, however, Zomia experiences net emigration, though it clamps down on the ability of less-favoured groups to flee the country where it can. The lack of official documentation possessed by remoter tribal communities facilitates this oppression.
  • Women's Rights: To undercut the United Councils' rhetoric of liberation, the Royal Charter enshrines rights that, at least on paper, are as liberal and progressive as the most modern of Euclean nations. In Kasine communities, these rights are to some extent reflected in reality. Societal and sexual mores are conservative, and yet women traditionally play a prominent role in bartering, haggling, and by extension other commercial dealings, affording them a significant degree of financial independence. Such base concerns are often seen as beneath men, who concern themselves principally with acts of generosity and profligacy aimed at heightening their status or displaying piety. Among many minority groups, however, restrictive gender roles are the norm, and an internationally backed government campaign to suppress female genital mutilation in the remoter provinces has met with little practical success.
  • Soft and hard drugs: Opium, khat, and all manner of indigenous hallucinogenics are pervasive aspects of Zomi culture and religion. Though the sale of foreign drugs is taxed in the major towns and cities, there are no proscribed substances in the Union.
  
  Other:
  
  • Factbook: https://iiwiki.us/wiki/Zomia (In progress)
  • RP Preferences: I've always preferred diplomatic and cultural RPs, and indeed Zomia is likely to suffer internal conflict and border skirmishes at most.
  • RP Samples: For the last couple years I've been involved with Cynosure, an offsite FT community, under the name Phorcys. Here are some recent RPS. https://cynosure.wuufu.co.uk/forums/vie ... 100&t=1046 | https://cynosure.wuufu.co.uk/forums/vie ... =101&t=966
  • RP Intentions: I've an interest in SEA history, and so my interest in the region is definitely in worldbuilding, but I find that world-building develops best in active RP, not in the abstract.
  • Primary/Other NS Nations: N/A
  • Any troubles with moderation? (If so, a link, please.): N/A
  • Discord username (in the USERNAME#0000 format): Hub#4695
  • Anything else?: N/A

[Bhikkustan]

National information
Official Name: Kingdom of Duran
Shortened Name: Duran
Requested Location: Chanda's spot
Requested Population: 28,424,000
Culture: The dominant culture is Nampa (!Tibetan), and other !Tibetic groups, though with heavy shangean influences. There are also Turpa (!Hmong), who are most populous in the hills to the north.

• Ethnicity: There is no majority ethnic group. Tibetic groups make up roughly 41%, divided into its different variants, while Turpa/Hua make up another 35%. 14% are Shangean, and the rest are various satrian groups.
• Religion: Duran is a religious melting pot, with significant populations following
• Languages: Namkha (!Tibetan) is the official language, though Turpa languages are also protected

Government Type: Constitutional monarchy with a directly elected advisory council, wherein the monarch exercises strong power
Head of State: Zhabdrung Namgyal Gyemtsen
Heads of Government: Pönchen Tsering Gyatso, Nam Desi Dondrub Wangmo

Requested GDP Per Capita (Nominal) and Requested GDP Per Capita (PPP): $ 14,995 PPP, $6,015 (Nominal) (Chanda's stats)
National Overview: The Kingdom of Duran (Namkha: ནམྱུལགྱལཁཔ ​Namyul Gyal Khap), commonly known as Duran, is a sovereign state in Coius. It shares land borders with Ajahadya to the north, Shangea to the south, and Baekjeong to the east. It is entirely landlocked. As of 2017, Duran's population was approximately 28 million. Its capital city is Chenpodrang, which is also the largest city in the country.

Continuous habitation within the area of modern Duran began in the neolithic era, with the Matu culture being the first emergence of what is commonly considered to be a proto-Hua ethnic group in the Lhochum valley in approximately 3000 BCE. The first of the Duranic groups arrived in the sixteenth century BCE, during the ShangoDuranic migration. These two peoples would live reasonably peacefully, primarily establishing small scale agricultural livelihoods. Several polities arose between the two, and there were multiple wars which eventually resulted in the Nampa state gaining political prominence. Under the Xiang dynasty, Shangean control over the fertile Lhochum valley area was first extended, settling Shangean peoples in several urban areas. These Shangeans would come to dominate the nation’s urban economy, leaving the king dependent on them as merchants. Namqu, as the region was referred to by the Shangeans, became a nominal protectorate of the central Xiao state and, despite periods of extended independence, would eventually grow closer to its cultural and political sphere. By 1882, king Namgyal Dorji was so dependent on Shangean support that he was deposed in a palace coup by a group of powerful Shangean merchants in favour of his daughter Lhamo, who had been educated in Shangea and was married to a Shangean. Dorji fled to Ajahadya, where he unsuccessfully petitioned the Raj for military help, before fleeing to Euclea in exile. Meanwhile, Lhamo acceeded power to her shangean Pönchen, Deng Bufang, who would sign an accord of annexation. Deng began a campaign of Shangeanification and modernisation of Duranese society. During the great war, the exiled Dorji’s lobbying of several great powers was enough to have Duran granted independence in the treaty of Keisi.

Since independence, Duran has been weakened by tensions within its society. Though much of the traditional elite had welcomed the return of Dorji, the Shangean population wished to be integrated into Shangea. The Turpa hill tribes, who had been targeted during Lhamo’s modernisation campaigns, were in a state of revolt and it was not until the institution of the Dratsung system which granted autonomy to many rural hill tribes and mountain peoples in terms of local administration and education. Despite this system, there are still major differences between the levels of development. While National Principalism is officially banned, the Shangea-friendly Co-Prosperity Party operates legally and while it has never reached government remains a significant presence. There have been several border clashes between Duran and Shangea, with certain passes under disputed control. Duran is a close strategic partner of Senria, and a member of its alliances.
Military Overview: While its small size compared to its neighbours means that Duran is a minor military player, it is a highly militarised society. Two years military service are compulsory for all non-dratsung citizens, and the nation has large contingents of Senrian, Baek and Arthakhandan soldiers based there. Most of its military technology is from these three countries.

Social views:

• LGBT+ rights/LGBT+ people: The status of LGBT rights is similar to neighbouring countries. While there is little official discrimination against them, there is little governmental support. Within the hill peoples there is a wide spectrum of views from complete opposition to multigendered conceptions.
• Religious tolerance: There is little sectarian tension in Duran, with Zohism, Jatic faiths and traditional beliefs coexisting.
• Irreligion: As above, irreligion is rare but not particularly stigmatised.
• Birth control: Abortion is restricted by the government and broadly unpopular with the population. Especially in rural areas, women who have had abortions are believed to be haunted and are often outcast. Legally, it is permitted only in cases of rape or incest.
• Race and ethnic relations: There are racial tensions between the Nampa and Turpa peoples, given their historical conflicts. Conflicts between Turpa peoples are also present on a tribal level, though sporadic.
• Major Prejudices: SHANGEA (Angry reacts only)
• Immigration and Emigration: Duran is a net producer of immigrants, due to political instability and given rural conditions.
• Women's Rights: Legally, there is no discrimination between the genders. In practice, women are bound by cultural norms to be parents and often receive less pay than their male counterparts. In rural areas it differs, with some societies being matriarchal and some strongly patriarchal.
• Soft and hard drugs:

Alcohol and tobacco are legal and very widely used. Harder drugs are illegal and strictly punished, but the nation is a major producer of Heroin and other such drugs which are then sold internationally.[/list]

Other:

• Factbook: https://iiwiki.us/wiki/Duran
• RP Preferences: Erotic
• RP Samples: You have plenty
• RP Intentions: Worldbuild cultural stuff, tho there's good potential as well for some rp
• Primary/Other NS Nations: Mabifia
• Any troubles with moderation? (If so, a link, please.): no
• Discord username (in the USERNAME#0000 format): sambal pedas#1611
• Anything else?: I think this swap makes sense, as Chanda will do a better job with something like Arthakhand's spot than I could

[Freedom Planita 2]

National information
Official Name: Socialist Republic of Arthadesh
Shortened Name: Arthadesh
Requested Location: Arthakhand's old spot
Requested Population: 107,281,772 (Arthakhand’s old population)
Culture: General West and South Indian; mostly !Bhojpuri, !Odia and !Bengali, with influence from dravidian groups.

• Ethnicity: Madaghan (Bhojpuri) is the plurality group, with Utcalan (Odia) and Prasuma (Bengali), Tamisari (Telugu) minorities. The Vanavasi tribal groups are also significant.
• Religion: There is no majority religion. Ashram is the largest religion, followed by Satrian Zhoism, and Tulyata.
• Languages: Madaghan (!Bhojpuri) is the official language of the nation, though the other minorities also speak their languages

Government Type: Federal parliamentary socialist republic
Head of State: First Secretary of the SSWI
Head of Government: Premier
Requested GDP Per Capita: $4,607 (Nominal), $12,474 (PPP)
National Overview: Arthadesh is a sovereign state in Satria, bordered by Padaratha to the west, Rajyaghar to the east, Ajahadya to the southeast, and Baekjeong to the south. It has a population of nearly 110 million, divided into 16 subdivisions including the disputed island of Minkathala.

The area which makes up Arthadesh has been continuously inhabited for thousands of years, with archaeological remains recording the presence of sedentary agriculture from around 4,300 BCE and the existence of pastoralist groups before this time. Located at the delta of the Bashurat river, Arthadesh was a heartland for the development of the Sataro-Euclean peoples who arrived from the east and subjugated the endemic peoples. The fertile valleys of the Bashurat river helped grow several large states in the antique era, making Arthadesh a centre of religious and philosophical as well as economic exchange. This led to the birth of the Ashrama, philosophical and theological schools which centred upon religious asceticism and pacifism. Under the Ashramic period, which began around 700 BCE and which would continue until the emergence of the Sangma as a rival power, the region of modern day Arthadesh was the home of several wealthy states. However, at the coming of the common era, the Ashramic princedoms were subjugated by the Sangma dynasty. The region would remain under the Sangma for the majority of the dynasty's history, before the Nadipatnam Thakurate broke away and fought several wars with the central state. As Sangma power receded, more Thakurates would break away, eventually forming a confederacy of princely states called the Chamtamula Confederacy. This Confederacy only existed in the southern region of modern day Arthadesh, with the central and northern regions outside of their control. The confederacy was partially conquered by the Togoti Khaganate; its eastern region was directly annexed and its southern region was vassalized. Following the collapse of the Togoti Khaganate, a major general named Akdoğan, established his own fiefdom which became the Rajadom of Akdoğan. The Rajadom faced strong competition from the Rajadom of Ajahadya. Desiring support, the Rajadom turned to Euclea and especially Etruria and Narozalica. While this was at first manifested by increased trade and military advisors, the Euclean powers began to extract concessions. Kassar, modern day Nagapur, was granted to Narozalica following a limited armed campaign, and in 1843 the Sardar was forced by Etruria to cede his state to Etrurian rule.

During the Great War, Arthadesh supplied troops to Etruria but was also a centre of activity for anti-Euclean resistance. After almost a century of Etrurian colonization and repression, anti-colonialist movements were largely destroyed, but the remaining nationalists and anti-colonialists were ardent socialists with the aim of establishing a socialist state. Independence would come during the Solarian War, led by the National Liberation Army, a branch of the Green Pardals. Following independence it established itself as a Pardal Republic known as the Satrian Commandery, led by Sheru Ramprasad. Arthadesh was caught up in the chaos of the First Satrian War, where it fought against its neighbors to consolidate its territory. The NLA was reorganized into the Army of the Socialist Revolution and continued to have a significant role in Arthani society to this day. Arthadesh fought to spread socialism through Satria with the end goal of forming a pan-Satrian state. After its defeat in the Second Satrian War, Ramprasad was deposed, and Arthadesh’s leaders pursued a more pragmatic foriegn policy. In 1967, the Commandery was dissolved and the Socialist Republic was formed in order to formally mark the end of its mission to for an socialist pan-Satrian state. A decade later, it was a member of the anti-Ajahadya coalition during the Third Satrian War that led to Ajahadya’s defeat. In 1983, the country invaded Minkathala, which was formerly part of Arthadesh from 1959 to 1983. The wars led to closer ties with Senria, whose interests partially aligned with Arthadesh’s, although it remained closely aligned with the socailist bloc. Nevertheless with encouragement from Senria, Arthadesh loosed state control over the economy, although it did so with an emphasis on market forces rather than capitalism. Various reform movements continue today that increased political pluralism, although leftist politics remain entrenched.

Today, Arthadesh is classified as a flawed democracy and as a Southern democracy due to the influence of the leftist political establishment in government institutions. Ethnic and religious divides are also present, due to the diverse nature of the state which unites many different groups and religions. Arthadesh is a developing nation, reliant on agricultural production, manufacturing, commercial fishing, and tourism for the nation’s economy. The country is considered a middle power in Kylaris due its population and geographic location. Due to its status as a socialist country it is a full member of the Association for International Socialism. It is also an observer member of the BCO and a full member of COMDEV, the Community of Nations, and the International Trade Organization.

Military Overview: Arthadesh’s armed forces has two major branches; the People’s Defence Force and the Army of the Socialist Revolution. Although the Defence Force is concerned with external defence and the Army is focused on internal affairs, the interservice rivalry between the two is intense. As a result, there is a level of redundancy and overlapping authority in the Armed forces especially with naval forces. While the Army of the Socialist Revolution acts as a traditional military, the remainder of the armed forces acts as a permanent expeditionary force.

Social views:

• LGBT+ rights/LGBT+ people: While LGBT rights have never been criminalized, they don’t have protections either. In general, the majority of Athani are uncomfortable and uncertain about them, but don’t outright hate them.
• Religious tolerance: Arthadesh practices state secularism but the system is notorious for favoring Ashram and Tulyata. Zohism, the traditional religion of the Vanavasi, and “foreign religions“ suffers from lax enforcement of anti-discirmation policies.
  
• Irreligion: They view atheism with suspicion as they believe in the stereotype that evil forces are at work to cause irreligion. While, the state’s official secular policies prevent official discrimination, it still exist in practice.
• Birth control: Largely opposing, although the population generally understands if the pregnancy was caused by rape or the mother’s life is in danger.
• Race and ethnic relations: Arthadesh is officially a multicultural state, although the Madaghan plurality is overrepresented in Arthani society. As a result, there are ethnic tensions,.
• Any big prejudices in your nation: Ajahadya must be destroyed
• Immigration and Emigration: As Arthadesh industrializes, it is experiencing a lot of rural to urban migration, leaving some of the rural areas depopulated. Externally it is experiencing some brain drain to Senria and to Baekjeong.
• Women's Rights: There are some protections, but it is not comprehensive. Women still face some lack of rights such as financial independence from their husbands. However if they are the head of their household, they are automatically granted rights that come with managing a household. Nevertheless in rural areas, society remains largely patrichical, so this only occurs when the wife is widowed.
  
• Views on tobacco/alcohol/pot/other drugs: The usage of Tobacco is legal after the age of 18, where it is commonly used by adults. Alcoholic drinks are legal after 16. Hard drugs such as cocaine and heroin are banned.

Other:

• Factbook: will make
• RP Preferences: TBD
• RP Samples: Submitted before
• RP Intentions: Worldbuild first, RP later
• Primary/Other NS Nations: None
• Any troubles with moderation? (If so, a link, please.): Warnings in the past
• Discord username: Planita#2057
• Anything else?:Swapped with Arthakhand

[Pergia]

National information
Official Name: Democratic Socialist Republic of Pergia
Shortened Name: Pergia
Requested Location: Former Aimilia
Requested Population: 10,518,128
Culture: The dominant culture is Pergian (!Latvian) with some Sarabian minorties (!Sorbian). Pergian culture is equivalent to Baltic culture in our world, being related to the Ruttish people, however there is some Solarian, Marolevic, Weranic and Tenic influences, with the region being a crossroads of many Euclean cultures throughout history, though nevertheless the Pergians emerged as the dominant culture. The Pergians, who share a common ancestor with the Ruttish people from Werania, migrated to Kirenia sometime in the late classical period, however conflict with the native Kirenic tribes forced them to migrate even further south to what is now known as Pergia. The Pergians derive their name from the Solarian word for stranger or foreigner, peregrinus, a name which they were given due to their unique language in comparison to surrounding tribes and cultures, with their closest relatives, the Ruttish people, living far to the north in what is now Werania. Thus they were given the name Peregrii by the Solarians, which was later shortened to Pergii, and their new homeland given the name Pergia. In their native tongue, the Pergian people refer to themselves as Pergieši and their country as Pergija. They intermixed with the Libisi (!Livonian) Kirenic tribe which inhabited the area before their arrival, and, although the Libisi had been assimilated centuries ago, their is still some Kirenic influnce in modern Pergian culture.
[list][*]Ethnicity: The dominant ethnic group are the Pergians, who comprise about 85.94% of the population, or 9,039,279 people, according to the 2019 census. 13.62% of the population, or 1,432,569 people, are Sarabians, descendants of the Wends, a Marolevic tribe which settled the area in the early 9th century CE and ruled the Pergians from 825 to 974 CE. The other 0.44% of the population are mostly from either other Euclean groups, or immigrants from Coius, particularly from the northern part of the continent.
[*]Religion: 75.79%- Irreligious
16.33%- Various Amendist Affiliations
6.51%- Episemialist Church
1.05%- Solarian Catholic Church
0.32%- Other
[*]Languages: The dominant and official language of Pergia is Pergian, (!Latvian) however West Sarabian (!Upper Sorbian) and East Sarabian (!Lower Sorbian), the languages of the Sarabian people, are both recognized as regional languages, and are, along with Pergian, the three official languages of the Autonomous Sarabian Socialist Republic within Pergia.
Government Type: Federal Nonpartisan Council Socialist Republic
Head of State: none de jure, de facto Chairwoman Natālija Jeļena Krūmiņš
Head of Government: See above
Requested GDP Per Capita (Nominal) and Requested GDP Per Capita (PPP): $32,664 for nominal, $40,111 for PPP.
National Overview: Anatomically modern humans arrived in what is now Pergia around 24,000 years ago. Tenic and Kirenic tribes arrived around 1,000 BCE. During the late classical period, Marolevic and Weranic tribes also began to settle in the region, as well as some Solarian merchants. the Pergii tribe, ancestors of the modern-day Pergians, arrived sometime in the 1st Century CE, and by the 5th century became the dominant ethnic group, gradually assimilating all others over the coming centuries. in c.420 CE, the First Kingdom of Pergia was established by Visvaldis I, uniting all the tribes in the area. It maintained its independence as a pagan kingdom in an increasingly Sotirianized Euclea, due to deft political maneuvering. Regardless, it could not survive as a pagan kingdom forever, and it was gradually Sotirianized, as much of the population converted to Solarian Catholicism. Nevertheless, the ruling class remain staunchly pagan. In 712 CE, with support from Pergia's Catholic population, it was conquered by the Verliquoian empire, which governed Pergia until it was conquered by a Marolevic tribe known as the Wends in 825 CE, establishing the Wendish Kingdom of Pergia. The nation's new rulers were Episemialists, and with the ruling class differing with the bulk of the population in both religion and ethnicity, tensions arose. These tensions finally culminated in 974 CE when the Wendish Kingdom of Pergia was overthrown and native rule restored, establishing the Second Kingdom of Pergia.

In the early 16th century, the Amendist schism spread throughout Euclea. Amendism became especially popular in Pergia, where the king converted in 1545, and it was established as the official religion in 1557. Solarian Catholics quickly became a minority in Pergia. Following the outbreak of the Amendist wars in 1582, Pergia joined on the side of the anti-Catholics. Because Pergia opposed the Catholic states, the king viewed Catholics within Pergia as a threat and Catholicism was banned that year. Although the ban was lifted in 1610, Catholics continued to suffer repression and persecution by the state until 1858.

Feudalism was officially abolished in Pergia in 1760, after having governed the nation for over 1,000 years. Combined with the industrial revolution which began around that time, modern capitalism quickly developed in the nation, leading to industrialization, which caused Pergia to see huge economic growth.

Another effect of the abolition of feudalism was the nation becoming an Absolute Monarchy. In 1780, the nation became a de jure constitutional monarchy, with a unicameral parliament known as the Saeima. However, the nation was still a de facto absolute monarchy. The constitution could be suspended by the king at any time. Additionally, the king could veto bill passed by the Saeima, which he could dissolve on a whim. The Saeima was practically useless as the king could issue decrees without its approval, which became law. It met only 3 times in its existence: it 1780, 1812, and 1840. The enlightenment and the subsequent rise of liberalism in Pergia led to much political unrest and dissatisfaction against the monarchy. The parliament was dissolved and constitution abolished in 1854, which was essentially the straw that broke the camel's back in Pergia. Inspired by the Euclean Spring, liberals, socialists, and other republicans sparked a the Pergian Revolution, leading to a bloody four-year civil war, culminating in 1858 with the victory of the republicans, who established a presidential republic known as the Republic of Pergia. A new constitution was established based on the principle of the seperation of powers by Alexandre Seyres, leading to a stronger Saeima.

From 1858 until 1913, Pergia went through an era of peace and economic prosperity, spurned by the nation's industrialization. This era ended with the Great Collapse in 1913, which lead to widespread poverty and unemployment. In 1917, Functionalist Gaullica demanded Pergia's annexation. The small republic, with a vastly inferior military and an economy in shambles, knew it could not withstand an invasion, and had little choice but to submit. The Pergians greatly resented their Gaullican rulers, and attempted a rebellion in 1918, which was quickly crushed.

The Pergian independence movement was subsequently forced underground, although in 1929, taking advantage of Gaullica's occupation with the Great War, Pergian Nationalists staged an uprising, which was supported by the Grand Alliance. Following Kirenia's entry into the war in 1931, Kirenian influence caused the communists, organized under the Pergian Section of the Workers' International, known in Estmerish by the Estmerish acronym PSWI, to quickly take the lead in the rebellion. In 1935, following Gaullica's surrender, a council socialist republic was established under the authoritarian rule of Andrejs Bendiks Kalniņš, who lead the PSWI at the time. The new republic was named the "Glorious Socialist Republic of Pergia". Kalniņš was a communist, but he was also a proud Pergian nationalist as well. Under Kalniņš, Pergian culture was promoted and a strong Pergian national identity was created. Sarabian culture was suppressed, and students and teachers were required to only speak Pergian in schools, even in the most heavily Sarabian areas. Sarabian nationalists were purged from the PSWI, and usually exiled, shot, or sent to labor camps. Kalniņš' dubbed his nationalist form of socialism "National Communism". Despite this, Pergia remained dedicated to supporting the international socialist cause, supporting South Kabu in the Kabu Civil War and supporting Kirenia in the Kirenia-Werania war. It was a founding member of the AESE. another aspect of Kalniņš' rule was the philosophy of Centralism: which held that socialist nations needed a strong, central leadership to better resist capitalist powers. The Centralist ideology was used as a justification for Kalniņš dictatorial power and the one-party rule of the PSWI. Kalniņš also held that factionalism was a weakness that divided the nation and therefore made it more susceptible to foreign invasion. Thus, dissent was not tolerated. Kalniņš' main rival, Jevgeņija Balodis, leader of the more orthodox councilist Workers' Opposition, was purged from the PSWI in 1939 and exiled to Gaullica, where she remained until 1961. Criticizing the government could put you on a watchlist, and doing it too harshly could land you in a labor camp. Outright opposition to the government's existence often resulted in execution or exile. Centralism also led to a more centralized, bureaucratic planned economy rather than a democratic worker-controlled decentralized planned economy. The centralized economy was organized in five-year plans. The theory and policies of Kalniņš have become known as "Kalniņšism".

In 1960, Kalniņš died after a long struggle with heart disease, and he was succeeded as Chairman of the PSWI and President of Pergia by his deputy, Jurģis Voldemārs Ozols. Ozols, while still maintaining the authoritarian one-party rule of the PSWI and the ideologies of National Communism and Centralism, relaxed some of the policies of his predecessor. He allowed Jevgeņija Balodis to return to Pergia in 1961, though she distanced herself from the Pergian government, and did not not rejoin the PSWI, having become dissilusioned with the concept of political parties. Ozols allowed some of the literature, art work, and music pieces that had been banned under the Kalniņš regime, such as Balodis' theoretical writings, although the parts more heavily critical of the Pergian regime were censored.

During the 1960s, a new libertarian socialist student and workers' movement began to arise in Pergia, known as the "New People's Movement", known in Estmerish by its Estmerish acronym NPM. It was inspired by Balodis' theory, as well as other socialist thinkers, with Balodis serving as the figurehead of the new movement. Even the uncensored versions of her writings began to circulate underground, causing more and more people to question the authoritarian Pergian regime. The Rose Revolution in East Miersa in 1967 further inspired this movement, and a series of protests throughout the nation occored between 1967 and 1968 some of these protests went violent and turned into riots. Propaganda by the Pergian government at the time attempted to frame the protestors as violent and lawless, having instigated the riots. However, witness testimony and video footage shows it was actually the police who were to blame for turning the protests into riots.

Nevertheless, the Pergian government used the riots as an excuse to arrest many of the NPM leaders and institute martial law. Among those arrested included Balodis herself. This only intensified the protests, which resulted in the military massacring many of the protesters in the infamous March 3rd incident, taking place on that date in 1968. Balodis fled prison in a riot-turned prison break on March 6th of that month, and resided underground, where she secretly planned a coup against the government with other NPM leaders and disillusioned military officers. She also sought help from the new East Miersan government, which held a similar ideology to the NPM and was sympathetic to it. The East Miersan-backed coup took place on May 1st, and was successful, establishing a new libertarian socialist state known as the Democratic Socialist Republic of Pergia.

Pergia condemned Rwizukuru's transition to monarchy, and supported Garambura in its war of independence. In 1976, following the outbreak of war between Zorasan and Irvadistan, Pergia supported the latter and condemned the former as an "imperialist power that has abandoned the socialist cause". Pergia was a founding member of the AIS (which it is still a member of today) in 1980, and left the AESE in 1981 as it became clear to the Pergian government that the latter organization had become irrelevant. It has been a member of the CN since 1935, the AEC since 1982, the ICD since 1970, the ITO since 1995, and MASSOR since 1999. It rocognizes Lemovicia as a sovereign nation, having supported it in its war of independence. It also supported East Miersa suring the Miersan War from 1979 to 1982.

Today, Pergia is a federal constitutionally socialist council republic, with political parties banned at the national level by the constitution of 1968. At the base level, citizens organize themselves into communes, which have their own communal council. These councils appoint representatives to the district level, which in turn send representatives to the Central People's Council, or CPC, which serves as the the national legislature. The legislature is presided over by the Chairperson, who is elected by the CPC from among its members. Although Pergia does not The economy of Pergia is socialist, being run by workers' councils who operate for the common good rather than for profit. Since the "eco-socialist revolution" under Chairman Pāvils Ozoliņš beginning in 1992, Miersa has shifted towards primarily using renewable energy, such as wind, solar, and nuclear power.

Military Overview: The Pergian government spends. 2.8% of its GDP on its military. It is open to all able-bodied applicants over the age of 18. It has a collective security agreement with East Miersa and Kirenia. The military, known as the United Freedom Forces, has three branches: the People's Freedom Army, which serve as the nation's land forces, the People's Air Corps, which serves as its air force, and, although it is landlocked, it has a small, lakebound navy known as the Freedom Defense Naval Forces. The National Defense Force serves as the primary reserve force.

Social views:
[list][*]LGBT+ rights/LGBT+ people: Since 1968, LGBT rights have made great strides In Pergia both socially and legally. Throughout most of Pergian history, homosexuality was a criminal offense until it was legalized in 1968, and since then, the general societal view of LGBT people, as well as their legal rights, have gradually increased, although there are still strides to be made. Nevertheless, it is one of the more progressive nations in terms of LGBT rights and social opinion of LGBT people, and same-sex marriage was legalized in 2010. Since 2007, individuals have been legally allowed to change their sex if diagnosed with gender dysphoria by a licensed psychiatrist. Gender transition, such as HRT, cosmetic surgery and sex change surgery has, since then, been covered under the National People's Health Services for people diagnosed with gender dysphoria. Individuals must be at least 12 yeats old to be diagnosed with gender dysphoria and at least 15 years old to medically transition.
[*]Religious tolerance: Most of the population is irreligious, a remnant of the authoritarian rule in Pergia from 1935 to 1968, under which Pergia was state atheist and religious practices were heavily suppressed. Today however, religion is mostly tolerated, both legally and socially, with most Pergians being either apathetic or supportive of religion.
[*]Irreligion: Most of the population is irreligious, so irreligion is generally accepted.
[*]Birth control: Although most birth control is legal and generally societally accepted, abortion is a divisive issue and often an uncomfortable and touchy subject of conversation within Pergia. As of currently, it is only legal in cases of rape, incest, and economic inability to raise a child, and it is only legal during the first trimester.
[*]Race and ethnic relations: Ethnic relations between the Pergian majority and Sarabian minority have generally been divisive throughout history, with the Sarabians being often oppressed. However, since 1968, relations have generally improved, especially with the establishment of the Autonomous Sarabian Socialist Republic in 1971, and the Sarabians have enjoyed greater civil rights since then. However, regarding foregners, Pergians are generally very wary and immigration laws are strict. There is a general prejudice towards foreginers, especially Gaullicans, for historical reasons.
[*]Major Prejudices: See above.
[*]Immigration and Emigration: Because of its economic and political stability, and high standard of living, Pergia is a net receiver of immigrants. However, because of the nation's general wariness towards foreigners, immigration laws are very strict and not many immigrants end up successfully moving into the country.
[*]Women's Rights: Legally, women are equal to men in every aspect. Socially, they generally are too, although there is some prejudice in more conservative areas.
[*]Soft and hard drugs:All soft drugs are legal in Pergia. Cannabis, Psilocybin muchrooms, and LSD are completely legal as well. Other, more harmful drugs, such as heroin and meth, are decriminalized but not legal. If caught in possession of one of these drugs, you are required to attend rehabilitation therapy for at least a year. Although the possession and use of such drugs is decriminalized, the production and distribution of such drugs is illegal.

Other:
[list][*]Factbook: TBA
[*]RP Preferences: Character driven and political, especially diplomatic.
[*]RP Samples: A prompt would be nice, please.
[*]RP Intentions: Mostly looking to world-build and roleplay.
[*]Primary/Other NS Nations: None.
[*]Any troubles with moderation? (If so, a link, please.): None.
[*]Discord username (in the USERNAME#0000 format): idk123#7228
[*]Anything else?: Nothing at the moment.

[Eskaeba]

National information
Official Name: Kingdom of Scovern
Shortened Name: Scovern
Requested Location: Scandinavian plot
Requested Population: 27,003,197
Culture: Danish, Norwegian predominantly, Icelandic in the north

• Ethnicity: 86.4% Scoverne (Dan./Nor./Ice.), 13.6% Other
• Religion: Solarian Catholicism
• Languages: Danish is the dominant language, and serves as the lingua franca of the country domestically. Norwegian and Icelandic are spoken in their respective regions, and some Sami populations exist in the north-west and western parts of the country. Non-native languages that are widely spoken include Gaullican, Estmerish and Weranian (curricular languages), as well as Rahelian, Pardarian and Etrurian (migrant communities)

Government Type: Federal parliamentary constitutional monarchy
Head of State: King Henrik
Head of Government: Premier Ine-Linda Nesby
Requested GDP Per Capita (Nominal) and Requested GDP Per Capita (PPP): $50,021 (nominal), $51,661 (PPP)
National Overview: Scovern was first inhabited in around 7000 BC. Local states and kingdoms began to emerge in around 200 BC, and had limited contact with the mainland and the Solarian Empire. During the Marauder Age, Ghaillish pirates with origins in Caldia raided and later settling the coasts of Scovern, forming marauder kingdoms that dominated the isle for centuries. The Kingdom of Connland, situated on the isle's eastern coast, eventually grew into one of the more powerful marauder kingdoms, before it was eventually conquered by Sixten Agnarssun's expansive empire in the 9th century. The state is often referred as the Sixtenite Kingdom, and dominated North Sea affairs before its eventual collapse in the 10th century.

After the fall of the marauder kingdoms, medieval kingdoms and mercantile states dominated Scovern, establishing Danish as the language of trade and commerce while simultaneously sidelining its Norwegian and Icelandic cultures. Catholic Sotirianity eventually spread to Scovern through trade, with many states on the isle unifying in the 13th century in a crusade against paganism in the north. Southern Scovern ultimately unified under the Catholic King Olav II, who established the Kingdom of Scovern in 1570. Scoverne forces participated in the Amendist Wars, fighting bloody campaigns within the Rudolphine Confederation in support of Catholic princes. In the Scoverne Wars of Unification, Olav's son and great-grandson Olav III and IV respectively led armed campaigns against the remaining states that inhabited the isle, eventually unifying it entirely in 1634. Scovern emerged a new Catholic power in post-Amendist Euclea, becoming one of its foremost mercantile economies and operating a sizable navy. It enjoyed a fairly slim chance of invasion, but as a result became diplomatically isolated in Euclea during the 17th century. Its monarchs never supported any colonial endeavours, mainly because its emergence as a power succeeded the colonisation of much of the New World. Scovern remained neutral during the Ten Years' War.

Scovern's economy was bolstered by the spread of the Industrial Revolution in the early 19th century, which rapidly transformed it from a primarily agrarian and mercantile economy to an manufacturing economy. Quickly, Scovern's economy shifted away from mercantilism and towards modern capitalism. Like on the mainland, many companies were formed that came to dominate Scoverne manufacturing and industrialism. The Euclean Spring and the emergence of republics and modern liberalism introduced representative democracy and a codified constitution in 1840, which were expanded in 1864 (all men over 30), 1887 (all men over 21 and property-owning women) and finally in 1911, where universal suffrage was introduced. Scovern fought on the side of the Grand Alliance in the war, participating mainly in the Northern Front with Weranian and Estmerish forces. After the war, the deaths of thousands of Scoverne soldiers prompted large debates as to the future of the country's military. Ultimately, much of it was disestablished apart a small land force and its navy, which was emphasised as the primary national defence, but quickly devolved into a small coast guard force. Under Queen Elisabeth, the monarchy stood back from political involvement in the 1940s and 1950s. Scovern joined the Euclean Community in 1955.

Shortly after, demands from the Norwegian and Icelandic populations culminated in the establishment of a federal structure in Scovern in 1961. Gradual devolution established separate legislatures for the three states in 1980, and the constitution was amended to reflect its newfound federal status the same year. Since then, the country has roughly been split between a more left-leaning Danish demographic against more conservative and agrarian Norwegian and Icelandic demographics. In 2017 a corruption scandal involving numerous politicians from the ruling Scoverne Social Democratic Party brought the party out of power in the subsequent elections, and as a result many high profile members of the party were removed. The current coalition consists of liberal conservatives and centrist liberals, headed by Ine-Linda Nesby.

Military Overview: Scovern's military serves largely as a compliment to the wider ECDTO military framework. It maintains its own coast guard and a small well-trained land force.

Social views:

• LGBT+ rights/LGBT+ people: Scovern has historially been a progressive nation in LGBT rights, and it is consistently regarded as possessing some of the best LGBT rights in the world. Same-sex activity was decriminalised in 1977. It became one of the first countries to outlaw discrimination based on sexual orientation in 1985 and this was extended to gender identity in 2006. Same-sex marriage was also legalised in 2006. Transgender people were allowed to legally change their gender from 2009, but this law was recently extended to allow self-identification in 2018.
• Religious tolerance: Catholicism is the main religious denomination in Scovern, followed to varying degrees by 58% of the population. Amendism is followed by a further 7%, and treated fairly tolerantly within the country. In urban areas, religions introduced by migrant communities include Zohism, Irfan and Badi. All three are usually subject to personal discrimination not experienced by other religions.
• Irreligion: Around 30% of the population are irreligious. Irreligion is fairly common in Scovern and it is uncontroversial to not adhere to any religion.
• Birth control: While abortion rates in Scovern are fairly low, they are free of charge and available under a wide range of circumstances. Scovern's abortion laws were introduced in 1956, where a woman could receive one under circumstances which threatened the life of the child or mother. In 1981, the law was extended to include a broad range of circumstances, including existing number of children, being younger or older than a certain age, or if a parent was unfit to raise a child (usually due to debilitating conditions or diseases). In 2000, the law was extended further, and abortions can now be conducted under a myriad of circumstances.
  
  Birth control is widely available in Scovern, with the importance of contraception emphasised in education from a young age. Contraception is usually provided free of charge by hospitals and clinics.
• Race and ethnic relations: Relations between the dominant Danish and Norwegian ethnic groups and the largely northern-based Icelandic group have been strained in the past. The northern regions for a long time were comparatively underdeveloped, its people were poorer on average and life expectancy was lower. After the war, ethnic relations between the three groups began to normalise, and by the 1970s/80s prejudice had decreased significantly. Discrimination continues to exist, however, towards the native Annic (Sami) peoples which inhabit the west and north-west parts of the country. The Annic languages do not enjoy any official recognition, and quality of life in these regions are the lowest in the country. The continued discrimination of Annics is subject to mild controversy within the country, but its normalisation has brought it out of the political spotlight.
  
  The main racial and cultural prejudices exist towards migrant communities, mainly Shangeans, Pardarians, Rahelians and, to a lesser extent, Etrurians. Etrurians have more seamlessly integrated historically due to their shared religion with many Scoverne people, but the other three have historically and currently been subject to discrimination based on their religion or ethnic identity.
• Major Prejudices:
• Immigration and Emigration: Scovern receives high levels of immigration. In 2017, 7.8% of the population (2.1 million people) were either foreign-born immigrants or the child of one or more foreign-born immigrants. High quality of life, social and political freedoms and economic prosperity are among the factors the make Scovern an attractive destination for immigration. Emigration is less common in the modern day, but in the 19th and early 20th century (due to the Great Collapse), many Scovernes migrated to the New World, including places like Cassier, Rizealand, Marchenia and Satucin, where they formed sizable Scoverne communities.
• Women's Rights: Universal suffrage was introduced in 1911. Scovern had a wide-reaching feminist movement in the 1960s and 1970s, and many women have held high-level positions in Scoverne politics. A pay gap exists between men and women in Scovern, though it is fairly minimal. Workplace discrimination based on sex has been illegal since 1967.
• Soft and hard drugs: In response to high drug-related deaths in the 2000s, Scovern controversially decriminalised the possession of small amounts of all illicit drugs in 2003, with the policy ultimately forming a successful pinnacle of the Scoverne government's fight against drug deaths. Cannabis was later fully legalised for recreational and medicinal use in 2018.

Other:

• Factbook: Will be created in time
• RP Preferences:
• RP Samples:
• RP Intentions:
• Primary/Other NS Nations: Soravia, Garambura
• Any troubles with moderation? (If so, a link, please.):
• Discord username (in the USERNAME#0000 format): Pricey#8980
• Anything else?: All the listed languages will be given native names eventually

[Pergia]

Updated version of my application:

National information
Official Name: Democratic Socialist Republic of Pergia
Shortened Name: Pergia
Requested Location: Former Aimilia
Requested Population: 10,518,128
Culture: The dominant culture is Pergian (!Latvian) with some Sarabian minorties (!Sorbian). Pergian culture is equivalent to Baltic culture in our world, being related to the Ruttish people, however there is some Solarian, Marolevic, Weranic and Tenic influences, with the region being a crossroads of many Euclean cultures throughout history, though nevertheless the Pergians emerged as the dominant culture. The Pergians, who share a common ancestor with the Ruttish people from Werania, migrated to Kirenia sometime in the late classical period, however conflict with the native Kirenic tribes forced them to migrate even further south to what is now known as Pergia. The Pergians derive their name from the Solarian word for stranger or foreigner, peregrinus, a name which they were given due to their unique language in comparison to surrounding tribes and cultures, with their closest relatives, the Ruttish people, living far to the north in what is now Werania. Thus they were given the name Peregrii by the Solarians, which was later shortened to Pergii, and their new homeland given the name Pergia. In their native tongue, the Pergian people refer to themselves as Pergieši and their country as Pergija. They intermixed with the Libisi (!Livonian) Kirenic tribe which inhabited the area before their arrival, and, although the Libisi had been assimilated centuries ago, their is still some Kirenic influnce in modern Pergian culture.
[list][*]Ethnicity: The dominant ethnic group are the Pergians, who comprise about 85.94% of the population, or 9,039,279 people, according to the 2019 census. 13.62% of the population, or 1,432,569 people, are Sarabians, descendants of the Wends, a Marolevic tribe which settled the area in the early 9th century CE and ruled the Pergians from 825 to 974 CE. The other 0.44% of the population are mostly from either other Euclean groups, or immigrants from Coius, particularly from the northern part of the continent.
[*]Religion: 75.79%- Irreligious
16.33%- Various Amendist Affiliations
6.51%- Solarian Catholic Church
1.37%- Episemialist Church Other
[*]Languages: The dominant and official language of Pergia is Pergian, (!Latvian) however West Sarabian (!Upper Sorbian), East Sarabian (!Lower Sorbian), and Sarbieši (a Sarabian language heavily influenced by Pergian) the languages of the Sarabian people, are both recognized as regional languages, and are, along with Pergian, the four official languages of the Autonomous Sarabian Socialist Republic within Pergia.
Government Type: Federal Nonpartisan Council Socialist Republic
Head of State: none de jure, de facto Chairwoman Natālija Jeļena Krūmiņš
Head of Government: See above
Requested GDP Per Capita (Nominal) and Requested GDP Per Capita (PPP): $32,664 for nominal, $40,111 for PPP.
National Overview: Anatomically modern humans arrived in what is now Pergia around 24,000 years ago. Tenic and Kirenic tribes arrived around 1,000 BCE. During the late classical period, Marolevic and Weranic tribes also began to settle in the region, as well as some Solarian merchants. The local tribes often had border skirmishes with the Solarian Empire, and the Pergii, a tribe closely related to the Ruttish that lived in what is now Kirenia, often served as mercenaries for both the Solarian Empire and the local tribes of the area. This allowed them to become familiar with the topography of the area. One such mercenary band was led by Visvaldis, an expert strategist and charismatic leader who served the Solarians during much of the 400s and early 410s CE. However, in c. 415 CE, the Solarian Empire found itself unable to pay the large mercenary army, so it abandoned the Solarians. At around the same time, the Pergii were being forced out of Kirenia by hostile Kirenic tribes. Visvaldis managed to rally the Pergii together, thanks to his charisma and army of ex-mercenaries, and established the First Kingdom of Pergia in c.420 CE. It maintained its independence as a pagan kingdom in an increasingly Sotirianized Euclea, due to deft political maneuvering. Regardless, it could not survive as a pagan kingdom forever, and it was gradually Sotirianized, as much of the population converted to Solarian Catholicism. Nevertheless, the ruling class remain staunchly pagan. In 712 CE, with support from Pergia's Catholic population, it was conquered by the Verliquoian empire, which governed Pergia until it was conquered by a Marolevic tribe known as the Wends in 825 CE, establishing the Second Kingdom of Pergia. The nation's new rulers were Episemialists, and with the ruling class differing with the bulk of the population in both religion and ethnicity, tensions arose. The Verliquoian Empire saw the discontentment of Pergia's catholic majority as an excuse to reconquer Pergia, and in 974 CE the Second Kingdom of Pergia ended with the Verliquoian reconquest. Pergia would once again gain independence after a rebellion in 1210 CE, establishing the Third Kingdom of Pergia.

In the early 16th century, the Amendist schism spread throughout Euclea. Amendism became especially popular in Pergia, where the king converted in 1545, and it was established as the official religion in 1557. Solarian Catholics quickly became a minority in Pergia. Following the outbreak of the Amendist wars in 1582, Pergia joined on the side of the anti-Catholics. Because Pergia opposed the Catholic states, the king viewed Catholics within Pergia as a threat and Catholicism was banned that year. Although the ban was lifted in 1610, Catholics continued to suffer repression and persecution by the state until the Gaullican reconquest in 1617.

The Gaullican king demanded that the non-Catholic Pergians convert to Catholicism, which was not well-received among the Amendist Majority population in Pergia, leading to a brief rebellion which was quickly crushed. Under Gaullican rule, the Pergian nationalist movement remained strong, even after the majority converted to Solarian Catholicism. They attempted more rebellions, in 1760 and in 1780, both of which were unsuccessful. The Industrial Revolution turned Pergia into an economically prosperous nation, which led to Pergian nationalism to stagnate among the largely content Pergian upper and middle class. However, the working class, which suffered from poor working conditions and few protections, became increasingly radicalized, and the nationalist movement only strengthened. Inspired by the Euclean spring, socialists, liberals, and other radicals and nationalists attempted a revolution in 1853, although it was crushed in 1855. After Gaullica was taken over by the Functionalists, the nationalist movement greatly suppressed.

The Pergian independence movement was subsequently forced underground, although in 1929, taking advantage of Gaullica's occupation with the Great War, Pergian Nationalists staged an uprising, which was supported by the Grand Alliance. Following Kirenia's entry into the war in 1931, Kirenian influence caused the communists, organized under the Pergian Section of the Workers' International, known in Estmerish by the Estmerish acronym PSWI, to quickly take the lead in the rebellion. In 1935, following Gaullica's surrender, a council socialist republic was established under the authoritarian rule of Andrejs Bendiks Kalniņš, who lead the PSWI at the time. The new republic was named the "Glorious Socialist Republic of Pergia". Kalniņš was a communist, but he was also a proud Pergian nationalist as well. Under Kalniņš, Pergian culture was promoted and a strong Pergian national identity was created. Sarabian culture was suppressed, and students and teachers were required to only speak Pergian in schools, even in the most heavily Sarabian areas. Sarabian nationalists were purged from the PSWI, and usually exiled, shot, or sent to labor camps. Kalniņš' dubbed his nationalist form of socialism "National Communism". The Pergian government under Kalniņš was extremely hostile towards ethnic Gaullicans living in Pergia, and all of them were either deported to Gaullica or killed in concentration camps, where hundreds of thousands were shot or intentionally starved. Despite Pergia's fervent ultranationalism, it remained dedicated to supporting the international socialist cause, supporting South Kabu in the Kabu Civil War and supporting Kirenia in the Kirenia-Werania war. It was a founding member of the AESE. another aspect of Kalniņš' rule was the philosophy of Centralism: which held that socialist nations needed a strong, central leadership to better resist capitalist powers. The Centralist ideology was used as a justification for Kalniņš dictatorial power and the one-party rule of the PSWI. Kalniņš also held that factionalism was a weakness that divided the nation and therefore made it more susceptible to foreign invasion. Thus, dissent was not tolerated. Kalniņš' main rival, Jevgeņija Balodis, leader of the more orthodox councilist Workers' Opposition, was purged from the PSWI in 1939 and exiled to Gaullica, where she remained until 1961. Criticizing the government could put you on a watchlist, and doing it too harshly could land you in a labor camp. Outright opposition to the government's existence often resulted in execution or exile. Centralism also led to a more centralized, bureaucratic planned economy rather than a democratic worker-controlled decentralized planned economy. The centralized economy was organized in five-year plans. The theory and policies of Kalniņš have become known as "Kalniņšism".

In 1960, Kalniņš died after a long struggle with heart disease, and he was succeeded as Chairman of the PSWI and President of Pergia by his deputy, Jurģis Voldemārs Ozols. Ozols, while still maintaining the authoritarian one-party rule of the PSWI and the ideologies of National Communism and Centralism, relaxed some of the policies of his predecessor. He allowed Jevgeņija Balodis to return to Pergia in 1961, though she distanced herself from the Pergian government, and did not not rejoin the PSWI, having become dissilusioned with the concept of political parties. Ozols allowed some of the literature, art work, and music pieces that had been banned under the Kalniņš regime, such as Balodis' theoretical writings, although the parts more heavily critical of the Pergian regime were censored.

During the 1960s, a new libertarian socialist student and workers' movement began to arise in Pergia, known as the "New People's Movement", known in Estmerish by its Estmerish acronym NPM. It was inspired by Balodis' theory, as well as other socialist thinkers, with Balodis serving as the figurehead of the new movement. Even the uncensored versions of her writings began to circulate underground, causing more and more people to question the authoritarian Pergian regime. The Rose Revolution in East Miersa in 1967 further inspired this movement, and a series of protests throughout the nation occored between 1967 and 1968 some of these protests went violent and turned into riots. Propaganda by the Pergian government at the time attempted to frame the protestors as violent and lawless, having instigated the riots. However, witness testimony and video footage shows it was actually the police who were to blame for turning the protests into riots.

Nevertheless, the Pergian government used the riots as an excuse to arrest many of the NPM leaders and institute martial law. Among those arrested included Balodis herself. This only intensified the protests, which resulted in the military massacring many of the protesters in the infamous March 3rd incident, taking place on that date in 1968. Balodis fled prison in a riot-turned prison break on March 6th of that month, and resided underground, where she secretly planned a coup against the government with other NPM leaders and disillusioned military officers. She also sought help from the new East Miersan government, which held a similar ideology to the NPM and was sympathetic to it. The East Miersan-backed coup took place on May 1st, and was successful, establishing a new libertarian socialist state known as the Democratic Socialist Republic of Pergia.

Pergia condemned Rwizukuru's transition to monarchy, and supported Garambura in its war of independence. In 1976, following the outbreak of war between Zorasan and Irvadistan, Pergia supported the latter and condemned the former as an "imperialist power that has abandoned the socialist cause". Pergia was a founding member of the AIS (which it is still a member of today) in 1980, and left the AESE in 1981 as it became clear to the Pergian government that the latter organization had become irrelevant. It has been a member of the CN since 1935, the AEC since 1982, the ICD since 1970, the ITO since 1995, and MASSOR since 1999. It rocognizes Lemovicia as a sovereign nation, having supported it in its war of independence. It also supported East Miersa suring the Miersan War from 1979 to 1982.

Today, Pergia is a federal constitutionally socialist council republic, with political parties banned at the national level by the constitution of 1968. At the base level, citizens organize themselves into communes, which have their own communal council. These councils appoint representatives to the district level, which in turn send representatives to the Central People's Council, or CPC, which serves as the the national legislature. The legislature is presided over by the Chairperson, who is elected by the CPC from among its members. Although Pergia does not The economy of Pergia is socialist, being run by workers' councils who operate for the common good rather than for profit. Since the "eco-socialist revolution" under Chairman Pāvils Ozoliņš beginning in 1992, Miersa has shifted towards primarily using renewable energy, such as wind, solar, and nuclear power.

Military Overview: The Pergian government spends. 2.8% of its GDP on its military. It is open to all able-bodied applicants over the age of 18. It has a collective security agreement with East Miersa and Kirenia. The military, known as the United Freedom Forces, has three branches: the People's Freedom Army, which serve as the nation's land forces, the People's Air Corps, which serves as its air force, and, although it is landlocked, it has a small, lakebound navy known as the Freedom Defense Naval Forces. The National Defense Force serves as the primary reserve force.

Social views:
[list][*]LGBT+ rights/LGBT+ people: Since 1968, LGBT rights have made great strides In Pergia both socially and legally. Throughout most of Pergian history, homosexuality was a criminal offense until it was legalized in 1968, and since then, the general societal view of LGBT people, as well as their legal rights, have gradually increased, although there are still strides to be made. Nevertheless, it is one of the more progressive nations in terms of LGBT rights and social opinion of LGBT people, and same-sex marriage was legalized in 2010. Since 2007, individuals have been legally allowed to change their sex if diagnosed with gender dysphoria by a licensed psychiatrist. Gender transition, such as HRT, cosmetic surgery and sex change surgery has, since then, been covered under the National People's Health Services for people diagnosed with gender dysphoria. Individuals must be at least 12 yeats old to be diagnosed with gender dysphoria and at least 15 years old to medically transition.
[*]Religious tolerance: Most of the population is irreligious, a remnant of the authoritarian rule in Pergia from 1935 to 1968, under which Pergia was state atheist and religious practices were heavily suppressed. Today however, religion is mostly tolerated, both legally and socially, with most Pergians being either apathetic or supportive of religion.
[*]Irreligion: Most of the population is irreligious, so irreligion is generally accepted.
[*]Birth control: Although most birth control is legal and generally societally accepted, abortion is a divisive issue and often an uncomfortable and touchy subject of conversation within Pergia. As of currently, it is only legal in cases of rape, incest, and economic inability to raise a child, and it is only legal during the first trimester.
[*]Race and ethnic relations: Ethnic relations between the Pergian majority and Sarabian minority have generally been divisive throughout history, with the Sarabians being often oppressed. However, since 1968, relations have generally improved, especially with the establishment of the Autonomous Sarabian Socialist Republic in 1971, and the Sarabians have enjoyed greater civil rights since then. However, regarding foreigners, Pergians are generally very wary and immigration laws are strict. There is a general prejudice towards foreginers, especially Gaullicans, for historical reasons. This prejudice is a remnant of the ultranationalist policiess impleented by the National Communist government from 1935 to 1968.
[*]Major Prejudices: See above.
[*]Immigration and Emigration: Because of its economic and political stability, and high standard of living, Pergia is a net receiver of immigrants. However, because of the nation's general wariness towards foreigners, immigration laws are very strict and not many immigrants end up successfully moving into the country.
[*]Women's Rights: Legally, women are equal to men in every aspect. Socially, they generally are too, although there is some prejudice in more conservative areas.
[*]Soft and hard drugs:All soft drugs are legal in Pergia. Cannabis, Psilocybin muchrooms, and LSD are completely legal as well. Other, more harmful drugs, such as heroin and meth, are decriminalized but not legal. If caught in possession of one of these drugs, you are required to attend rehabilitation therapy for at least a year. Although the possession and use of such drugs is decriminalized, the production and distribution of such drugs is illegal.

Other:
[list][*]Factbook: TBA
[*]RP Preferences: Character driven and political, especially diplomatic.
[*]RP Samples: A prompt would be nice, please.
[*]RP Intentions: Mostly looking to world-build and roleplay.
[*]Primary/Other NS Nations: None.
[*]Any troubles with moderation? (If so, a link, please.): None.
[*]Discord username (in the USERNAME#0000 format): idk123#7228
[*]Anything else?: Nothing at the moment.

[Bereket]

National information
Official Name: The Republic of Bereket
Shortened Name: Bereket
Requested Location: Map request
Requested Population: 29,175,680
Culture: Based almost exclusively on Central Asian countries.

• Ethnicity: Kezbe (!Kazakh) (42%),Oazis (!Turkmen) (38%), Chanwan (!Burmese) (11%), Avval (!Tajik) (9%)
• Religion: Badi (51%), Irfan (47%), Irreligious (2%)
• Languages: The Kezbe and Oazis languages and recognized as co-official languages. As they are both Oroqic (!Turkic) languages, communication is fairly easy even without a formal education in the other language. The Chanwan and Avval minorities languages and recognized and are de-facto official languages within their own autonomous areas.

Government Type: Federal Presidential Republic
Head of State: President
Head of Government: Speaker of the National Council
Requested GDP Per Capita (Nominal) and Requested GDP Per Capita (PPP): Nominal: 101,658,734,400 , GDP PPP: 329,393,640,000
National Overview: The Oroqic (!Turkic) ancestors of the Kezbe and the Oazis migrated over to modern day Bereket at roughly 1000 BCE. Some had reported that this population had lost a conflict to a larger steppe tribe to the west and fled towards the eastern edges of the Great Steppe to find a new home. The semi-mythical chieftain, Bereket, was said to have led them across the dangerous journey so well that nobody perished during the migration. Composed of numerous clans and tribes, a large section of them traveled to the northern deserts where they succeeded in driving the native Paradin (!Iranian) population living further west. A grouping of clans settled in the newly conquered desert oasis in the north, while the rest remained in the steppe on the south.

By 400 BCE, a distinct ethnic spilt began to emerge between the once united peoples. The desert inhabiting Oazi became more sedentary and built towns around the various desert oasis, while the Kezbe remained almost completely nomadic and herded goats and horses. The Oazi were also early adopters of Irfan, while the Kezbes through cross cultural raiding and trading with their eastern neighbors began following Badism. Furthermore, the southern Kezbe during the late BCE era expanded further east, creating settlements in what is now Lavana and a Kezbe king, Artav, briefly ruling over the country during the first hundred years of the CE era.

The northern Oazi began styling the various politys that sprung up as Emirates during this time, and as overland trade began to pick up throughout the centuries became masterful traders on the routes traveling throughout their settlements. The southern Kezbe, meanwhile, were ruled by various Khanates and often had a more continuous relationship with everybody around them as they often raided and traded their way around the area. There were frequent clashes between the Emirates and the Khanates during this period, where poems written during this time account that the amount of horses on the battlefield “sounded like thunder during a charge.” Numerous Khanates and Emirates rose and fell during this period, depending on the strength of the ruler and their successor. The collective power of the various politys increased as their wealth from the overland trade network did, with the khanates expanding to the southwest and incorporating various Chanwan tribes as vassals and client tribes.

The height of the power for these Emirates and Khanates was at roughly 900 CE. They frequently probed deep into neighboring countries for loot and goods to bring back to the mother steppe or desert, trade was flourishing and cross-cultural contact was high. When the other states in the area, particularly to the east, began to centralize and became organized to repulse nomadic raids, a large source of trade and revenue ended especially for the Kezbe clans who relied on raiding as an integral part of their economy. By 1100 CE, the easternmost Kezbe clans pledged their loyalty to masters in Lavana rather than to a Khan. The Emirates, who were semi-nomadic and focused more on trade, were less hurt by this development and utilized this new position of strength to attempt to conquer their southern cousins. The conflict between the waning Kezbe khanates and the Oazi Emirates weakened both sides and left it open to be subjected by the Togoti Khanate when they arrived at roughly 1415 CE.

The arrival of the Togoti Khanate was important because it was the first time that the Kezbes and the Oazis were lumped together into one polity. For ease of administration the Togoti Khanate appointed the strongest Emir, Alibek, as the primary ruler of the area. Shortly after the Kezbes rebelled against Alibek and attempted to usurp control from him. Although the rebellion was brought to heel within a few years, many Kezbe clans felt that they would be stuck under Emirate rule if they remained inside of the Togoti Khanate. By 1541, many Kezbe clans began actively courting influence with the Aguda Empire. A history of cross border contact and a shared Badi faith made diplomacy easier, and by the collapse of the Togoti Khanate in 1665 most Kezbe clans had already pledged their loyalty to the Aguda Empire. The Kezbe clans brought the Oazis into the Aguda Empires fold by force by the early 1700s. What would become modern day Bereket was a hotspot for both the late Togoti Khanate and the rising Aguda Empire, as what would now be considered a civil war was in full fledged eruption between the two sides as the Oazi clans fought to remain first a part of the Togoti Khanate and then later independent, while the Kezbes fought to bring them underneath their rule within the Aguda Empire (eventually succeeding).

By the late 1700s/early 1800s, both Kezbe clans and Oazi clans as a result of their central position of the overland trade routes began receiving news and reports of foreigners from a different continent seizing control of the various kingdoms and empires around them. Looking at their own situation, the Kezbe clans and the Oazi clans gathered in a large meeting to discuss the course of action that they should take. It was obvious that the Aguda Empire was weakened and was increasingly influenced by the Saint-Bermudes Company. After a week of intense debating, the cross-ethnic clan coalition agreed that an uncertain independence would be better than a certain colonization. The Kezbe and Oazi clans, declaring themselves to be the Sarkand Zhuz (also known as the “First Zhuz”), disavowed their former masters and suzerain in the Aguda Empire and declared independence in 1795. A series of pyrrhic victories followed against the Saint-Beremudes Company, who decided that the steppe didn’t have the wealth to justify a full scale invasion and agreed to leave the Sarkand Zhuz alone.

This first voluntary unification of both Kezbe and Oazi clans to successfully avoid colonization is understood to be the first moment of national unity, and from this sprung the “Bereket movement” - a cross-ethinic group dedicated to establishing a modern, independent nation state named after the semi-mythical common ancestor of both the Kezbe and Oazi people. The Bereket movement would slowly gain traction amongst both the elites and the commoners of society during the course of the 1800s. The Sarkand Zhuz took inspiration from the nearby Shangea and banned any and all foreigners from their lands - ending what had been thousands of years of free and open contact between them and their neighbors. After a brief outcry, a small change was made to the law - nomads had free access to the lands of the Sarkand Zhuz, leading to some adventures embedding themselves in various nomadic clans and tribes in order to explore the area.

The Sarkand Zhuz, for as historical as it was, faced massive issues. Colonialism all but ended overland travel in the region, and the Sarkand Zhuz was forced to rely on trading with either fellow nomads or what little trade they could get from their colonized neighbors. The Sarkand Zhuz attempted to institute some form of autarky to very limited success. Food shortages amongst the commoners and lack of economic opportunities amongst the elites caused a bloodless, if tense, reshuffle of leadership within the country forming the Tejen Zhuz (or the 2nd Zhuz) by 1850. The 2nd Zhuz changed the restriction on foreigners to just restricting those “not originally from our shared continent” and actively worked to invite specialists from nearby colonized countries to help develop their industry. There was a very limited ability for specialists to come to the Tejen Zhuz and, again, there was very limited economic and industrial growth. During the 2nd Zhuz, Avval and Chanwan groups attempted to declare independence to form their own ethnostates; citing that the Kezbe and Oazi majorities were not able to rule over them properly or benevolently. Modern historians believe that the demands for their own state, especially in the case of the Avval, was the result of colonial agents attempting to ferment seeds of unrest to create a justification for another invasion of the country.

The 2nd Zhuz put down the rebellion in both Chanwan and Avval lands, and would frequently deal with some sort of rebellious flare up every decade or so while the 2nd Zhuz attempted to grapple with ruling what was effectively a diplomatically isolated and very poor state. One saving grace was the discovery of mineral deposits throughout the country in 1889, which helped prompt a small economic boom as mining activity took off. The late 1800s and early 1900s also brought about the advent of the Red Steppe. Socialism found a willing host in the lands of the 2nd Zhuz, where the message of how global capitalism is at fault for your misery was not just felt, it was deeply understood. Within the socialist organizing camp, they were split into roughly two factions. The first, which called themselves the National People's Party for Socialism, attempted to organize worker councils amongst the mining communities with the eventual goal of open elections. The second, which called themselves the People’s Front for Liberation and Socialism, wanted to wage an underground conflict against the Tejen Zhuz to overthrow it and create a dictatorship of the proletariat.

By 1925, the economic situation within the Tejen Zhuz wasn’t as dire as it had been just some thirty five years ago. Increased mining activity allowed for the expansion of a middle class to fill the role of the shopkeeper, craftsman and teacher that had been neglected during the previous hundred and fifteen years of trying to ensure a fragile survival of an independent state. With the growth of this middle class also brought up conversations of creating a new democratic republic. Although forms of direct democracy had always been practiced at the clan and community level, on a wider scale the only rule of law that had been practiced through history was that of a chieftain or warlord - just scaled up depending on how much territory they had. The First and Second Zhuz had more modern code of laws and constitutions but paled in comparison to its neighbors. Democracy organizers envisioned a broad parliament where, instead of a single person making decisions, multiple points of view were considered and debated.

After years, the organizers of the pro-democracy movement within the Tejen Zhuz were able to effectively get the government to agree to hold a referendum on establishing a Republic by 1930. Because of their economic position, as well as clan loyalties, they were able to eventually present an ultimatum of either allow the referendum or risk open conflict. At the time it gave the organizers roughly five years in order to create a basic democratic infrastructure that would allow the entire country to answer Yes or No on two questions - if they wanted to establish a Republic, and if they wanted to name it Bereket. The pro-democracy movement was forced to rely on the organizing efforts of the National People’s Party for Socialism, which had already made massive inroads into the newly formed working class communities across the nation, in order for the referendum to work. The referendum was completed successfully and in an overwhelming turnout, a massive amount of people voted “Yes” to both questions.

A transitional council was established shortly afterwards, composed of two representatives of the major Kezbe and Oazi clans elected by other clan members as well as two appointed representatives from the Changam and Avvaul minorities. They took on the mandate of expanding the democratic infrastructure within the country with the goal of hosting a multiparty election by 1940. The flag of the Republic of Bereket was lifted for the first time across the country, often improvised with bedsheets and makeshift dye. This was not a fully peaceful period, however. The Avvaul and Changam minorities relaunched insurgent campaigns during this time in order to establish their own states, powerful clans often conflicted with the new central government as they feared losing power in this new government, and the People's Front for Liberation and Socialism engaged in their own attacks in an attempt to create a socialist regime.

The ten year period leading up to the first multi-party election has often been described as the “Decade of Bombs.” Bombings and shootings of democratic organizers by members of powerful clans that held onto vast sums of power in the First and Second Zhuzs were common, and there was fear that an all out civil war might break out before the election could be held. The civil war was avoided when a broad alliance of smaller clans announced that they stood behind the central government and that they could be relied on to defend it in the event of a widespread conflict. Clan leaders and agitators, not wanting to lose face with other clan members who often voted for this referendum, backed down from the attacks on organizers and the election was able to proceed. The central government also allowed for Chanwan and Avvaul minority groups to vote in the election, but they were not allowed to form their own political party.

A bewildering mix of parties, ranging from moderate pro democracy parties to the long standing and popular National People’s Party for Socialism to facist parties, turned out for the election. Some parties were formed for very niche, local reasons and voted for on the national stage. The moderate pro-democracy party, the Party for National Freedom, won the election with a solid majority in the 1940 election. The National People's Party for Socialism came in a close second. Elected for a ten year term, the Party for National Freedom worked to fulfill their campaign promise to expand economic opportunity for the country. Unfortunately, they promised in the wake of a massive and devastating global war that Bereket took no part in. Any sort of industrial aid would be prioritized for countries that were devastated in the recent conflict and Bereket received only token aid if any at all. With very limited economic and industrial expansion, a core promise of their campaign, the Party for National Freedom decided to begin providing incentives to clans to vote for them by providing “private business licenses” that allowed them to operate large scale industrial activities for private gains - enriching main clan leaders.

Although clan-based corruption wasn’t new and every clan in Bereket engaged in some level of it, the new industrial scale that wealth was being created and funneled to a limited amount of clans (and a limited amount of people within the clan at that) was new and upset many. The Party for National Freedom was able to retain control with an increasingly tenuous alliance of clans that were able to drum up enough of their clan members to vote. During this time, the National People’s Party for Socialism increased organizing and became more and more vocally militant. They worked to establish unions within the main industries and often coordinated strikes at industries owned by backers of the Party of National Freedom.

The 1970 election saw the Party for National Freedom squeak a very narrow victory in a win that was considered to be rigged and tampered with. Protests against the government were commonplace, and there were frequent strikes organized by socialists in almost all urban centers in the country. In one dramatic display, a massive group of nomads fluttering massive red banners rode into the capital city of Karagandy in 1975 and met with a similar group of urban workers waving the same red banners and marched onto the National Council building. The new class-based consciousness often directly butted up against clan loyalties and inter-clan skirmishes were frequent as cousins and family members fought each other in fist fights across the country. One commenter lamented at the time “We used to fight each other in the name of a Khan or an Emir, now we fight each other for the initials we write on a piece of paper every ten years.”


The situation in Bereket was becoming increasingly unstable and risked a civil war. In a closed door meeting at the National Council, the Party for National Freedom agreed to resign enmasse and allow the National People’s Party for Socialism to finish the last five years of their term. The National People’s Party for Socialism agreed, and announced it over the radio that night to celebrations in many urban centers. The National People’s Party for Socialism took their new 1975 Mandate, as many called it, and began instituting a strong series of reforms across the country. One particular member of the National Council, Yusup Muradov, a Oazi clansman from the central part of the country, took a strong leadership role in the new administration. Clan leaders across the country were called to the national capital of Karagandy and met with Yusup and other socalist members of the National Council and an agreement to disarm the clans was signed after a few weeks of negotiation. Yusup shortly afterwards removed the “private business licenses” and placed almost all of the heavy industry in the country under state control. Land reforms to ensure equitable access to land for both nomads and farmers were signed, as well as several other key reforms. One such reform was called the “standardization of political parties” and created a specific criteria for political parties in the country, citing that previously any niche concern could be used to form a political party and bog down the democratic process. Critics claimed that this was a suppression of political freedom.

Yusup Muradov, although just a member of the National Council at this time, stood head and shoulders above his peers in leadership. When the 1980 election arrived, a referendum had been called for to establish a new office of the president and to install Yusup Muradov as an executive leader. Yusup’s detractors raised the issue of how the original idea of Bereket democracy was to avoid a strong executive leader, many welcomed the change after watching several decades of murky progress being made with National Council members. Yusup Muradov for his part took to the role well enough as the first President of Bereket. Modern writers describe Yusup’s executive style as “a socialist Khan”, where the legislative council existed mostly to approve of or disapprove of his executive choices, and it influenced the style of “strong president” system of government that Bereket is still known for.

Yusup was recognized as a national hero as he was able, for the first time in the countries history, able to successfully bring heavy industry into the country due to foreign aid from other socialist countries. Thanks to the evenhand that the socialist government administered Bereket with, the people of Bereket rewarded them with continued decades of rule. Yusup would later pass away towards the end of his second term of president. A snap election was called and the socialist candidate Rinat Kenes, a Kezbe clansman from the southeast of the country, won the vast majority of the votes.

President Rinat Kenes, compared to his trailblazing predecessor, lacked much of the personal charisma and conviction that President Yusup had. Following in the “socialist Khan” legacy that Yusup had established, President Rinat continued to centralize the government and slowly take political power away from the clans. President Rinat was moderately successful, such as expanding on the disarmament process of the clans to prevent violence as well as helping standardize a system of employment and appointment to state jobs to avoid corruption. Although the reforms were necessary and were hailed by many in the working and middle class, clan leaders and hardliners were furious that their systems of patronage were being dismantled. The strong opposition Rinat faced in going beyond anything but the most basic and symbolic of reforms in regards to clan power within the country was met with severe pushback and slowed the progress of centralizing the government greatly. In addition to his work on centralizing the country, President Rinat Kenes created autonomous areas for the Chanwan and Avvaul minorities in the country to much acclaim to the minority populations. President Rinat also expanded the legal amount of parties to six.

On the eve of the 2000 election, frustrated clan leaders placed a car bomb in the presidential limo as President Rinat left a function. The bomb killed him and the investigation into who and which clan planted the bomb was unable to be solved. His legacy was mostly being a perpetually exhausted reformer who had the nations best interests in mind. The 2000 election also saw the election of Serik Barat, a Kezbe clansmen from the western part of the country. Also a socialist candidate, Serik won with a narrower majority than his predecessors. Serik campaigned on the promise of resigning after one ten year term, in addition to expanding on the economic advances made by his predecessors. President Serik was the first president to begin campaigning in the Coius region to develop a “New Silk Road”, as an overland trade route between the smaller and major powers in the region that would crisscross Bereket. President Serik was also able to successfully expand many of the educational facilities in the country, creating the first university in the country within the capital of Karagandy as well as standardizing public school education - which had been previously left to religious institutions to do so.

Serik kept his promise and resigned after the 2010 election, leaving behind a legacy as a kind of “do nothing president” who made minor advances and reforms but seemed to have been spooked by the bombing of his predecessor. The election of Oaszi clansmen from the north of the country Oraz Atev saw the socialist party win again with the narrowest margin possible. In his first address to the country, President Oraz started off with a fiery and bombastic speech directly naming clan leaders in the country that he stated was holding Bereket back with “petty warlordism from a bygone era.” President Oraz was known as a fearless president who frequently dodged assination attempts from clan hardliners who hated his constitution of former Presidents Rinats work. President Oraz made huge advances in centralizing the government during his term, successfully managing to fully professionalize the military as well as bureaucracy corp. President Oraz established several new ministries aimed at improving the physical health of the country and expanding on previous educational advancements made by President Serik.

His personal charisma and fearlessness harkened back to the first President Yusup, and President Oraz was able to create sweeping institutional, legal and cultural reforms during his ten year term. There was a serious conversation within the country on whether or not he should stay on beyond his first term. President Oraz tactfully avoided answering the question on if he wanted to, stating that he would do so “only if the people requested it.” Many raised the alarm on if President Oraz maintained power for a second term it could start a dangerous precedent for authoritarian presidents. Despite the popularity of many of his reforms, many decried the human rights abuses that happened during his administration - with many protesters having been imprisoned indefinitely. President Oraz frequently responded to criticism with claiming they were often clan hardliners who were standing in the way of progress for the country.

The 2020 Bereket election saw President Oraz win with a similarly small margin as he did in his first time. Many, even socialist voters, remarked that they were reluctant to vote for him due it being his second term. President Oraz made a solemn pledge that this term would last only as long “as the people need me.” President Oraz boldly walks into 2020 with plans for Bereket’s future in the region and the world at large, and Bereket tepidly falls in behind him.


Military Overview: Bereket had only fully professionalized their military less than a decade ago, with most of the military being members of allied clans as a status position. As a land locked nation, Bereket possess no Navy - only an air force and an army. Both forces need severe modernization and are largely equipped with outdated equipment. There is roughly 125,000 troops in the military total. There is roughly 70,000 troops in the Army, another 10,000 in the Air Force. There is an addtional 10,000 troops serving as paratroopers within the country, 8,000 special forces soldiers, 18,000 Border Guard troops and an additional 9000 troops in the Rocket and Artillery brigades.

Social views:

• LGBT+ rights/LGBT+ people: LGBT+ rights within the country are limited. Sexual activity between two same sex people is legal, and the right to choose their legal gender is also legal. A landmark bill to ban discrimination based on sexual prefence has been gaining traction within the National Council after previously being unsuccessfully introduced two previous times. Within the urban centers of the country, particularly in the Eastern part, LGBT+ people are more accepted and can often live semi-open lives compared to the rural or rest of the country.
• Religious tolerance: By a slight majority, Bereket is a Badi nation. Most of the followers of Badism is concreted in the central and southern parts of the country, with the northern parts primarily following Irfan. Having long been the crossroads of overland trade in Coius, religious tolerance is very much respected - if you are coming to visit. Those following sects of Badism or Irfani that don’t fit the mold of “mainstream” religion in Bereket are often met with suspicion and surveillance. Those who come to Bereket to preach or to spread a different religion are often met with violence, arrests or expulsions. A viral video from 2017 showing a mob swarming a van filled with Solarian Catholic Church missionaries drew international criticism.
• Irreligion: Irreligion is legal within Bereket, however identifying as Irreligious is viewed socially as odd. There is a fine line of devoutness that is acceptable to mainstream Bereket society, especially within the Irfan religious majority, and being either under or over the line is considered odd and at times dangerous.
• Birth control: Abortion is legal within Berket, and is actually performed quite regularly within the country. Culturally and historically a large family was the norm in Berket with most families having anywhere between 5-9 children. As Bereket has modernized, family sizes have become smaller with the average being 1-4 children. Preventive birth control isn’t widespread in Bereket, primarily due to lack of access as well as issues in appealing to rural families - who often retain the tradition of men running and making decisions for the whole family - in allowing doctors to educate and provide their daughters birth control. The government has recently opened a dedicated ministry to this issue, although progress remains slow.
• Race and ethnic relations: Bereket has two main ethnic groups, the Kezbe (!Kazakh) and the Oazis. (!Turkmen) The two ethnic groups throughout history have had a full range of relations ranging from outright conflict between clans to nation building together. In the modern era, ethnic relations between the Kezbes and the Oazis have been good. There is a significant minority within both ethnic groups that clamor for independent ethno states for each of the two major ethnic groups but this is largely ignored in the mainstream milieu. The two minority ethnic groups, the Chanwan (!Burmese)has maintained their own autonomous areas within the Republic since the 1960s. Although there is a large Chanwan activist community that wants to establish their own nation state, it’s generally accepted that as long as no significant trouble happens inside of the Bereketish borders then the Chanwans are free to do as they please. There is a general acceptance of the Chanwan within mainstream Bereketish culture, owing to the general shared nomadic background. The Avval (!Tajik) in the northwestern part of the country also maintain their own autonomous area after a long running insurgency ended in the 1980s. The Avvals cite a long standing grievance that the Kezbes and the Oazis had taken over their ancestral homeland. This is also partially flamed by a fundamentalist strain of Irfani that is commonly followed by the Avvals which is another cause for conflict between the Avvals and the Bereket state.
• Major Prejudices: One of the major issues in Bereket currently is related to democracy. Bereket has a long history of a “strong ruler”, following even into the Republic era with the president of Bereket often becoming de-facto quasi-authoritarian rulers. Each president since the establishment of the Republic has slowly loosened the strongman grip on the country owing to public pressure, and the Supreme Council has slowly gained more power. The glacial nature of change from the government means little for those imprisoned however. The freedom of the press is limited and there is no right to a fair trial. Torture is commonplace by those being held in detention and human rights observers have raised issues on other government actions and overreach.
  
  Ethnic tensions can occasionally boil over into major riots and strife. The relations between the Kezbe and the Oazis has improved during the hard work of nation building together, and at the same time conflict between clans still erupt on a semi-frequent basis. Anger over being locked out of local government jobs, petty feuds, allegations of theft or of overgrazing their flocks and more can cause small scale riots to break out amongst clan lines. Nationally there was an agreement for clan militias to disarm in the early stages of the Republic, and as such the conflicts between Kezebs and Oazis are thankfully short and often limited in scope before the authorities can put an end to it. However amongst the Avval minority, a much more serious insurgency fueled by both ethnic and sectarian tensions lies temporarily dormant and many suspect its a matter of time before things kick off again.
  
  Bereket also maintained the honor of being one of the few nations in Coius to avoid being colonized. This also meant that, compared to its neighbors, it was severely lacking in industrial capability and had only started to receive large-scale technical assistance following the election of the socialist party to power. This obviously has affected Bereket greatly in terms of its economic power and finds itself limited in what it is able to export to the global market. Bereket, historically, had always relied on overland trade to be successful and is hedging its bets on a new overland trade network it has been pitching to nearby states.
  
  Bereket is also very much a nation trying to discover itself. The concept of a united “Bereket” is only a couple of hundred years old in theory and a little over 75 years old in practice, and trying to replace the clan identities that people have had for thousands of years is a tall task to take. Most people in Bereket identify themselves based on their clan, which in itself is divided among ethnic and religious lines. Various warlords and chiefs have ruled over different patchworks of these steppe and desert clansmen since written history began and it’s just impossible to replace that with a cohesive national identity in such short order. Many government positions, especially local ones, as well as access to other favors are based on clan identification. However, the younger generations have begun to identify more with their national identity - especially those who live in the cities and towns - compared to older generations.
  
• Immigration and Emigration: Bereket has limited emigration and immigration. It does have a long standing policy of respecting nomadic cultures rights to traverse freely across it’s lands, such as with the Chanwan or with other ethnic Kezbes. There is some emigration of people leaving Bereket to find higher paying work or to attend schooling elsewhere, however this is very limited. Immigration into the country isn’t widespread either, despite the government's persistent efforts in trying to attract high skilled workers such as engineers and the like to the country. Most people who move into the country are either former emigrants returning.
• Women's Rights: Women’s rights can be considered a “mixed” issue. Traditionally men held positions as the family leaders and decision makers, and much of society was dominated by males. With the Red Steppe movement, women organizers took an important role in bringing socialism to Bereket. With the eventual establishment of the Republic also brought women's suffrage, equal rights and pay and other rights enshrined in law. However the law isn’t or can’t always be enforced and inside of much of the rural interior of the country men still remain the primary decision makers of the family.
• Soft and hard drugs:

Alcohol and tobacco use is very common within Bereket. Even within the significant Irfan minority, drinking of hard liquor is very common and spending time with guests smoking from hookah pipes is a common social pastime within the country. Hard drugs are strictly illegal and carry harsh prison sentences for those caught with it. However, there is a bustling underground economy especially for crystal meth in the country. [/list]

Other:

• Factbook: I don’t have one - I was planning on making an II Wiki page if/when this country got accepted.
• RP Preferences: I come from a background of character driven roleplay, but, honestly I’m down for whatever. Very rusty in terms of roleplaying tho.
• RP Samples: My last RP samples were from like 2016. I’ve linked them here and here. Feel free to send me a prompt if yall feel like the samples are too old.
• RP Intentions: Both! I love to world build and collaborate with other people in expanding a world. I also want to roleplay and create characters inside of this world too.
• Primary/Other NS Nations: n/a
• Any troubles with moderation? (If so, a link, please.): No issues here
• Discord username (in the USERNAME#0000 format): HenchmenF #0740
• Anything else?:Very excited to get started! Let me know if I need to change anything.

[Desena]

National information
Official Name: Desenan Republic
Shortened Name: Desena
Requested Location: Former Slirnia, I believe
Requested Population: 18,512,463
Culture: Roughly Western and Central European with regional influence based on Slavic culture and a bit of my own

• Ethnicity: Desenan as the largest with sizable populations of Selórzans and Gaullicans.
• Religion: Primarily Amendist with a large Solarian Catholic minority along a roughly 75/25 percent split amongst the Sotirian population, totalling 65% of Desenans. Most members of other minority religious groups live around the capital and are protected by strong secular traditions.
• Languages: Desenian is the official and national language of Desena. It is a Romance language based primarily on French varied with some Italian, Slavic, and Esperanto influence. Regional languages are recognized in some provinces due to their large population of speakers and/or historical connection.

Government Type: Parliamentary republic
Head of State: Alphonse Bader
Head of Government: Prime Minister Martin de Sava
Requested GDP Per Capita (Nominal) and Requested GDP Per Capita (PPP): $28,361 (nominal) and $38,454 (PPP)
National Overview: Desena as a geopolitical region begins with the settling of it by Aquitanians, related to and probably from the same origin as the Ammeni and Gauls, since at least 800 BC. Proto-Desenan arose and established themselves at the beginning of the iron age and their ancient cultural region came to be referred to as Desia. They often came into conflict with migrating cultures from the south and, at times, their ancestors to the east, which themselves were consolidating into various kingdom of Gaul. Further ironworking and regional trading and led to a more concentrated cultural influence between settlements along the edges of influence of Piraea and the Artiots to the south.

At some point, Desia was conquered and integrated as a province into the Solarian Empire. Eventually, like all other provinces, the Solarian administration dwindled along with its power structures, leading to a return of independence in regional culture, language, ideas, and shift in power within the region towards local tribes, lords, and cities. Much of them came to pay tribute to and held Verliquois titles. Desena was united by Daltana as a grand duchy in 1181 after a long period of expansion to include the city of Saul and its farmlands, numerous ports to the inland sea, and land gained in southern military expeditions. It came to at different points border the historic states of Kasavy, Carinthia, and the Gaullican Empire to the east, Amathia to the south, and Soravia and Miersa to the west. Desena began developing a stronger regional identity in the renaissance era, eventually becoming a kingdom and centralizing the power of the nobility and aristocracy. This contributed to the greater scale and intensity of bitter religious conflict in the following centuries as Desena converted to Amendism. Most ethnic Desenans converted to Amendism while practically all Selórzans remained devoutly Catholic. Lackluster soil and growing conditions in the south along with the north's strategic location within the center of Euclea resulted in early urbanization and growing wealth stemming from trade between east and west Euclea. Desena also benefited from many foreign migrants settling permanently and the development of a large artistan class. Desenan growth slowed and became more steady after the expansion of colonialism and sea trade which inevitabaly resulted in overland caravans becoming less lucrative and vital to coastal nations. For a time during the Enlightenment Desena successfully limited the powers of the monarchy through a written constitution, and it was not until wider anti-royalist and revolutionary sentiment spread that a republic was first established in 1850. For much of the mid to late 20th century Desena was a single-party socialist state which surrendered power following open elections and mass protests in the 80s and 90s. The current constitution took effect in 1992.

The Desenan Republic is now a contemporary and quite progressive western-style democracy and a developed country. Most Desenans also speak Gaullican and generally participate in Desenan, Gaullican-language, and wider Euclean pop culture. Quality of life is moderately high, though not quite that of financial hubs and nations which benefited greatly from colonialism. Saul is the capital of Desena and center of business and culture. The urban areas around Saul are fairly standard for European-style metros. Outside of the capital region the population is fairly evenly distributed, with most living in towns of about 10,000-50,000 people and residential villages between population centers becoming less prevalent the farther south.

Desena is a parliamentary republic and unitary state comprised of 20 provinces that have some limited powers devolved to them and their own legislatures. The system of civil law in Desena greatly limits how much real legislative and regulatory power regular provinces have. Elections for the National Assembly are held every two years, for Provincial Assemblies every four years, for the Senate every six years, and for the Presidency every eight years. Currently the Socialist People's Party, led by Prime Minister Martin de Sava, is the largest partner in a governing coalition with the Labor Party. The largest single party in both the Senate and National Assembly is the Christian Democratic Party.

If some of this reads a little bit like a wiki overview it's because I did write it with the intention of adapting it into that later.

Military Overview: The Desenan Army is under civilian control through the defense ministry and government, the president of which serves as commander-in-chief, currently Martin de Sava. Modern Desenan military doctrine, organization, and policy focuses on protection against the instability and governments of Miersa and fulfilling international commitments. The active land warfare component numbers around 80,000 personnel. Being landlocked, Desena technically has no navy and as a result also never developed separated branches of armed forces. The Desenan maritime force, air force, and reserve force are all subordinate groups within the army. The maritime force is mostly river-based but may lease foreign auxiliary vessels and space in ports for logistical purposes, if need be. Annual total military expenditures are $11.2 bn which is approximately 2.1% of the GDP.

Social views:

• LGBT+ rights/LGBT+ people: Modern Desenan culture is more open regarding sexual orientation than gender identity or expression. Same-sex couples are generally accepted, though many still find it objectionable for men to act overly effeminate or affiliate with gay subcultures, for example. Same-sex couples may form civil unions, marry, and adopt children provided they fulfill all other requirements. Transgender Desenans also have legal recognition after the age of 18 but are still widely ostracized and remain outside the general norm.
• Religious tolerance: The practice of religion is generally seen as a private affair between individuals and their own spiritual community, largely as a result of religious conflict in Desena's history. Public devotion or displays of religion are widely considered inappropriate and gauche. Significant religious controversy today usually involves government policies of strict secularism rather than direct conflict between religious groups themselves. When conflict does occur, it is most often Amendist and Catholic groups.
• Irreligion: About third of Desenans identify as irreligious and are protected by anti-discrimination laws on religious belief. Most Desenans who identify as not believing in a higher power or unsure still choose to retain their ethnoreligious identity. Non-religious Desenans are less often discriminated against or directly attacked, though they still face stereotypes and are associated with the decline of religiousness in Desena, which has shifted more power and influence to Catholics.
• Birth control: Contraception and family planning are viewed as a basic, widely accepted personal responsibilities. Both are taught in schools and available through public health services. Medical abortions are available on request up to 12 weeks gestation. Beyond this, a valid justification must be offered (with socio-economic factors being accepted) along with required psychosocial consulting being completed. Surgical abortion is still looked down upon as a social stigma rather than "morally unacceptable" by most Desenans who support its legality.
• Race and ethnic relations: Desena has a quite diverse population, which is considered one of the pillars of the nation and is the result of a complicated history of both close integration and conflict. Desenans make up the majority of the population and are prevalent throughout the nation. Selórzans (or Kasavrines) are the largest other ethnic group, are present throughout northeast Desena, part of their homeland, and have a history of mixed camaraderie, mutualism, and hostility with Desenans. Individuals obviously have many different views but current consensus is that both see the other as poisoning their relationship and being rarely agreeable. Black Desenans make up a smaller but significant portion of the population and which migrated from various Bahian and Coian colonies. Protection from discrimination based on race or ethnicity is constitutionally guaranteed.
• Major Prejudices: Desenans are godless protestants, too progressive, are trying to compensate for the previous regime, and effectively control the country. Gaullicans are the epitome of a wealthy upper class and debauchery, held to a higher standard while also still being considered half-foreign. Selórzans are overwhelmingly conservative Catholics who sometimes describe themselves as, and to a degree are, strangers in their own land. Even so, they are not as open to social change and remain intensely regionalist and protective of their identity. Bahian Desenans tend to be more often overlooked and overshadowed than actually targeted, but still suffer from imported stereotypes and sentiments.
• Immigration and Emigration: While its no longer a major destination on a global scale, immigration is still prevalent and mostly consists of ethnic and religious groups already in Desena and those can already speak Gaullican.
• Women's Rights: Women are constitutionally recognized as having the same legal rights as men and are protected by laws restricting gender-based discrimination. Nevertheless women are still customarily expected to be homemakers but have become widely accepted in most fields of work and earn fairly close to what men make on average.
• Soft and hard drugs: Tobacco, alcohol, and marijuana are all legal, regulated, and have age-based restrictions on sale. Drug use is decriminalized while sale, trafficking, and production remains illegal.

Other:

• Factbook: I know how to use iiwiki and plan to use that.
• RP Preferences: Generally preferential to character-based but narratives are also fine.
• RP Samples: This never took off with a previous iteration.
• RP Intentions: I personally love worldbuilding and graphics, writing this I found euclean history and relations difficult to write around but pretty interesting
• Primary/Other NS Nations:
• Any troubles with moderation? (If so, a link, please.):
• Discord username (in the USERNAME#0000 format): RJ#7062
• Anything else?: I already spent a little bit in the Discord trying to make sure what I wrote already had existing lore and history in mind. Hopefully it is sufficiently accurate or vague where required.

[Saul Volcano]

National information
Official Name: The Harmonious Republic of Nainan / 共和諧和奈人 / Cộng hòa hài hòa nài nhân
Shortened Name: Nainan
Requested Location:

Requested Population: 83,840,654
Culture: Vietnam, with other SE Asian minority groups that have fairly sizable populations.

• Ethnicity:
  70.2% Nainese (Vietnamese)
  8.2% Makhao Kasi(Thai Isan)
  6.6% Nieh (Mon)
  4.1% Danok (Cham)
  3.9% Ryo (Khmu)
  3.2% Kasine (Thai)
  1.8% Kachai (Lao)
  2% Other
• Religion:
  51% Badi
  34.8% Zohist
  4.2% Nai Tin (Vietnamese Folk Religion)
  3.6% Irreligious
  3.3% Irfan
  2.1% Sotirianity
  1% Other
• Languages:
  Official:
  Nainese (Vietnamese using Chu Nom characters)
  Recognized:
  Makhao Kasi(Isan)
  Nieh (Mon)
  Danok (Cham)
  Ryo (Khmu)

Government Type: Unitary Authoritarian One-Party State
Head of State: State Director Lê Tranh Lộc
Head of Government: Premier Quách An Tương
Head of Party: Secretariat Hoàng Lan Mai
Requested GDP Per Capita (Nominal) and Requested GDP Per Capita (PPP): 18,745(PPP), 6,545.16 (Nominal)
National Overview:
The Harmonious Republic of Nainan is a nation located in Southeast Coius, largest people in the nation are the Nainese, an !austroasiatic people whos ancestors, the Nài Hóa people, settled the area around the Serpent and Black Rivers in ~1000 BC. The country's capitol city is Trinhieu in the north, but it's largest city is Setrong in the south. Much of the country is humid rainforests, with a mountainous western interior and many rivers that form flat deltas on the coast. Some areas in the south are considered temperate climates. It is a multi-ethnic nation, although Nainese is the majority, there are numerous large minorities including the Nieh, Makhao Kasi, Danok, and Ryo. It is also religiously diverse, with the two prominent faiths being Badi and Zohism, with Irfan and Sotirian minorities as well.

Other history is tbd. (Lots of Shangean influence.)

By the 15th century the country became influenced by other large neighboring empires. Especially the Toki Dynasty and Aguda Empire, and was constantly shifting from dominance by one empire to the other. By the 19th century Euclean powers had begun to colonize Southeast Coius, Werania would eventually turn the kingdom into a mandate known as the Nai-Mandat. Weranian rule saw the growth of industrialization in the colony. The Great War saw short-lived Entente control of the territory.

After the Great War the country was still ruled by Werania. In 1945 it would gain independence and form the Kingdom of Nainan, ruled by King Vinh III. Throughout the early 1950's anti-monarchist guerillas such as the leftist People's Army and nationalist Republican Forces began to form. The People's Army was lead by Kiều Mạnh Kiến, and the Republicans lead by Hoàng Viện Trai. In 1954 mass protests against the king lead to huge support for the revolutionaries, the country fell into civil war. The Republicans(now backed heavily by the military) captured the capitol Trinhieu whilst the People's Army captured Setrong, the pro-monarchy forces were swiftly defeated by the Republicans at the city of Tài Lẽ in 1956. The civil war continued between the People's Republic of Nainan and the Harmonious Republic of Nainan until 1964 when the final communist stronghold fell to the Republican forces.

The new Republic was lead by Hoàng Viện Trai, who's government was focused on his "Tự ý chí" or "Self-will" ideology, which was heavily inspired by Shangean National Principalism, focused on nationalism, anti-colonialism, anti-capitalism, anti-socialism, and authoritarianism. The country swiftly banned any other party besides the Nainese People's Solidarity and Longevity(NPSL). Despite their loss in the civil war, leftist guerillas still operate in Nainan. Hoang Vien Trai became the State Director and head of the NPSL, in 1965 he founded the Authority of Culture and Investigation(known as the Văn Điều), which became the nation's secret police force in crushing dissent. In 1972 Trai was assassinated by socialist guerillas, PM and head of the Van Dieu Nghiem Nai Phuc would take the helm as Director. Since then NPSL would continue to be the sole ruling party to this day, although now it is divided into various factions.

The country today is aligned closely with those of similar anti-eastern ideals, such as Shangea, Zorasan and other ROSPO nations. Today the country is defined by it's staunch authoritarianism and militarism, seen in 2017 during anti-govt protests which they quickly put down by government forces. The NPSL today is divided into various factions, albeit they are each extremely similar in ideology. Today the country deals many issues, including growing split of the NPSL's many warring factions, separatist growth of minority groups, continuing socialist guerilla activity, deciding whether or not to distance themselves from Shangea more, and it's authoritarianism.

Geopolitically it continues to be pro-ROSPO, although it seeks to distance itself from being considered a "Shangean puppet", but it is generally anti-SAMSO, and anti-BSC. It is a member of the IFDS, BUD, and CN.

Military Overview: The nations army, The People's Army of Solidarity(PAS), is a very large military, due to compulsory military service being enforced by the government. However, it's equipment, while modern, is still behind it's neighbors, and is mostly supplied through Shangea and Zorasan. It hosts a fairly large navy as well, along with a small air force.
Social views:

• LGBT+ rights/LGBT+ people: While it is not illegal completely, it is illegal to have same-sex marriages in Nainan. In recent years the country has slowly taken progressive steps on LGBT+ rights.
• Religious tolerance: Religious minorities are not discriminated against that much. There is little tension between the nation's two largest faiths, Badi and Zohism.
• Irreligion: Socially they are viewed with some ignorance by the religious but legally they are not discriminated against by the government.
• Birth control: Only in rare circumstances such as life-threatening problems are abortions legal. The government and society are both mostly against abortion. Most other forms of birth control are legal in Nainan.
• Race and ethnic relations: There historically have been tensions between the Nainese majority and the various minorities, small separatist movements for the Nainese Nieh to separate exist. Similarly, other groups have separatist movements, including small guerilla forces for them.
• Major Prejudices: The country has a fairly low record on many freedoms, it is ranked one of the lowest in Kylaris. Political freedoms are nearly none, the NPSL is the only legal party, the country has a history of arresting political dissidents. The press have little freedoms when it comes to reporting, state-run media dominates the country and is heavily biased towards the government.
• Immigration and Emigration: Nainan is a net exporter in migrants. Immigration is legal, but the process to become a citizen of Nainan is difficult. The country has a no-tolerance policy on any unauthorized immigrants entering , which can include hard punishments by the government.
• Women's Rights: Women do have the right to vote since the foundation of the Harmonious Republic. There are little political disadvantages for women, but traditional gender roles are still enforced by societal norms.
• Soft and hard drugs: Tobacco, Cannabis, and Alcohol are legal, whilst most hard drugs are illegal.

Other:

• Factbook: Currently made a sandbox on iiwiki for it
• RP Preferences: Military/Character
• RP Samples: Paretia news posts
• RP Intentions: RP and worldbuilding
• Primary/Other NS Nations: Paretia.
• Any troubles with moderation? (If so, a link, please.):
• Discord username (in the USERNAME#0000 format):
• Anything else?: This would be my second nation in Kylaris alongside Paretia

[-AlEmAnNiA-]

National information
Official Name: Republic of Orange
Shortened Name: Orange
Requested Location: https://cdn.discordapp.com/attachments/ ... _claim.png
Requested Population: 12,294,952
Culture: Occitano-French/Western European

• Ethnicity: 88% Aurengian, 4.4% Kasavrine, 2% Amathian, 2% Gaullican, 1% Miersan, 0.4% Lemovician, 1.2% Other
• Religion: No religion/atheism/agnostic is the plurality. Of those who practice a religion, Sotirianity is the largest and is practiced by approximately 16% of the population.
• Languages: Aurengian (Occitano-Romance conlang), Gaullican, Selórzan, Lemovician, Amathian, and Miersan are officially recognized languages

Government Type: Federal/Devolved unitary (haven’t decided yet) consociational directorial socialist republic
Head of State: 9-member Consulate led by the premier
Head of Government: Same as above
Requested GDP Per Capita (Nominal) and Requested GDP Per Capita (PPP): ~$15,000 (nominal), ~$30k (PPP)
National Overview:

• History: Various Celtic tribal polities until Solarian conquest. After the fall of the empire, the area would be split between the Arcilucan and Verliquoian empires. Orange had been an integral part of the Arcilucan and Verliquoian Empires since their reconquest of Orange in the 6th century. Through succession and agreed partitions, the majority of Orange ended up under Verliquoian control. By the 8th century, the old "Kings of Orange" had been reduced to dukes within Gaullican peerage. Duchy of Orange inherited by Verliquoian Emperor Charles III, granted to his younger brother, Adolphe. Collapse of the Arcilucan Empire in 1000 and instability in the Verliquoian Empire allowed local rulers greater autonomy. A quasi-independent Orange duchy emerged in the aftermath under the Adolphine dynasty. Effectively turns into the Duchy of Burgundy. Orangene Wars fought between the Daufins of Orange and the Kingdom of Soria. Death of Daufin Charles V at the Battle of X saw the title revert back to the Gaullican Crown. Subsequent War of the Orangene Succession fought between Gaullica, Amathia, and Miersan Commonwealthr saw majority of Adolphine Orange absorbed by Gaullica. Gaullica's victory in the War of the Orangene Succession saw it gain the majority of the territory of Adolphine Orange. Local rulers retained a significant degree of autonomy, in part due to the location of Orange relative to the Miersan Commonwealth and the Union of Three Nations. Conclusion of the War of the Miersan Succession gradually led to an erosion of local autonomy as the Gaullican Empire gradually centralized. Important cultural changes occurred during this centralization process: emergence of a definitive Orangene culture and language in large part as means to resist repeated attempts at Gaullicization between the Crown and local administrators, firm adoption of Catholicism by local nobility; previously had "waffled" between Orthodoxy and Catholicism. Very brief Proençal Republic established during the Etrurian Revolutionary Wars and greater Euclean Spring, put down by Gaullican forces after they retook Rayenne. Major social changes emerged in the post-Etrurian Revolutionary Wars period: a class of independent landowners following the dissolution of feudalism, growing urban proletariat, small influential Gaullo-Aurengian bourgeoisie. "National Awakening spearheaded by the Adolphine League laid the groundwork for Orangene nationalism; rise in use of the Aurengian language in literature and society. Increased Gaullicization following the failed September Revolt in the closing months of the War of the Triple Alliance. Adolphine League eclipsed by the Novèu corrent as the dominant force for Orangene nationalism. Great War stuff; maybe some kind of !Czechoslovak legion. Independence granted as part of the Treaty of s'Holle. Broad popular front set up as the inaugural government under the leadership of Frédéric Montagn, a prominent advocate for Orangene independence before and during the Great War. Orangene Section of the Workers' Internationale (SAIO) successfully appeals to both Amathia and Kirenia for support to take over the government. Leftist-led coup in 1936 leads to a brief civil war. Direct military intervention by Amathia and Kirenia (via East Miersa) sees a quick leftist victory. Council republic established in 1937. Largely mirrors East Miersa and Amathia in acting as a de facto single-party state. Inspired by the Equalist takeover in Amathia in 1959, Orangene Premier Bastitou Courderç instituted his own set of purges within the SAIO. Courderç aligned Orange with Amathia in the ensuing Amathian-Kirenian Split. Orange, while adopting many of the authoritarian measures enacted in Amathia, maintained its own authoritarian socialism ideology in a bid to be viewed as an independent entity rather than as an Amathian satellite state, which had been one of the drivers for siding with Amathia in the split. Diplomatically and materially supported East Miersa's invasion of West Miersa in a rare occurrence of cooperation with the Kirenian sphere and later directly supported Lemovicia in the Lemovician War. Death of Courderç in 1976 led to minor power struggle within Orange that resulted in the reform faction of the former SAIO emerge victorious. Collapse of Equalist Amathia in 1979 exacerbated the need for sweeping political and social reforms within Orange in order to maintain socialist power. Jeremies Dior, leader of the Socialist Workers' Party, is elected Premier in 1981 and began a policy of rapprochement with the Kirenian bloc while enacting sociopolitical reforms aimed liberalizing the nation. Devolution of the unitary system as consociationalist policies see the creation of various ethnolingual communities who have the power to pass legislation that's on parity with legislation passed by the National Convention. Joined the AIS in 1986, special friendship treaty signed with Gaullica in 1987 acknowledging the special "cultural ties shared between Gaullica and Orange." Further cooperation with Kirenia and East Miersa led to the creation of the Mutual Assistance Organization in 1999. Contemporary largely supports Kirenian stances on issues, however the nation's foreign policy remains largely independent of MASSOR's. Orange deviates from the greater Socialist world's opinions when deemed appropriate, most recently condemning Chistovodian militarism in the Arucian Straits.
• Government: Orange is officially a devolved unitary socialist directorial republic. The nation's legislature, the National Convention, enjoys legislative supremacy and is the highest organ of the Orangene government. The 9-member Consulate serves as both the collective head of state and the cabinet. The consulate is elected to 4-year terms by the National Convention. The premier is elected by the consulate, and acts as both the head of consulate itself and as the head of government for the full-term that the consulate is elected for. The chief of state is a purely technocratic position that serves as a liaison between the consulate and the National Convention. Like the consulate, the chief of state is elected by the National Convention to a 2-year term. The SAIO dissolved following the Equalist puscht. Post-Equalist politics is currently dominated by numerous political parties and interest groups working within the framework of the extant socialist system. Because of the unitary system in place, the overall political system is based on a "how much power should the central government have" axis rather than the traditional left wing-right wing axis. Interest groups are largely organized around minority nationality rights. Current political parties largely follow the current trend as seen in Kirenia, East Miersa, and Dezevau. Major political parties include the Socialist Workers Party (democratic socialism-social democracy; would be the equivalent of a big tent centrist party in a conventional liberal democracy), Party of the New Left (democratic confederalism/communalism), National Labor Confederation (reformed SAIO, predominantly syndicalist and mostly an economics-oriented party), Socialist Renewal (left-wing populist, Orangene patriotist, focused on national issues and pushes for a more "local" approach for socialism, wanting to pull out of AIS and focus purely on MASSOR), and the National People's Front (rehabilitated Equalist/authoritarian socialist party). Several fringe parties would exist for ideologies like M-L but their presence at the national level is for all intents and purposes nonexistent.

Social views:

• LGBT+ rights/LGBT+ people: Some prejudices still exist but the broad population is accepting/apathetic. Decriminilization of same-sex activities occured during the transition from the Equalist-aligned government to the contemporary state, with legalization occurring in the mid-2000s.
• Religious tolerance: High levels of irreligiosity has led to people being generally apathetic. Following the general socialist take over, there’s historically been somewhat of a “crackdown” on proselytizing and public practice of one’s religion but this has been largely relaxed in the modern day. Nowadays, people generally don’t care.
• Irreligion: See above
• Birth control: See LGBT+ rights
• Race and ethnic relations: Small but vocal minority against Rahelians, Satrians, and other “non-caucasian” groups. Institutional racism is certainly present but it’s not blatant nor hostile among the general population, more just little quirks that exist like in every other society.
• Major Prejudices: See above. Possibly some prejudices against West Eucleans though I imagine that it’s a “pot calling the kettle black” situation
• Immigration and Emigration: I do not know who would want to immigrate to Socialst Provence but I’m sure there are some xenophobic groups.
• Women's Rights: Legally equal. Economic and social equality is a continuing work in progress. Flirting with democratic confederalism in more recent years has seen much more radical proposals, but they have never made it passed the proposal stage
• Soft and hard drugs: Cannabis, tobacco, and alcohol are legal and regulated. Other drugs are decriminalized.

Other:

• Factbook: Will make one once accepted
• RP Preferences: Honestly don’t think I’d RP at all outside of extraneous situations
• RP Samples: quod erat demonstrandum
• RP Intentions: Primarily worldbuilding/nationbuilding. News posts when/if appropriate or necessary
• Primary/Other NS Nations: Sulatia in Levilion
• Any troubles with moderation? (If so, a link, please.): N/A
• Anything else?: 1. Population calculated from my desired population density (116.4/km2), I would prefer it not to change but I can lower it if it’s really an issue

[Gapolania]

National information
Official Name: Bistravian Republic
Shortened Name: Bistravia
Requested Location: old Vynichia spot (adjusted to Orange's claim, if accepted)
Requested Population: 10,422,100
Culture: Bistravian culture is based on !Czech culture, with relatively strong !Bulgaro-Romanian and !Rusyn influences.

• Ethnicity: 87.2% Bistravians, Amathian, Tengarian, Soravian and Miersian minorities present throughout the nation
• Religion: 84.1% Episemialism (under Bistravian Episemialist Church), minor presence of Catholic Church, Bistravian Catholic Church and Iconoclast Movements followers; irreligion increasing
• Languages: Bistravian is the only official language of the nation (soft conlanguage featuring !Czechoslovak vocabulary (removing German loan-words and influences), as well as !Bulgarian and !Rusyn; using !Rusyn orthography) - because of relative isolation, a few dialects of the language evolved, though none of the enough to be considered a distinct languages. Soravian is the second most-used language, mostly in business; while Tengarian, Miersan, Amathian, Visoclesian, Aurengian and Vedmedi are officialy recognized minority languages

Government Type: Unitary, semi-presidential constitutional republic; strong role of the President, though they are controlled by the unicameral Rada ("Council")
Head of State: President Viktor Kríž
Head of Government: Prime Minister Martina Ovoječka
Requested GDP Per Capita (Nominal) and Requested GDP Per Capita (PPP): $11,870 (nominal); $19,787 (PPP)
National Overview:
The Bistravian Republic (bi. Бістравска Републіка, Bistravska Republika), also known as Bistravia (bi. Бістравя, Bistravia) is a landlocked country in central Euclea. It is bordered by Vedmed to the north, Aurangia to the east, Amathia to the southeast, Tengaria to the south and Radushia to the east. Bistravia has a hilly landscape that covers over 250,000 km² (100,000 sq mi) with a mostly temperate climate. The capital, Miensk, is also the largest city in the republic. Other major urban areas include Kraljovice, Růžyn, Sveti Hora and Andřejovice.

Several early feudal Marolevic states fought for the control over the area after fall of the Solarian Empire, with Vyzemia gaining an upper hand in the late 9th century, following the support of the Empire of Arciluco and introduction of the Sotiriniaty in the region. The Principality of Vyzemia, a client state of the Empire, controlled most of the eastern coast of lake Min until its vassalization by the Empire of Tengaria in 1330 by Ivan II. During the Iconoclast Wars the population of modern-day Bistravia, prone to religious conversion, supported the Iconoclasts, mainly the Realm of Thorns. Tengarian intervention ended the rebellion and installed Tengarian nobility on the principal seats. During the Tengarian golden age, many towns were founded, mostly along the coast of lake Min, as well as mines, latifundiums and universities. Fall of the empire saw the emergence of Tengaro-Bistravian and Amathian nobility, which created an independent Verovinian Principality in 1549. Increasing Soravian and Amathian influenced in the late 16th and early 17th century ultimately ended with the partition of the state in 1650.

Bistravian lands were subjected to heavy industralization in the second half of the 19th century - mining, manufacturing and textile industry developed in the area. The region, comparatively undeveloped, quickly turned into an important industrial site of the Soravian Empire. During the late 1800s, a Bistravian nationalism emerged, focused mostly on the rural population, which had less privileges and opportunities than Soravo-Bistravian and Amathio-Bistravian burgher class. Bistravian nationalism would be hindered by the Great Collapse and the Great War, though, eventually, a Bistravian Federal Soravian Republic was created in 1936, the first Bistravian ethno-state. The Soravian civil war resulted in the Bistravian declaration of dissolution on 4th February 1980, while a new constitution was signed in 1982. Since then, the republic is a democratic and independent state.

Bistravia is a unitary, semi-presidential republic and a developing country comprised of 13 regions (bi. крає, kraje). Its market economy is largely based on services, though industries (such as machinery or mining) and agriculture still play an important role. Bistravian Republic is the member of many international organizations: Community of Nations, International Trade Organization and, most importantly, Samorspi. The country faces several socioeconomic problems: poverty is still prevalent throughout the nation, while corruption and nepotism affect many political groups on all levels. Bistravia is considered a flawed democracy, with many of the human rights below the level of other Euclean nations in the east.

Military Overview:
Bistravian military consists of the Bistravian Land Forces, Bistravian Air Force and Bistravian Water Force. All armed forces are managed by the Ministry of Defence. The President of the Bistravian Republic is Commander-in-chief of the armed forces. Forced conscription was abolished in 2008. Active personnel consists of around 25,000 men, with another 5,000 serving as a reserve. Government expenditures on the military reach around 2% of the GDP. Bistravia is a member of Samorspi and, as a border state of the organization, functions as its important member. Several Samorspi bases are established on the coast of Lake Min, as well as Bistravian eastern borders.

Social views:

• LGBT+ rights/LGBT+ people: People in Bistravia may face legal challenges not experienced by non-LGBT residents. Both male and female same-sex sexual activity are legal in Bulgaria, but same-sex couples and households headed by same-sex couples are not eligible for the same legal protections available to opposite-sex couples. Discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation has been banned since 2008, but discrimination based on "gender change" has not yet been outlawed. The conservative and relatively religious population of Bistravia may alienate, through beliefs, words or even acts of violence, LGBT+ population.
  
• Religious tolerance: Episemialism was and is the main religion, and often Bistravian national identity is based on religious affiliation, with non-Episemialists seen as "less Bistravian". Traditionally, several protestant movements rooted in Iconoclast traditions, have been present in the country, though they are often limited to a particular area. Other Sotirian faiths - Catholicism or Bistravian Catholicism are met with neutrality, while Amendist faiths are viewed with more reserve. There's a relatively high intolerance towards non-Sotirians.
  
• Irreligion: Atheism and irreligion is slowly spreading, especially within young urban population. The Bistravian Constiution does not state anything about state religion, and religion (or lack thereof) does not affect a citizen's rights and privileges. Historically, irreligion was born during the 20th century, even though the Bistravian nationalism is centered heavily around Episemialism.
  
• Birth control: Abortion has been legal since 1997 up for the 20 weeks for women whose life or health can be endangered or when fetus is genetically harmed. Despite that, abortion is met with relative public ostracism, especially within the rural population, as it's viewed as an ungodly act. General disdain towards abortion has caused a serious drop of number of specialized clinics - many young Bistravian women move to neighboring countries to perform an abortion.
  
• Race and ethnic relations: Historically influenced by other nations, particularly Tengarians, Amathians or Soravians, Bistravia does not present ethnic tensions between these populations. However, many other inhabitants, especially those of a different race, can be met with xenophobia and racism. Some cities, serving as centres for a certain ethnic groups (for example, Sveti Hora, where nearly 25% of the population is Tengarian, demonstrate levels of prejudice towards Bistravians and other groups; likewise, urban areas traditionally inhabited by Bistravians may present prejudice (both factual and comical) towards non-Bistravian citizens.
  
• Major Prejudices: There are several prejudices towards Tengarian, Soravian and Amathian populations, due to high historical influence those nations had on Bistravia. Both Soravia and Tengaria are considered friendly (with Soravia being called "Big Mother", while Tengaria being nicknamed "Big Brother") nations - there are few prejudices considering the countries, some of them used jokingly, though resentment can be felt. Relations with Amathia are friendly, with people remembering Amathia as the country that allowed Bistravian culture to rise and develop during the 19th and 20th centuries.
  
• Immigration and Emigration: Bistravia is a migrant exporter. Many people leave the country in search for better education or job. Most other Euclean nations provide better financial opportunities and Bistravians, especially young people, tend to migrate to more democratic, eastern Euclean nations. There's still a large wave of Soravian emigration, due to less language cultural barriers (many Bistravians are taught Soravian in school) and prestige that education and work in cities like Samistopol bear. Immigrants are welcomed in more urban areas, though people arriving from non-Marolevic countries might suffer from hardships not experienced by the rest of the population.
  
• Women's Rights: According to the Bistravian Constitution, women have the same rights as men. Despite that, women are less present on the job market and receive, on average, less pay. Women have more freedom in urban areas, where they tend to migrate - ratio of women to men is higher in larger cities.
  
• Soft and hard drugs: use of tobacco and alcohol is wide throughout the nation. Alcohol, especially, has been listed as one of the main reasons of early deaths of the male population. Deindustrialization and changes on the job market have resulted in many men losing their jobs, and, as a consequence of unemployment, increase of alcohol usage. Tobocco is also popular, with a semi-serious prejudice about Bistravians stating that the Bistravian breakfast consists of egg, coffee and a cigarette. Hard drugs are shunned and are outlawed - whether it's marijuana, cocaine or any other.

Other:

• Factbook: Sandbox right now
• RP Preferences: You should know. Cultural aspects are my things.
• RP Samples: look for Gapolania
• RP Intentions: n/a
• Primary/Other NS Nations: Gapolania
• Any troubles with moderation? (If so, a link, please.): n/a
• Discord username (in the USERNAME#0000 format): Dervish#2240
• Anything else?: n/a

[Veten]

National information
Official Name: The Kingdom of Veten
Shortened Name: Veten
Requested Location: [The turkmen plot!] https://imgur.com/gallery/tWX4ZuO
Requested Population: 10 million
Culture: Took influences from Azerbajian, Turkey, as well as the collection ofCentral Asian countries and the Caucus. Took a smattering of historical influences from scattered spots in the world. Took influences from historic Turco-Persian culture as well.

• Ethnicity: 70% Veteni (!Azerbajiani),20% Parandian (!Iranian),5% !Kazakh,3% Dezenezui, 2% Other.
• Religion:
• Languages: Veteni, an Oghuz Turkic language, is the most spoken language in Khiva albeit most native Veteni speakers also speak Pasdani, which is the second most spoken language. Both Veteni and Pasdani are recognized by the government as official languages.

Government Type: Unitary parliamentary constitutional monarchy
Head of State: The King
Head of Government: Prime Minster
Requested GDP Per Capita (Nominal) and Requested GDP Per Capita (PPP): Nominal per capita: $16,799 ) PPP per capita: $26,513)
National Overview:
Veteni has been settled for thousands of years. The first traces of human habitation in the area date back to roughly 2000 BCE, with evidence of both nomadic pastoralists as well as sedentary fishermen inhabiting roughly the same area. Noted development of early cross-cultural communication and these early inhabitants seemed to have had a complex relationship.
The sedentary communities became more and more influenced by Pasdani speakers, migrating east. The arrival of the Parandians began a slow process of urbanization in the northern area near Lake Zinabad, as well as expanding further south and founding new city states. Wine production became common along the shores of Lake Zinabad, which remains a practice to this day.
The Oroqic-speaking nomads frequently demanded tribute from these city states, particularly the southernmost ones, which discouraged further urbanization. However, the nomads were instrumental in establishing the first cross-steppe trade route. Predating !Silk Road, the cross-steppe route created the first political alliances between the nomadic Oroqic and the city-dwelling Parandian populations.
The web of city states, along with their allied nomadic tribes, emerged as an early power along their section of the !Silk Road when it was more formally established. Conflict was frequent between the city states for further control of the Silk Road, as well as just general.
The arrival of Badism in roughly 750 BCE in the was a stabilizing influence for the disconnected city states and tribes. Ended up being the catalyst for the progressively larger kingdoms, eventually uniting much of what would be modern Veten by 400 BCE under one “kingdom” (really more of a confederation of city states)
With the creation of a larger polity, increasing need for bureaucracy. More urbanized Paranadian population became main bureaucrats, with the nomadic tribes becoming the (often rebellious) military elite of the country.
The early Veten kingdom was, although unstable due to the patchwork of city states and tribes it called its vassals, grew rich from continued trade. The kingdom would frequently spilt and reform under a new dynasty about once every hundred years, as a new prince backed by a different nomadic tribe would assume the throne as the King of Veten.
By the turn of the millennium, Veten was generally regarded as a place of commerce, and a hub of science and culture. Trade goods originated from Veten have been found at a wide variety of archeological sites across the !Silk Road.
The arrival of Irfan shortly after the turn of the millennium (50-100 CE) was a pivotal one for the nation's history. The nomadic Oroqic tribes in Veten saw Irfan as an opportunity to rebel against the primary Badist urban elite and largely converted en masse, rebelling shortly afterwards.
The Oroqic tribes, having traditional been the military elite of the country was able to quickly defeat the Badist urban elite. The Oroqic emerged from this conflict as the new leaders of the country through all levels of government, instead of the traditional division of roles based on one's mother tongue.
However, the new Oroqic leaders of Veten continued to rely on the Pasdani speaking beaucracts in order to govern the nation day to day. The Oroqic leaders, in turn, began taking on elements of the Pasdani speaking culture. In the new, rapidly urbanizing Veten there was frequent social, political and cultural competition between Oroqic and Pasdani speakers for leadership over the rapidly converting Irfanic state.
As early converts, the kingdom of Veten joined the east conquests of Irfan - with some Veteni tribes settled in the areas that they conquered, something that can still be seen to this days with Oroqic populations as far away as modern day Tsabara.
In addition to joining the larger armies, the Kingdom of Veten attempted to expand both Irfanic and their influence into the surrounding areas. There was very limited success in this regard, with most places they conquered either rebelling or returning shortly to their original rulers.
By roughly 400 CE, the Kingdom of Veten was more or less consolidated as an Irfanic stronghold in the region. Unable to find much military success, the new Kingdom of Veten re-emerged as both a trading center, both throughout the Irfanic world and along the !Silk Road, as well as a hub of culture in the rapidly evolving Oroqic-Pasdani culture that was beginning to form within the marketplaces, mosques and military camps of this new kingdom.
Mostly a disintegrated collection of vassals to nearby, larger Pasdani-speaking Irfanic kingdoms. Would not be able to unite again underneath one kingdom until ~ 900 CE, in which saw the first Veteni (meaning Veteni, !Azerbajinaji, speaking) royal line in the country. Started the Zadeh line of the monarchy. Although the kingdom had been united previously, for the first time a Veteni speaking King sat ruling over the various cities and nomadic tribes that inhabited the area.
Many historians call this the “Venti golden age”. The nation was a strong military force, with both strong horsemen and infantry, the Kingdom was rich due to it’s position as a crossroads in both the silk road, steppe trade routes and Irfanic trade route which led to a flourishing of art, culture and science. It’s Oroqic-Pasdani cultural mix allowed it to exist in a place between two different cultures, creating something entirely unique that still influences the nation to this day.
Absolute height was in 1100 CE, when female ruler Queen Jale conquered much of the surrounding territories near Veteni. Height ended by 1200 CE, territory had been lost again.
Golden age ended roughly 1300 CE, something like 3 dynasties had assumed the throne by this point. Slow decline followed, with 7 smaller principalities emerging from the terrority. Allowed them to be easily conquered by the Togoti Khanate when they arrived.
Togoti vassals for a short period of time before the Aguda rolled in. Basically was a vassal of the Togoti for less than a hundred years, vassal of the Aguda from ~ 1500 to late 1700s/1800s. Often remained as the 7 smaller principalities, declawing the often troublesome Veteni’s. Although intermittently in small scale rebellion, most accepted their role as vassals begrudgingly and several Veteni’s achieved fame serving the Aguda Empire. Expanded the urbanization of the country, and by the time the Aguda Empire fell not a lot of nomadic tribes left, instead they were craftsmen, merchants, and pastoralists.
The arrival of the Gaullicans, although spelling the doom for the Aguda Empire, brought an increased sense of hope to the country. Secret agreements were made for the Veteni’s to regain their independence in exchange for rising up against the Aguda Empire. The 7 principalities rose, reunited and declaring themselves to be the Kingdom of Veten after 300+ years of not in existence.
The independence proved to be nominal. Originally a strong Gaullican ally in the area during the early Gaullican colonization, albeit as Gaullican power grew in the region the more Gaullican hands sunk into Veten. Soon the Kingdom found itself to be nominally independent, the subject of a gentlemen's agreement between Shangea and Gaullica where in exchange for the nations “independence”, tribute and support had to be paid to both Shangea and Gaullica.
This “Faux Freedom” of the Kingdom was not lost on many, albeit many of those same people saw the results of direct rule by the great powers. A general sense of “this sucks, but it’s way better than the other guy there.” The military especially took favorable notice of Gaullica and Shangea’s fairly militarized nation. As military was one of the few fully professional careers available, officers were able to study abroad and learn more about Euclean ideals (start of Mursaism [!Kemalism])
The constant need to give tribute/resources/favorable deals to two countries left little for developing the nation, a bit of a stagination/regression in development. Observers of the era commented “money only went in two directions - to the military and to the foreigners.”
Beginnings of a socialist party, influenced by The Red Steppe and increased contact with Euclean ideas. Forced increase in cultural “opening up” the country, Gaullican missionaries converted a fairly sizable portion of the population. Introduction of rugby union (which was similar to a local sport played) which is now the national sport of the country. Vetenis swear up and down Gaullicans stole some of their wine making processes during this time.
In the ~ 100/130 years between colonization and The Great War, society “civilized.” New buildings were constructed in “Gaullican style”, and briefly the Kingdom considered making Gaullica a national language. Various other elements of “civilized” society were adopted including dress, habits, etc. Started the process of last names for people. Had some effect in actually increasing the amount that the colonial powers invested in Veten/saw worthwhile, etc.
During The Great War, no direct fighting. Various units of the soldiers were deployed under Shangea and Gaullican command. Almost like a Gallipoli-esque moment of “why are we dying for them?” As war turned against the Entente, increased frustration with the Veteni involvement in the war as well as with the monarch at the time (King Qulu) who, similar to his predecessors, has been ruling as an absolute monarch.
End of the Great War also saw a military coup, which forced a constitution change. The unpopular King Qulu was forced to abdicate the throne, allowing his young cousin to step in (King Calil) as well as creating a new constitution that called for a parliament.
The period of direct military rule was brief, last only a few years as a “transitional” government before returning control to the new parliament. The leader of the Junta, Colonel Musta, was well known for creating a “Six Spears”/!Six Arrows memo outlining what the new kingdom should engage in. Colonel Musta proved to be popular, becoming elected to the parliament shortly afterwards.
Prime Minster Musta created a one party state, with the stated goal of “forcing reform” within the country. Musta promised to increase the amount of parties allowed “once reform is complete.” State owned enterprises and business were created with the goal of modernizing the country. Prime Minster Musta also declared the country to be secular country, removing a hundreds of years old title from the King (defender of the faith) in a large public ceremony.
Various, large scale 5 year plans were launched with the goal of increasing the industrial output of the country. Observers noted that the rapid pace of societal change often alienated many, especially the faithful and the still substantial rural populations of the country. Others have noted that without these drastic measures taken to “uplift” society then Veten could have remained behind.
Prime Minster Musta also made note to not align Veten with either the communist or non communist forces, announcing that under his reign Veten would be neutral. (“I have taken the best from both ideas, yet I am my own. Our system reflects who we are as Veteni.”)
Prime Minster Musta passed away in 1941, before many of the reforms that he started could be implemented. His successors continued much of his reforms, albeit it was not until 1953 that Veteni voters could vote for more than one party (even today, parties are state approved and there is a limited amount)
Political tensions, especially in the midst of a global !Cold War, ran high in the fairly authoritarian government and despite the massive amount of reform as well as social and economic advancement, left little in terms of political voice. Tensions ran high on both the right wing and the left wing of the government with political violence being commonplace from 1960-1980. Military coups happened twice during this period, once removing a prime minister for supposed involvement with “non secular” forces as the second for a prime minster who was popularly believed to not be handling the political crises well.
As the !Cold War slowed down and ended, in addition to begrudging reform within the country that add an official socialist party to the party list, slowly reduced the political violence within Veten. Many people suspect the Veteni Mafia retains links to Veteni intelligence services and the military, with those relationships formed in right wing, pro monarchist groups active during the 60s-80s. By 1965, the military had empowered the monarchy again.
With the decline of political violence in the country, led to a period of stabilization and renewed growth. Modern day hx would need to be written in collab with other nations.

Military Overview: Veten has a fairly sizable military. The Veteni Defense Forces (VDF) maintains a 50,000 person army with a 180 aircraft air force. Being landlocked, there is no navy. Veten maintains a small coast guard for Lake Zinabad. The military maintains an active role in the country's politics, being involved with several coups. The main goals of the nation military is to be a capable force in defending the nation, and to intervene within the region as needed.

Social views:

• LGBT+ rights/LGBT+ people: Veten remains, in general, a “don’t ask don’t tell” nation. Although gay marriage is legalized and gay rights are apart of the countries legal code, gay culture has been largerly underground for most of the countries history - with the first Pride parade only being held in 2009, which in itself was met with several counter protests and demonstrations. The first openly lesbian MP was recently elected, signinalling a change in public opinion which leaves activists hopeful.
• Religious tolerance: Veten is a majority Irfanic country, practiced by 80% of the population. Solarian Catholic Church is the second largest practiced religion at 14% with Badism at 5% and Other/Irreligion at 1%. The country is fairly religiously tolerant, albeit very much in the manner of “stay in your lane.” Missionaries are not allowed into the country without special permits granted by the government, with international observers noting that the government takes years before approving (if they do.) Illegal missionaries are harshly prosecuted can spend decades in jail.
• Irreligion: Irreligion is viewed as odd, if not strange. Most people in the country identifies as nominally Irfanic, and the outright claiming of irreligion is viewed as being someone with no values.
• Birth control: Abortion is legal within the country, albeit remains stigmized in several circles of the society. The government has attempted to expand women's health within the country with some limited success, primarily blocked by more conservative sections of society such as hardline Irfanic preachers and people.
• Race and ethnic relations: De jure, everybody is an equal citizen of Veten. De facto, there is often prejudices against non Venti and non Parandian people within the country. It’s notable that rates of unemployment, poverty and other poor social health markers are clustered within the Kazakh, Dezenuzi and other minorities in the country. The only expectations would be anybody that happens to be from an Euclean country or from Shangea.
• Major Prejudices: The country, despite being officially multiparty, remains fairly authoritarian. Political freedoms are curtailed and activists on the left recognize that any legally elected government would likely be overthrown in a military coup shortly after election. Some recognize that this could lead to a brand new era of political violence if not carefully managed. In addition, there is an increasing number of hardline Irfanic sects active throughout the country. Some fear that this could also lead to an increased level of violence as they call for removal of the secular nature of the government and embrace an Irfanic regime.
• Immigration and Emigration: Historically, there was much emigration out of the country out of the country prior to the Great War to primarily Gaullica and other Euclean countries for work. There was a second wave of emigration following the great war, similarly looking for economic opportunities. They’ve forced a fairly large disposara over the years, numbering roughly 2 million people worldwide. Although localized to larger nations in Coius, they form a distinct minority in urban centers across the world. Since the Great War, Veten has worked hard to increased skill immigration into the country.
• Women's Rights: De jure, women's rights are enshrined in the country. De facto, women still face significant discrimination in the work place and within careers. By many older people in the country it remains odd in their eyes that women don’t stay at home. Although this trend has been changing within the past two decades, accompanied with national law changes to reflect this, there is still progress that needs to be made.
• Soft and hard drugs:

Veten has long been a wine producing country, and Veteni wine remains the national drink of the country (it shares it with coffee). Veten had also legalized recreational marijuana in 2018. Cheap drugs are fairly common in Veten, namely heroin. There has been a large spike in heroin overdoses throughout the country in recent years, which has led to the government to consider implementing a variety of harm reduction platforms.[/list]

Other:

• Factbook: I don’t have one - I was planning on making an II Wiki page if/when this country got accepted.
• RP Preferences: I come from a background of character driven roleplay, but, honestly I’m down for whatever. Very rusty in terms of roleplaying tho.
• RP Samples: My last RP samples were from like 2016. I’ve linked them here and here. Feel free to send me a prompt if yall feel like the samples are too old.
• RP Intentions: like 75% world building/25% role playing I think at this point.
• Primary/Other NS Nations: n/a
• Any troubles with moderation? (If so, a link, please.): No issues here
• Discord username (in the USERNAME#0000 format): HenchmenF #0740
• Anything else?:Very excited to get started! Let me know if I need to change anything.

[Slirnija]

National information
Official Name: Republic of Piraea
Shortened Name: Piraea
Requested Location: Piraea's spot in Euclea
Requested Population: 7,484,889
Culture: !Greek culture

• Ethnicity: Majority Greek with Amathian, Novalian and !Albanian minorities mostly near the borders.
• Religion: The Episemialist Church has a dominant role and is the largest faith in Piraea, however, there are other Sotirian minorities and a small portion of Irfani.
• Languages: Pirese (!Greek) is the only official language, although Amathian and Novalian are recognised in different provinces.

Government Type: Parliamentary republic with collective Head of State
Head of State: A collective Presidency composed by three members voted by the population and made ceremonially independent after being appointed.
Head of Government: Premier
Requested GDP Per Capita (Nominal) and Requested GDP Per Capita (PPP): $15,137 Nominal | $27,664 PPP
National Overview:

Piraea is recognised as one of the anciest civilisations in Euclea. Its presence along the Aurean Straits is well documented in numerous texts that highlight the greatest extent of the Piraese city-states along both sides of the strait. This form of political organisation was crucial for Piraea in the development of the first forms of democracy and innumerable mathematical advances. However, between the year 300 and 200 BCE, city-states will progressively fall under Solarian influence, with the fall of [capital name] marking the end of the period. The previous developments that characterised Piraese city-states were later used as inspiration during the Solarian period in a moment of massive advances in philosophy and arts. The collapse of Solaria in hands of Marolevic tribes pushed Piraea to form the First Piraean Empire, which collapsed centuries later during the invasion of the Tagames. Piraese control over the territory was re-established under the Second Piraean Empire, although short living as internal turmoil and a lack of national identity took it to the collapse, initiating a period of foreign control of Piraea by Amathian, Novelian and Poveglian authorities.

In 1820, under the control of the Kingdom of Vespasia, ethnic Pirese joined in what is known as the October Uprising, which led to a War of Independence that lasted five years and proved effective in building a national narrative for Piraese identity. The revolution will last until 1925, when diplomatic intervention of Euclean powers concluded with the effective establishment of the Kingdom of Piraea. At the burst of the Great War, Piraea joined the Entente, declaring its support to Gaullica and declaring war on Etruria; however, the country got immersed in a series of internal conflicts that questioned the continuity of the monarchy. The defeat of the Entente and Piraea at the end of the war took the Kingdom to hand in Tarpeia to Etruria; this will take the popularity of the monarchy to the lowest and mark the start of a civil war that concluded a year later with the abdication and exile of the Royal Family. During the following years, Piraea will be under the control of an authoritarian military junta of far-right characteristics until in 1979, students and workers' massive protests took the government to pursue a reform through the vote of a plebiscite; the negative of the population concluded with the celebration of the first democratic elections and the start of a transition period. Today, Piraea is a country aligned with the Euclean Community, from which it pursues membership.

Military Overview: Pireaa's military is small and is part of the ECDTO. The main tasks are safeguarding coasts and land borders, its role has increased since the start of Tsabaran immigrants crisis in the south of Euclea. A re-foundation process is due after the end of the military junta and the future of the organisation is an usual debate in political circles.

Social views:

• LGBT+ rights/LGBT+ people: Although a tradition of tolerance towards homosexuality dates from Ancient Piraea, it has eroded over the decades with an important stigma growing. During the military junta period, LGBT+ related groups were censored and persecuted; however, since the return to democracy, the country has severely improved its stance towards LGBT+ people, especially during the last decade, when a bill passed at the legislature made Piraea one of the last Euclean nations to recognise same-sex marriages. Antagonism with Etruria related to its historical rivalry might also explain its recent progressive drift.
• Religious tolerance: Episemialists compose the large majority of the Pirese population and these are generally followed by Sotirian groups. Irfan and to some extent Atudists face certain negative view from Piraeses.
• Irreligion: Irreligion, although small, is growing among younger generations and urban populations. It is not seen with negative eyes but as a feature own of cities and an effect of globalisation.
• Birth control: Although legalised during the 1990s with a progressive law, abortion remains a difficult topic in Pirea and its access by most women is restricted by religious, political and social groups. Decades after its introduction in the healthcare system, it still emerges with debate among the population; however, polls have shown a gradual but general improve in the positive opinion of Piraeses regarding its current and future status.
• Race and ethnic relations: Despite being a generally homogeneous population, Piraea's border populations, which consider themselves from other ethnicities, are recognised in their cultural value and language. Business, teaching and most social language remains being Piraese.
• Major Prejudices: -
• Immigration and Emigration: Piraea has seen, since 2008, an enormous portion of the population being forced to emigrate by tight economic situations. Most of them generally see Euclean nations as their destination and a large diaspora is seen within the borders of the Euclean Community and Etruria. In recent years, the Tsabaran Crisis has put Piraese land and more importantly maritime borders on a tight situation, however, its distant location has made it difficult to turn it into an emergency like in other eastern regions of Euclea.
• Women's Rights: Women have improved their situation significantly during the current century. A traditional model created over the decades and idealized during the military junta has been under the social spot light and much debate has existed about its legitimacy and future; centre-left governments have actively worked with NGO's and feminist groups to defend a new role of the women in society. Nevertheless, women have been allowed to work and granted certain economic and family related rights during the last period of the junta and the period that followed.
• Soft and hard drugs: Tobacco use and abused is generalised and government policy has done little to prevent it; alcohol faces no stigma but sees a more recent tight policy. Weed policy is not enforced, although Piraea has one of the tightest hard drugs policy aimed to combate drugs trafficking and mafias.

Other:

• Factbook: -
• RP Preferences: Diplomatic
• RP Samples: Slirnian old posts.
• RP Intentions: Worldbuilding
• Primary/Other NS Nations:
• Any troubles with moderation? (If so, a link, please.): : )
• Discord username (in the USERNAME#0000 format): Hifax#2862
• Anything else?:

[The Captiva Isles]

National information
Official Name: The Emerald Republic of the Captivan Chancellorate
Shortened Name: Captiva, the City-State Captiva and the Captivan Chancellery are all accepted shortform variations.
Requested Location: Relative size of requested territory (final map spot is 100% negotiable)
Requested Population: ~5,500,000 Approximate
Culture: The Captivans of the Emerald Republic have long forged a unique cultural identity best represented with a cultural sobriquet popularized in the 17th century CE: Deuxétappers, or “Two-Steppers”. Captivans have long cultivated a reputation for exhibiting both collectivist and individualist traits, a seeming developmental paradox best explained by their historical evolution as a city-state and smaller demographical polity. This dual nature is reflected in the evolution of their demographic and linguistic features: the Captivan language is a hybridized construct with loan words from several different languages, and the extended family or ‘Clans’ demonstrates this inclusive, collectivist mentality. At the same time, the population’s fierce devotion to political neutrality and the protection of individual civil liberties such as the freedom of expression and speech, the freedom of worship and the consecration of other inalienable liberties in the national constitution embody a cautious culture careful not to stray too far in any one direction.

Captiva as a creative idea is predicated on combining the cultural elements of both historical (e.g. Athens, Carthage) and modern city/microstates (e.g. Monaco, Singapore). While the concept is not directly based on any one nation, heavy influences are derived in particular from southern and western Europe in the cultural/ethnic/linguistic characteristics. However, much of the evolution of the nation will also be constructed with input and influence from other nations pending potential acceptance into the region.

• Ethnicity: ~70% of the population is native-born Captivan, an Indo-European culture with an historical Germanic/Romance fusion societal base; the remaining 30% of the population are immigrants (either first-generation or multigenerational) from the surrounding nations of Kylaris.
• Religion: 33.7% Viridist [Custom Religion for the Region], 31.5% Atheist / Agnostic, 22.3% Christian, 5.1% Jewish, 3.5% Muslim, 4.9% Other (e.g. Hindu, Shinto, Wiccan)
• Languages: Captivan (a hybrid language based in English [or the regional equivalency] with loan words from French, Italian and Spanish [or regional equivalencies]) is the national language and is spoken by the vast majority of the population, though other regional languages are sporadically present, especially among immigrant populations

Government Type: Federal Constitutional Directorial Republic, with power devolved to the city-state's administrative divisions, or Shires.
Head of State: The Chancellor, a member of the Emerald Council chosen to represent the state by the Council itself.
Head of Government: The Emerald Council, a college of eleven elected officials serve collectively as the Head of Government.
Requested GDP Per Capita (Nominal) and Requested GDP Per Capita (PPP): $52,575.00 (Nominal) | $64,150.00 (PPP)

National Overview: Captiva is a city-state originally founded by religious separatists of a [custom] religious sect known as the Viridists, a pantheistic faith which places great spiritual emphasis on nature and spiritualism, who sought to recreate the glory of a long-since abandoned historical city-state of the ancient world, Viridanthe. Owing to persecution from adherents to other religions and their respective national governments, a group of Viridist zealots known as the Captivasants trekked across rugged, forested terrain from the north until reaching isolated, virgin lands upon which they could forge a new life free from persecution. Though scantly populated by the ancestors of the extinct city-state remained in the area and had first occupied the territory around 3300 BCE, the modern city-state of Captiva traces its origins to the first Captivasant expedition in the late-6th Century CE. By 700 CE, the early medieval settlements had coalesced around the new city of Captiva, the capital of Viridism.

Throughout its history, Captiva has sought to stave off territorial ambitions from the regional powers by operating as a neutral commercial and mercantile hub. This trade and political neutrality made the city-state a prominent diplomatic player in regional affairs, often acting as neutral third-parties in diplomatic and military disputes. Its adoption of economic policies facilitating this neutrality and trade created a thalassocratic trade empire which brought great wealth and prestige to the city. By the early modern period in the 15th Century however, countless generations had been exposed to different cultures, customs and ideas from the city’s major trade partners. Coupled with immigration from overland caravanners and seaborne merchants over the centuries, Captiva became a melting pot of cultures, philosophies and religions. This transition was consecrated in December 1605 when an attempted coup by Viridist zealots was foiled by a popular uprising, leading to the ouster of separatist city councilors and the drafting of a new national constitution guaranteeing political pluralism and civil liberties. This led to a new directorial republican government, with both conservative and progressive elements wielding heavy influence.

Following the “Emerald Revolution”, Captiva’s growth and development accelerated as its mercantilist policies began to make it a leading financial hub in addition to its commercial enterprises. Owing to its agreeable climate, tourism began to factor into the city’s economic growth beginning in the 19th Century, replacing commercial fishing and shipping as the city’s second-largest industry behind finance. Because of its size and reliance on trade, the city continued to diversify its economic base well into the 20th century, capitalizing on the growth of the digital revolution with a new high technology sector and a focus on vocational education. In the present day, the vestiges of the city’s religious roots can still be seen in much of the old city’s architecture and in the current population still claiming adherence to the faith. This legacy is intertwined however with modern growth and development, creating a quasi-hybrid society with one foot in the past and one foot in the present, constantly dragging along into a prosperous – if delicate and oft-tenuous – future.

Military Overview: Owing to its status as a city-state for the entirety of its modern history, the Captivans do not possess an elite military presence historically, at least not to the level of its regional neighbors. The country does however boast a proud maritime tradition owing to its reliance on seaborne commerce and trade, leading to the development of a small but capable and proficient naval armada. The Emerald Navy is far and away the largest of the nation’s military branches, accounting for 60% of all defense expenditures in the national budget. With its history of neutrality, the Captivan Navy has long taken up the role of a ‘maritime constabulary’, working to protect shipping lanes and merchant fleets sailing to and from the city. It has also (in modern times) become a rapid response force to disaster areas for humanitarian aid and works to help protect civilian and merchant marine traffic on the regional sea lanes from piracy. Through defense treaties and regional partnerships, Captiva possesses the logistical capacity to operate a blue water navy, though with limited offensive capacity compared to nations with larger resource pools.

In order to compensate for its limited stature, conscription is implemented for all able-bodied men and women; conscripts serve a minimum two-year term before either leaving the service or transitioning into a full-time military career (those deemed unable to serve as conscripts are instead conscripted to the national civil service for a commensurate two-year term). The nation’s Army and Air Force receive less conscripts (and funding) than the Navy, and thus focus on occupational specialization in its training. The Emerald Army operates under the BCT organizational model, using small, independent, maneuverable mechanized brigades in place of large standing armies for the overland defense of the city, with supporting ground-air support from the Emerald Air Force. Since 1960, the nation’s military has also cooperated in a joint civilian-government space program, the Captivan Aeronautics and Space Association (CASA) to bolster its aerospace defense.

Though the city’s offensive capacity makes its participation in large-scale theater warfare negligible historically up to the present, its highly professionalized forces serve well in asymmetric warfare. The Captivan military’s Special Forces have specialized in antiterrorist operations and are well-regarded in the regional military community for their capacity to operate efficiently and effectively in regional security matters. Though the country does not possess an air craft carrier of its own, it is not uncommon for small units of Captivan military personnel on detached service to ‘piggyback’ off of its regional partners’ larger defense forces and resources in various theaters of operations per treaty commitments. The country has never publicly declared for or against nuclear proliferation, though it has renounced the usage of chemical weapons per regional treaty commitments.

Social views:

• LGBT+ rights/LGBT+ people: The LGBT+ community has enjoyed extensive civil liberties in Captiva thanks to its multicultural heritage and a general disinterest in the ruling political class in meddling in social matters for much of the nation's history. Anti-discrimination laws were updated to include gender identity and sexual orientation in the early 20th Century; civil unions (marriages are not considered a governmental affair) have been de facto legal as far back as the 1700s, though its legality was codified by law in April 1932.
• Religious tolerance: Though historical views towards religious minorities have varied, the practice and legal codification of religious pluralism in the 1605 constitution has led to growing acceptance and tolerance among different religious sects. No major religious strife exists in the city-state, at least on a level that would disrupt the country's socioeconomic and political functions.
• Birth control: Abortion, contraception and family planning services are all factored into the city's nationalized healthcare system, with a sizable plurality (around 65% of the population in a 2020 poll) approving of abortion and contraception's continued coverage. Exemptions can be granted to healthcare facilities and other charities ran by private religious organizations, provided these facilities opt out of receiving public funding.
• Race and ethnic relations: The city-state's strong mercantilist history has long-since made Captiva a melting pot of different cultures and ideas. Large migrant communities exist relatively-peacefully along side the Captivan majority, with antidiscrimination laws protecting people on the basis of creed and race.
• Major Prejudices: Though Captiva has the regional perception of a 'peaceful hamlet', there is a somewhat-significant problem with wealth inequality. A small but powerful oligarchy of wealthy familial Clans have long dominated both the city government and the 'shadow economy', a well-organized illicit underground organization of white collar criminal cartels that have a large hand in the country's tourism sector, particularly gambling. This has created a "quiet segregation' between rich and poor that stokes some mild - but growing - tension and civil unrest in the city.
• Immigration and Emigration: (Is your country a net receiver or exporter? What are the causes of said immigration or emigration? What problems or solutions do they bring?)
• Women's Rights: Though women's suffrage was ratified with the 1605 constitution, gender equality was slower to arrive in Captiva. Until the 20th century, women were not guaranteed equal pay nor equal access to educational opportunities. Progress has rapidly accelerated since however; women are now legally guaranteed equal pay for equal work, and no one may be discriminated against on the basis of their biological sex or gender identity in the workplace, or in access to educational opportunities. The gender pay gap has narrowed considerably as a result, making the difference between male and female pay negligible.
• Soft and hard drugs:

The possession and usage of narcotics was decriminalized in 1963 by the Colleen Act, which created a new government agency for the regulation and distribution of narcotics in controlled government facilities. The illicit narcotics trade is still subjected to intervention of law enforcement, though unregistered narcotics remain a profitable enterprise within the nation's shadow economy. Soft drugs such as marijuana, though not as widely used in Captiva as in other countries, holds the same legal classification as alcohol and tobacco.[/list]

Other:

• Factbook: N/A (This nation is being constructed specifically for Kylaris, so no prior factbooks exist for it.
• RP Preferences: Character-driven roleplays are preferred, though diplomatic roleplays are also fun. Military roleplays only in the cooperative sense; I detest using military roleplays as egofests.
• RP Samples: Bank of the Emerald Republic (storefront as the Captiva Isles); Trial of the Senses (character/diplomatic roleplay as Nova Secta)
• RP Intentions: Roleplay and Worldbuilding
• Primary/Other NS Nations: Nova Secta is the primary nation I use; I would apply with it honestly were it not for my ongoing worldbuilding projects with nations outside of Kylaris. I thought it more proper to have an account specifically devoted to the region if I were to participate.
• Any troubles with moderation? (If so, a link, please.): Thankfully, no. I'm too old now for mischievous activities that would get me sent to Time Out.
• Discord username (in the USERNAME#0000 format): Nova Loves the Jazz#9307
• Anything else?: I'm a long-time contributor and participant here at NationStates. I'll be happy to disclose any further information necessary, but my primary motivation for applying is to have a place in a comfortable, tight-knit community to worldbuild and write stories. I'm also interested in helping others with their writing should the call arise as a former teacher. For what it's worth, I am more than amenable to altering any element(s) of the application as needed. My goal is to create a nation with a focus more on economic growth and diplomacy over militarism or power projection. If city-states are not generally accepted or looked upon favorably, I'm also amenable to altering Captiva to accommodate those changes as needed.

[Nationalist Northumbria]

National information
Official Name: Republic of Northumbria
Shortened Name: Northumbria
Requested Location: link
Requested Population: 20 million
Culture: Northumbrian

• Ethnicity: Northumbrian
• Religion: Sotirianity
• Languages: Estmerish, Northumbrian

Government Type: Unitary presidential republic
Head of State: President Philip Proudfoot
Head of Government: President Philip Proudfoot
Requested GDP Per Capita (Nominal) and Requested GDP Per Capita (PPP): c. ~$25,000
National Overview: Northumbria only relatively recently gained its independence from Estmere, having undergone a cultural revival in the form of the 'Northumbrian Renaissance'. Although stereotypically a country of collieries and shipyards that has traditionally been hostile to socially progressive politics, the recent victory of Philip Proudfoot points to broader trends in Northumbrian society: the increasing availability of educational attainment, movement from towns to the cities, and the resulting emergence of a cosmopolitan youth that despite Northumbria's recently-gained independence looks to the south...
Military Overview: Having been established only recently and due to geographic divisions of privilege lacking any significant officer corps, the Northumbrian Armed Forces is to say the least lacking in quality and experience. As much of an "NS region application" answer it may be, its only real international role would be as part of multinational peacekeeping forces.

Social views:

• LGBT+ rights/LGBT+ people: This issue is emblematic of the divide between Northumbria's more and less urbanised areas. In the former, accepted. In the latter, not. Same-sex marriages are unrecognised.
• Religious tolerance: As with all these issues, depends on the area.
• Irreligion: In practice the vast majority of Northumbria is irreligious, with working men's clubs and other organisations long since having replaced the role of the church in the towns. The divide would therefore be between the 'Sotirian-identifying, irreligious in practice' and the 'agnostic/atheist/irreligious-identifying, irreligious in practice'.
• Birth control: Although Northumbrian laws would likely have carried over from Estmere, remaining unchanged, societal attitudes would be significantly more socially conservative.
• Race and ethnic relations: Northumbria is not the most welcoming of countries.
• Major Prejudices: Not sure at the moment.
• Immigration and Emigration: Many young educated Northumbrians would probably leave the country for opportunities in Estmere, given the general lack of them in Northumbria. Despite the lack of any economic reason to migrate to Northumbria, concern over 'economic migrants' and 'bogus asylum seekers' has been growing in recent years.
• Women's Rights: Northumbria's culture is very patriarchal and the status of women's rights reflects this.
• Soft and hard drugs: Northumbrian laws would likely have carried over from Estmere, remaining unchanged.

Other:

• Factbook: None as of yet.
• RP Preferences: Character.
• RP Samples: This thread.
• RP Intentions: News posts, roleplaying, worldbuilding.
• Primary/Other NS Nations: This is my primary NS nation at the moment, though I have a few others like Fenwick Foundation and Munkchester.
• Any troubles with moderation? (If so, a link, please.): A lot, too many to count and list them all.
• Discord username (in the USERNAME#0000 format): Please telegram me.
• Anything else?: Nope.

Can I get an update on the status of my application?

[Caille-Sartoux and the Azure Coast]

Important Note: This is the reworked application to replace the original app submitted for The Captiva Isles.

Edit #1:

• Changed title of leadership to Premier.
• Lowered population, GDP (PPP) and GDP (Nominal)
• Altered racial tension subsection.
• Changed nation name and government type away from a monarchy.

Edit #2:

• Altered national history to include firm colonization starting point, new Civil War info and new sociopolitical evolution.
• Added racial tension and economic disparities as sources of prejudice within the country.

Edit #3:

• Collaborated with region members to flesh out the colonial and 20th century history of the country.

National information
Official Name: The Sovereign Republic of the Azure Coast (Gaullican: La République Souverain de la Côte d'Azur)
Shortened Name: Côte d'Azur / Azure Coast
Requested Location: The claim is just a rough idea of what the country would look like, trying to keep it relative (if not smaller) than its neighbors in terms of total area. If expanding further into the island chain directly south of the primary claim in Asteria Inferior would be preferred I'm open to it, though the idea of having another nation or colonizer operating in that archipelago could bring some interesting RP ideas perhaps.
Requested Population: 22,575,970
Culture: Côte d'Azur derives its culture from its former colonizer, Gaullica. Having inherited much of Gaullican culture and the Gaullican language during its time as an Overseas Territory, Azurian culture could best be understood as Gaullican in nature with Indigène influences and traits. Over half of the population is either of mixed Indigène or full Indigène ancestry, leading to an infusion of nativist artistic/literary, culinary and other sociocultural precepts into the larger Gaullican heritage. Following the Great War, its occupation and its independence from Gaullica, Indigène cultural influences began a resurgence, leading to the melting pot that exists today within the Azure Coast.

• Ethnicity: 39.9% White, 37.3% Métissé (Mixed Race), 13.8% Indigène, 5.4% Coian, 3.6% Other
• Religion: Nine out of ten Azurians practice Sotirianity, with 81.9% of the population adhering to Solarian Catholicism and 8.1% belonging to the Azurian Patriarchate of the Episemialist Catholicism movement. The remaining 10% of the population are subdivided between Atudite and Irfanic adherents, Atheists and Agnostics. A miniscule percentage of the population, particularly among the Indigène peoples practice regional tribal religions.
• Languages: Gaullican is the official state language and enjoys near universal usage among the population.

Government Type: Côte d'Azur is a Federal Constitutional Parliamentary Republic.
Head of State: President
Head of Government: Premier
Requested GDP Per Capita (Nominal) and Requested GDP Per Capita (PPP): $10,150 (Nominal) / $20,300 (PPP)
National Overview: [Note: This is a loose conceptualization and can/will be altered to better fit regional canon and lore – this is an approximation of the final product only] The history of Côte d'Azur as a political entity traces its origins to September 1560 CE, with the arrival of the first Gaullican explorers to land in Asteria Inferior south of the Southern Asterian Range. With rumors of a great civilization rich in gold and silver beyond the heavily forested Sythes-Juoda Basin and the continental divide, Gaullican explorers made the decision to undertake a circumnavigation of the continent, landing near modern day-Plage Laurent. Instead of finding a vast and wealthy civilization however, the Gaullicans encountered disparate, agrarian tribes. With little in the way of opposition, the explorers pushed their way inland, charting virgin lands ripe for development; further inland, the tropical beaches transitioned into lush, green valleys and sprawling vistas. The September 1560 landing marks the beginning of Côte d'Azur and its existence as a settler colony of the Gaullican Empire.

The efforts of the Gaullicans to proselytize the indigenous tribes south of the Southern Asterian Range began shortly after the first Eucleans arrived, an effort that would continue up through the early-20th century. As more Gaullicans arrived to stake land claims and establish vast plantations, many more would trek into the interior foothills, seeking to strike rich claims in the mineral-rich Laurel and Emerald Mountain subranges. With indoctrination into Euclean-Gaullican customs and the Solarian Catholic faith creating a sharp cultural divide within the indigenous community, civil strife among the newly arrived colonists and the native first Azurians would fester over successive generations, forming divergent opinions and beliefs within clans, even families. How these divisions would resolve naturally was curtailed by the outbreak of the Great War in February 1927. The divisions that had been growing in the population would erupt during the conflict, as the colony’s population of Euclean and settlers would join the war effort in support of Gaullica, while Indigène separatists and Métissé communists launched the first coordinated insurrection against Gaullican authority. The defeat of Gaullica and of their Azurian colonists would spell the end of the colonial period, as Côte d'Azur would be occupied at the end of the war and made an independent nation. The divisions of the colonial era and Great War would soon erupt into another destructive conflict, however.

Côte d'Azur was made independent in 1935, though civil strife and the power vacuum caused by the end of the country’s military occupation led to sectarian violence and, eventually, mass bloodshed. The Azurian Civil War (1937-1947) was a macabre and horrific conflict waged between a makeshift coalition of Catholic conservatives and coastal social democrats, the “Deux Frères” against the Vague Rouge, a communist/socialist front which drew support from the country’s Coian, Indigène and Métissé populations. Ultimately, despite early success for the Vague Rouge (and friction between the anti-Communist coalition, the Deux Frères front was able to secure victory after the capture of the Vague Rouge stronghold in Forteresse Michonne in May 1947.

Though some civil reform was enacted during the Gaullican Empire’s own period of reform in the buildup to the Great War, much of the political infrastructure – as well as the literal infrastructure – of Côte d'Azur was forged during the tenuous peace following the war. Even as the conflict’s victors set about trying to hammer out a workable peace, violence continued in the Southern Asterian Range where the coalition government’s forces engaged guerrillas from the remnants of the defeated Vague Rouge well into the 1950s. A workable peace was sought at the 1951 Congrès Continental in Sartoux, where the more liberal elements of the summit attempted to offer amnesty to remaining holdouts in the mountainous interior to quell the violence. Instead, war hero and conservative figurehead Marshal Julien-René Serreau led a military takeover of the fledgling provincial government, claiming that the Congress had failed to ensure the security of the state from continued insurrectionists and Communist guerrillas hiding in the mountains.

From 1951 to 1973, Côte d'Azur was under the control of Serreau and the military junta; this period was marked by vast improvements in the nation’s infrastructure, helping to retool the Azurian economy away from a colony-based system to a mixed market with firm government regulations. Social and economic disparities continued under Serreau’s regime however, and civil liberties and freedoms were sharply curbed in the name of state security. This friction between the junta and the people led to a popular uprising in August 1973, where pro-democratic reformers and sympathetic military commanders deposed the dictator, sending him fleeing the country in disgrace. A new gathering, the 1973 Congrès Continental in Pueyrredón would see the stripping away of Serreau’s regime; a new constitution was drafted, forming a federal parliamentary government whose first tasks would be reducing economic and social disparities between the populace and easing national tensions. This work has advanced greatly in the decades after, but progress is still slow in coming to the more rural areas of the nation, and disparities remain that create tensions in the young, fragile democracy.

By 2022, Côte d'Azur is a developing economy and growing middle power in Asteria Inferior regional affairs. While agriculture, commercial fishing, forestry and mining dominated the nation’s economy through the middle part of the 20th Century under Serreau, recent economic expansion into finance, petroleum and technology has led to the diversification of the Azurian workforce and the birth of a burgeoning middle class. Tourism along the nation’s lush tropical beaches has become one of the nation’s largest economic sectors, with gambling legalized (albeit heavily regulated) in 1968. Economic disparity still exists however between the wealthy, middle class, and poorest of Azurian society, with infrastructure development in the nation’s mountainous interior lagging far behind the cosmopolitan coast. A 21st Century movement between Côte d'Azur and Satucin to connect the two countries through joint-infrastructure projects is a major government initiative to help solve economic disparity in the interior.

Military Overview: Following the end of the Azurian Civil War in 1947, the nation’s victorious coalition formed the backbone of the new Royal Defense Force [Force Royale de Défense, or FRD] of Côte d'Azur. In the 1950s, FRD operations began to shift away from hunting down leftist guerrillas in the mountainous interior towards building up the country’s regional power projection as a developing power in Asteria Inferior. The formation of the Azure Navy in 1952 and the Azure Air Force in 1955 helped initiate this transition, though the national gendarmerie established during the war continued to enforce the peace while the fractured divisions of the young nation began to rebuild itself. In 1965, the FRD initiated Opération Espadon, a joint-endeavor of the nation’s Naval and Marine Forces to root out and eliminate piracy and human trafficking along the virgin coastline of Southern Côte d'Azur. This effort helped solidify the security and sovereignty of the country and was responsible for helping the growth of the nation’s lucrative tourism industry. In 2010, the nation’s military joint chiefs announced that the country’s Brown Water Navy would be the focus of expansion plans to hopefully one day forge a true Blue Water Navy capable of power projection throughout the world.

Approximately 2.5% of the GDP of Côte d'Azur goes towards military expenditures, with the country’s Navy receiving the lion’s share of funding. The country’s Army is noteworthy for its elite Mountain Rangers, specializing in Alpine Warfare and Counterterrorism – legacies of its counterinsurgency initiatives during and after the Civil War. The country has disavowed the usage of weapons of mass destruction, including biological, chemical and nuclear weapons. The country has begun tentative exploration of forging defensive partnerships with some of its regional neighbors.

Social views:

• LGBT+ rights/LGBT+ people: The LGBT+ Community has received ambiguous protections under the law during the short history of the nation. Same-sex activities were decriminalized in 1977, and sexual orientation was amended into the Anti-Discrimination Charter in 2003 as a protected class from economic or legal discrimination. Same sex marriage is not legalized however (only civil unions are allowed), and there is a quiet but omnipresent 'tension' between the country's LGBT+ community and its more conservative Solarian Catholic majority.
• Religious tolerance: While Solarian Catholicism remains the official state religion, the freedom of worship was enshrined as a civil right in the national constitution in recognition of the non-Catholic adherents who helped forge the new government. Interreligious dialogue has increased in the decades following the Civil War; atheism and agnosticism are tolerated, if not championed by the government or the majority of society. Religious tensions are, for the most part, mild and fleeting due to the disproportionately large majority of Solarian Catholics having a clear leadership position in the Azurian society.
• Birth control: Abortion is illegal in Côte d'Azur, with exemptions made for victims of rape, incest, or in instances where the health and wellbeing of the mother is threatened. The national dialogue on the issue is fierce and divisive, with the country's conservative majority contending with a smaller (but vocal) liberal and progressive faction championing the right to choose. As a temporary compromise, contraception and family planning services were added to the national healthcare framework in 2015, but the debate still rages on in both the national parliament and in society at large.
• Race and ethnic relations: Racial and ethnic relations are a recurring issue faced by the new democratic government in its efforts to unify the country. Simmering resentment over colonial attitudes towards mixed race and indigenous peoples throughout the colonization era has led to friction in Azurian society, requiring continued legislation to protect the rights of minorities and prevent discrimination within the halls of government and in society at large.
• Major Prejudices: The nation's poorer citizens inhabiting the country's isolated mountainous interior are often looked down upon and treated harshly for their continued bitterness towards the national government and their attempts to remain autonomous from national rule. The societal divisions over LGBT+ rights and the abortion debate, while less toxic than the geographic prejudices, remain sources of contention and social strife in Côte d'Azur. There is also pointed sources of contention between the country's conservative majority and the more liberal municipalities like Caille and Sartoux, whose progressive laws have created a more eclectic culture than is present in the rest of the country.
• Immigration and Emigration: Since the end of the Civil War in 1947, Côte d'Azur has welcomed immigrants and transitory migrant workers into the country to help bolster the nation's agricultural, heavy industry and service economy. The net-rate for immigration surpassed the nation's migration rate for the first time in 1972 and has remained in that state ever since. Because immigration into Côte d'Azur has been limited by its geographic isolation from its neighbors, illegal immigration is much less a concern for the country than it might otherwise be. Migrants to Côte d'Azur typically find a welcoming, hospitable social climate along the urban coast, though attitudes towards immigrants deteriorates rapidly the further inland one moves. Immigrant participation in agriculture and especially forestry and mining in the Southern Asterian Range has caused major friction among the local populations, requiring a vigilant gendarme presence in these regions.
• Women's Rights: Women's suffrage was enshrined in the national constitution in 1955 as a compromise between the nation's conservative and liberal/progressive parties. Discrimination in the workplace against women was also codified into law in the nation's Anti-Discrimination Charter in 1985. However, the gender pay gap remains significant, and attitudes towards women in the workplace and in higher education has only begun to liberalize in the last years of the 20th Century into the present. Abortion rights, equal pay and improved access to economic and educational opportunities remain a prominent debate in the national parliament.
• Soft and hard drugs: Alcohol, Tobacco and Marijuana are legal - albeit controlled and regulated - in Côte d'Azur. Other 'hard' drugs such as narcotics like heroin and stimulants such as cocaine and meth are illegal, and both the possession of and distribution of illegal narcotics is subject to severe penalties in criminal court.

Other:

• Factbook: Currently being constructed with the help of neighboring nations/former colonizing nation
• RP Preferences: Character-driven, diplomatic and [cooperative] military roleplaying are all preferred
• RP Samples: Trial of the Senses (as Nova Secta) | The Daughter of Tsyion (as New Azura)
• RP Intentions: Collaborative worldbuilding would be my first priority, followed by roleplaying and individual worldbuilding thereafter.
• Primary/Other NS Nations: Nova Secta and this account are joint-primary accounts for writing; I also recently activated my former account, New Azura
• Any troubles with moderation? (If so, a link, please.): None
• Discord username (in the USERNAME#0000 format): Nova Loves the Jazz#9307
• Anything else?: This concept is obviously still a work in progress, but hopefully the attempt to rectify the mistakes with my previous application reflect my earnest desire to make myself an active and positive contributor to the region. I've become quite enamored with the lore and attention to detail, and believe this could be a great 'forever home' to write and have a fun time collaborating with everyone. As previously mentioned, I'll alter whatever is necessary to make the application work.

[Trinicaria]

National information
Official Name: Principality of Kesselbourg
(Hoeltish: Fürstentum Kesselbuerg)
Shortened Name: Kesselbourg
Requested Location: See Kesselbourg on the map, between Kirenia, Hennehouwe and Gaullica
Requested Population: roughly 3 million
Culture: Flemish with Dutch and French influences

• Ethnicity: Hoeltish
• Religion: Solarian Catholicism (nominally, but today is largely secular culturally)
• Languages: Hoeltish

Government Type: Unitary Parliamentary Constitutional Monarchy
Head of State: Prince Christophe I (since 1991)
Head of Government: Premier Wout Wanser-Plas (since 2019)
Requested GDP Per Capita: roughly $80,000
National Overview: (using information on the wiki, with additions added as needed)

History:

The territory of modern day Kesselbourg was annexed by the Solarian Empire in the 1st century. Inhabited by Weranic tribes, the Solarians subdued them by building a fort in the area, which also protected the Solarian Empire from barbarian raids from the west north, with a town developing around it that eventually became Kesselbourg City. During the later years of the Solarian Empire, Kesselbourg came under the sovereignty of the Kingdom of Gallenmark, a vassal state to the empire. As the Solarian Empire fell, Kesselbourg emerged as a small principality, its lands comprising the eponymous capital city and the rural localities surrounding it.

In 985, the Solarian Catholic Pope wrote to Otto of Kesselbourg, who at the time styled himself Count of Kesselbroug. The Pope recognized Otto’s authority over the area, and elevated Kesselbourg to a principality. Historians debate if this was because of Otto’s zeal in making war against the pagans on Kesselbourg’s borders, or because of his pragmatism. Others argue that it was due to his personal piety and wisdom with which he ruled his lands. In any event, for much of its early history, Kesselbourg remained a small rural region between Northern and Eastern Euclea located at a crossroads of trade that led to its prosperity.

Historical evidence indicates that Kesselbourg became a hub of refugees fleeing the coastal regions of eastern Euclea during the Varangian Age, as a result of coastal raids. Kesselbourg, already a relatively compact and well defended territory, grew steadily in population and experienced an influx of new cultures. In 1189, Prince Rolf I granted the town of Kesselbourg certain rights which were modeled after towns in Werania, called the Kesselbourg Charter. The Charter was largely an original document and was adopted by some surrounding towns as they too acquired town rights. In the documentation surrounding the charter, however, it is explicitly mentioned that Rolf I maintained control of the salt mines around the city, establishing that there was significant salt mining in the area by the 12th century.

Prince George I aligned with the Ringian League in 1199, after conceding some bordering vineyards and other assets to Verliquois. Kesselbourg gained renown throughout the Middle Ages as a notable producer of salt and other minerals found in the hilly countryside, and as a local cattle market due to its large swaths of fertile farmland. In 1236, the main church was ravaged by fire and the large Saint Barbara's Cathedral was built to replace it. Half of the cathedral’s funding came from Prince Albert IV’s personal expense, and the other half from the Kesselbourg City’s coffers, making the city a religious centre that housed numerous religious relics and the remains of local saints.

The Estates of Kesselbourg were created in 1301 by Prince John II, creating three bodies which would convene together and advise and provide counsel to the Prince, consisting of the clergy, the burghers and the peasants. John did not grant the nobility an estate as he perceived that he himself was close enough to them that an estate representation was unnecessary. He convened the General Estates around once a year, helping him to raise more revenue and keep discontent down, as he was a charismatic and skilled negotiator. Representation for the peasants proved satisfactory to keep the common peace and ensure cooperation and productivity. The Estates of Kesselbourg would gradually evolve into the States-General.

The beginning of the Amendist Wars in 1582 sparked a religious crisis in Kesselbourg, in which the population was divided between Catholicism and Amendism. Subject to influence from both the Catholic Gaullica and Amendist Hennehouwe, Prince Leopold III, himself a Catholic, attempted to implement a solution that recognised both religions, and would avoid potential war with either nation. Leopold died in 1585, and was succeeded as Prince by his son Leopold IV, who controversially converted to Amendism shortly after his accession. His conversion prompted papal condemnation and served as the pretext by which Gaullica invaded, sieged and razed the city in short order. During the ensuing occupation and the remainder of the wars, Kesselbourg was largely destroyed by several raids and sieges by enemy forces as well as plundering and looting by the Gaullican occupants.

Kesselbourg, despite it's condition, was an active participant in the Amendist Wars fighting on the side of the Amendist League, despite itself being mostly Catholic and under nominal Gaullican rule. The Peace of Frankendorf eventually restored Kesselbourgish sovereignty under Prince Roland, though by then Kesselbourg had been ravaged by war and severely depopulated with destroyed infrastructure, the damage of which would take Ksselbroug centuries to recover from. In 1666, Kesselbourg was joined in a personal union with the Kingdom of Hennehouwe (based in the predominantly Solarian Catholic Southern part of the country), and in 1689 it was annexed directly, with Kesselbourgish institutions kept separate. This state of affairs persisted until 1719, when the Kingdom of Hennehouwe reunited Hennehouwe with aid from the Kingdom of Gaullica, to which Kesselbourg was ceded in return for its support in unifying Hennehouwe.

Under Hennish and then Gaullican sovereignty, Kesselbourg was largely rebuilt using funds from their expansive colonial and trade empires. Gaullica's loss in the War of the Triple Alliance allowed Kesselbourg to secure its independence again in 1855 at the Congress of Torazza, the first time in three hundred years that Kesselbourg existed as a sovereign state.

The States-General was reintroduced in 1871, with universal manhood suffrage introduced in 1902 and universal suffrage later in 1921. Neutrality was enshrined in the country's law in 1902, preventing any government from declaring or participating in any wars of its own volition. However, this did not stop Kesselbourg from being invaded and annexed by Gaullica in 1926, prompting the introduction of a government-in-exile in Werania that same year. Kesselbourgish sovereignty was reintroduced once more at the Treaty of s'Holle, and the principality was chosen as the capital of the new Community of Nations. In 1948, it became a founding member of the Euclean Community, also becoming its capital city.

Nominally a monarchy, Kesselbourg has a robust democratic government led by a Premier and a unicameral States-General based on the Constitution of 1871. The monarch was reduced largely to a figurehead role by the Constitutional Convention of 1935. In addition to strong institutions of democracy, liberty, human rights and quality of life, Kesselbourg is a nation that prides itself on robust democratic institutions and is the center of such as the Community of Nations and the Euclean Community. Today, international cooperation and collaboration with its fellow eastern Euclean states is seen as essential for the peace, security and long-term stability of Kesselbourg.

Politics:

From the reestablishment of Kesselbourg as an independent state in the late 1940s until the late 1960s, two political parties have dominated Kesselbourgish politics: the Conservative Party (influenced by the Church and traditional values) and the Liberal Party (progressive in nature and anti-clerical). In the late 1920s the Workers Association Party arose to represent the emerging industrial working class and gained popularity following the introduction of universal suffrage. While slow to gain electoral dominance, the rise of the Workers Association Party by the 1950s led to the fracturing of the Conservative and Liberal Parties into smaller parties, the main successors being the center-right Free Liberal Party, while the Workers Association Party largely replaced the Liberal Party as the largest left-wing party in the country. In the 1980s, the Ecologist Party emerged as a centrist party, and these three parties have largely dominated Kesselbourgish politics since then, though they have evolved substantially in character.

The Liberal Party was the first post-war government in Kesselbourg, and espoused a platform of pro-Euclean Community politics that every subsequent government has enshrined. The Conservative Party enjoyed intervals of leadership in the 1950s and 1960s, though a general leftwing wave in the 1970s saw the emergence of the Free Liberal Party that came to lead most governments ever since, though the Workers Association Party did win some elections and form governments in the 80s and 2000s.

The current government is a center-right coalition led by the Ecologist (Green) Party, joined by the Free Liberal Party, the Kesselbourgish People’s Party, Remedie and more recently the right-wing populist Party for the People (PvdM) as supply and confidence. The current Premier is Wanser-Plas of the Ecologist (Green) Party, who has served as Premier since 2019. As premier, Wanser-Plas has held largely green conservative, civic nationalist and pro-EC views that are consistent with his predecessors. More recently, his tenure has seen an ideological shift to the right amongst his government due to rising tensions among his supporters in favor of limiting the growth of urban sprawl and immigration from non-Euclean Community nations. The current government was able to gain power and sustain itself as a result of capturing the discontent of residents of small towns and rural areas opposed to the political power and expansion of urban areas, in addition to protecting more traditional Kesselbourgish cultural values and limiting the large growing immigrant population.

Indeed, one of the major political issues facing Kesselbourg include immigration. Recent population growth has been driven by a modest decrease in the birth rate, a falling death rate and increasing life expectancy. Kesselbourg has also experienced a high rate of immigration, with around 80% of its population growth resulting from immigration.

Another issue is urban sprawl. Population growth is a challenge particularly for the booming centers of Kesselbourg City, Loezen and Bevesch. These cities will have to solve issues related to traffic congestion and the densification of living space, while ensuring a continued high standard of living for residents while at the same time avoiding expanding into the surrounding countryside where small towns and villages are reluctant to be integrated into growing metropolises. The densification of living space is increasing the pressure on the limited number of rental properties and high real-estate prices. Major public investments are expected in the coming years, particularly in the areas of infrastructure, environment and housing.

The country’s most pressing environmental policy challenges include improving water quality, avoiding water pollution through pesticide and fertilizer use, and constructing wastewater treatment plants. Eutrophication is a serious problem and many water sources are at risk.

Statistical forecasts indicate that Kesselbourg’s population will increase dramatically in the coming decades. Strong population growth will stabilize the social security system, especially the public pension system, but will also increase intergenerational and intercultural tensions. Kesselbourg’s traditional corporatist philosophy has become increasingly universal and the country has been able to avoid enacting severe austerity policies. Nonetheless, minor changes to the pension system and general employment rules may need to be adopted.

Social views:

• General population's view on gay rights/gay people: Kesselbourg has a reputation for its culturally progressive views on homosexuality, and has been a champion of gay rights for several decades.
• General population's view on religions other than the primary one: Despite Kesselbourg being nominally a Solarian Catholic nation, there is not only a large number of Amendists in the country but also exceedingly tolerant views on other denominations and religions by the general population, reflected in the nation’s robust protection of freedom of religion.
• General population's view on atheism: Kesselbourg has a strong secular identity at both the cultural and government level, to the extent that atheism is relatively common and not widely discriminated against.
• General population's view on abortion: Abortion is generally accepted and the legality of which is strictly protected by the government, though there are differences among some segments of the population as to what if any exceptions could or should be made.
• View on other races/ethnic groups other than the primary one(s): Given Kesselbourg’s identity as a hub of Euclean cooperation and tourism, Kesselbourg is very accepting of other Eastern Euclean peoples. There are challenges regarding xenophobic attitudes about migrants and refugees from other continents. Most Kesselbourgers are at least bi-lingual and it is not uncommon for citizens to speak more than two languages.
  
• Any big prejudices in your nation: Among the much older generations there are some prejudices against Gaullica stemming from the annexation of Kesselbourg in 1926 and subsequent occupation, though in recent decades relations have improved dramatically and today the two countries enjoy a close friendship, with Kesselbourgers having a generally favorable view of Gaullica.
• View on immigration into country: Kesselbourg encourages immigration from other member nations of the Euclean Community specifically, and to a lesser extent those nations beyond it, though in the past decade there’s been a creeping rise in xenophobia among the far-right (led by the Party for the People), though that part of the political spectrum has yet to gain widespread appeal and electoral traction.
• Women's Rights: Kesselbourg has been at the forefront of women’s rights for decades, with women’s suffrage being instituted in 1921. Women in Kesselbourg today enjoy equal rights and opportunities under the law.
• Views on tobacco/alcohol/pot/other drugs: Tobacco, alcohol and marijuana are legalized, while other, harder substances are more strictly regulated if not banned.

Other:

• Factbook: No factbook presently
• RP Preferences: Collaborative worldbuilding with roleplay projects.
• RP Samples: RP Resume
• RP Intentions: My intention is to worldbuild Kesselbourg, explore its relationship with the Euclean Community and build upon Kesselbourg's existing IIwiki material to make a small nation loom large in the region.
• Primary/Other NS Nations: Ghant
• Any troubles with moderation? (If so, a link, please.): No
• Anything else?:Feel free to ask Cote d’Azur for more information about me and my past work.

[Kylaris]

All those who have been accepted or have received feedback are aware of this; if you have not been contacted assume your application has been denied.

[Nationalist Northumbria]

All those who have been accepted or have received feedback are aware of this; if you have not been contacted assume your application has been denied.

Why have I not been contacted?

[Kavanistan]

National information
Official Name: Socialist Federal Republic of Kavanistan(SFRK)
Shortened Name: Kavanistan
Requested Location: The Kazakh/Turkmen plot!
Requested Population: 39 million
Culture: I took a lot of inspiration from Central Asia namely Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan; in addition to Yugoslavia/Czechoslovakia. I also took a lot of inspiration from the Caucuses, Turkey, Afghanistan and Pakistan. Misc. inspirations include South Africa, Mexico, Russia amongst others.

• Ethnicity: The government maintains that all those born within their national borders are “Kavan.” In fifteen year increments, the government conducts a census that also ask citizens to identify their “Historic identity.” The 2020 census provides the following data: 44% Oroqic (26% Sarts(!Azerbajiani), 18.5% Veneran), 16% Chanwan, 14% Parandian, 8% Oegun, 7% Ukilen, 5% Dezevanui, 1.5% Kachai, 4% Other.
• Religion: Roughly 70% of the country identifies itself as having a religious affiliation, with 35% identifying as “no religion” or “nonreligious”. Out of the 65%, 57% identifies as Irfanic, 16% as Badist, 5% as a member of the Chanwan Folk Religion, with 3% as other. Culturally, excessive religiosity is frowned upon owing partially to the Badist insurgency in the southwest of the country and as a lasting effect of the Equalist regime.
• Languages: The government maintains three official languages - Common Oroqic (!Turkish), Chanwan and Parandian. The government provides all languages for official use throughout the country. Bilingiusm is fairly common within the country, with most being able to speak conversationally in another tongue that isn’t there own. Language politics has long been a fraught issue, with the implementation of Common Oroqic amongst “all those people of the steppe” - specifically meaning the Ukilen, Veneran and Sarts - causing great strife within the Ukilen and Veneran minorities. Aside from the three official languages, the country recognizes no other ones and suppresses any sort of education in minority languages. A robust network, especially in rural areas, of informal language schools exists to keep minority languages alive.

Government Type: Federal dominant-party council republic with an executive presidency.
Head of State: Primer Acatay Solak
Head of Government: Primer Acatay Solak
Requested GDP Per Capita (Nominal) and Requested GDP Per Capita (PPP): GDP per capita nominal: $4,350 ; GDP per Capita PPP: $16,440
National Overview: The area now known as Kavanistan has a long and complex history. Archeological records are often sparse due to much of the country being steppe or semi-desert and the nomadic societies that have existed since much of history society left little behind. Much of the early history of Kavanistan stems from the Parandian cultures, both native to Kavanistan and from ancient Parandian proper writings and their archeological history. Despite a large amount of funding dedicated to finding out more of this early history by the Equalist regime, much is left to discover.

What is known, is that Kavanistan has been inhabited for roughly 38,000 years - primarily dominated by nomadic populations speaking Proto-Turkic originating from what is now the Autonomous Province of Chanwa as well as a native Parandian speaking population who were largely sedentary agriculturalists living in oases or the lakeshore of Lake Zinabad. Much of the country's history in this ancient time period was being defined as being various Parandian polities' southern frontier. It was labeled as Kavan or “Land of Kav'' for a semi-mythological character who led the nomadic tribes and sedenteral settlements mentioned in several epic Parandian poems during this time period, who were generally labeled as the “Kavanian”, “Kavan” or “Kavani'' people.

The ancient Kavanians were divided up into numerous polities. The Parandian speaking ones had various levels of integration with the Parandian empires, while the Oroqic speaking populations were loose tribal confederations who lived a nomadic or semi-settled life in the steppe plateau of The Great Steppe that dominates much of western side of the country or in the central desert. They alternated between raiding and trading with both Parandian and other neighboring cultures. They were early facilitators of the The Great Steppe trade route, a precesour to the Coius Silk Road.

Multiple events that happened in the roughly 0-950 CE era significantly impacted the country. The near simultaneous events of the Badist reaction, the invasions of the Second Holy Dominion, and the arrival of the Chanwan following the fall of the First Phuli Empire. An explosion of contact, trade, religious and territorial conflict happened. The Chanwan migrated to the Hushan mountain range following the fall of the First Phuli Empire, which in turn prompted a mass Oroqic migration into neighboring areas as well as prompting general contact, trade and occasionally alliances between the Verenan tribes of eastern Kavanistan. The Vernans in turn briefly ruled over much of neighboring Lavana until 100 CE. The nomadic Oroqic quickly took to the newly introduced religions of Irfan and Badism. The Second Holy Dominion took over much of what is now modern day Kavanistan. The Badist dominated areas were known as Kafaristan, and much of it was ruled by various marzpanates. Irfanic Oroqic tribes were encouraged to settle along Parandian speaking urban centers' frontiers as buffers, and much of these tribes became the modern day Sarts. The Second Heavenly Dominion’s influence began to fade away in the late 800 CE, although general Parandian influence and occasional direct control lasted in the area until the Aguda Empire.

From roughly 800-1400s, modern day Kavanistan divided up into numerous independent khanates and emirates. Occasionally the area would be led by a single “King of the Kavans' ' who led both the Oroqic and Parandian speaking tribes and cities but such reigns were often only for a generation or two. It wasn’t until the 1100s that a stable Khanate would be founded. Addressed as the Kavan Khanate, taking it’s name after the entire region it ruled, it ruled over much of modern day Chawan and modern day Kavanistan. The founding of the Kavan Khante prompted a rich cultural explosion in the area as Chanwan, Verenan, Sart, Parandian and other cultures met and traded frequently in what’s typically referred to as the “Pax Kavan '' era. However, the Khanate grew weaker from other nomadic tribes to the west as the Togoti Khanate battled them for control. The Kavan Khanate grew weaker throughout the longstanding slow conquest until being fully conquered by the Togoti and other nearbying powers by the early 1400s. Historically, the rule of the Kavan Khanate is generally regarded as the establishment as a sort of loose unified historical identity amongst the differing Oroqic, Parnadian and Chanwan populations that call Kavanistan home.

Very soon after that, however, the Badist Aguda Empire conquered the area by the 1500s. The Aguda Empire directly administered the area around the Lake, which was home to the native Parandian and Sart populations. The entire area was generally referred to as the “Gaunhigedebaojiabizo”, or “The border by the lakeshore'' in Ziba. The semi-nomadic Sarts were often recruited to function as light cavalry within the broader Aguda Empire. The Badist empire often appointed local Badist Sarts or Parandians elites to positions of local power, overseen by functionaries of the Aguda Empire, and Dezevanui migrated en masse to the pre-existing urban centers and rural villages on orders of the centralized Aguda Empire. An explosion of urbanization and industrialization happened in the valleys and lakeside of Gaunhigedebaojiabizo as a result of Aguda rule. The Badist Verenan tribes of modern southwestern Kavanistan were under the suzenairty of the Aguda Empire, and often conflicted with the neighboring Irfanic tribes or polities in proxy wars. Rebellions were fairly infrequent, and the entire region was generally regarded as a trading hub with extensive networks along both the steppe and the Silk Road trade routes. The Irfanic population within Gaunhigedebaojiabizo was allowed to practice their religion, and rebellion within the Aguda Empire was infrequent especially due to the Aguda Empire’s stated internal policies of “harmonization” backed up by their impressive military might.

In western modern day Kavanistan, the steppe was generally an unruled place. The Irfanic nomadic Oroqic and settled Parandian populations were often independent or semi independent small khanates or emirates that were under the suzenarity of various larger powers. The Aguda Empire often attempted to utilize their Badist Oroqic tribal allies in Southwest Kavanistan to conquer the rest of the Steppe but such efforts were often in vain.

Colonization in Coius, namely the Gaullican annexation of the Aguda Empire, helped shape what is now Kavanistan. The Agudan lakeside provinces of eastern Kavanistan was directly overseen by various Gaullican colonial authorities and for some time was considered a part of “de jure'' Dezeneu. The Gaullicans, similar to the Agudans, promoted local Parandian and Sart Irfanics to positions of power - even going to recruit Irfanic Sart cavalry units into their colonial army, in exchange for some level of autonomy within the colonial system. The Gaullicans utilized the local Sart name for the area, Golkenar. The Gaullicans also began dividing the population along ethnic and religious lines in order to help cement their rule. Much of the local ruling population in Golkenar were Irfanic Sarts.

The Khanate of Taraz, a small mostly nomadic kingdom of Badist Verenans in what is now southwestern Kavanistan that united just prior to the arrival of the Gaulicans, was a part of the colonial ambitions of Gaullica, Shangea and Estermere that was played out in what is now referred to as “The Great Game.” Although nominally independent, it’s control was increasingly determined by its status as either a Shangean or Gaullican protectorate depending on which branch of the Fayzulin family sat on the throne, with the occasional Estermish interference. The court politics of the realm or the realm wasn’t stabilized until the reign of Khan Aizat in the mid to late 1800s who was referred to as “The Iron Khan.” He stabilized the Taraz Khanate through brutal repression of rebellion, as well as successfully playing off foreign powers to maintain a long hold on power.

The increasinging Euclean influence and exposure to broader ideas of nationalism and socialism led to the Ziyarar movement. The Ziyarar were a class of native intellectuals within the Taraz Khanate and Golkenar that developed at roughly the same time. The mutual intellectual classes had frequent contact, especially amongst the Oroqic urban intelligentsia and professional class. Idea of Pan-Oroqicism and a “Pan-Kavanism”, a term to refer that all of the people of the historic Kavan Khanate should exist as an independent nation. Many members of the Ziyarar were exiled abroad by either the Taraz Khanate or the Gaullican colonial authorities, finding refuge in Estmere or other Euclean countries. They remained active in developing political networks both at home and abroad. Both Taraz and Golkenar were faced with fairly limited professional-class jobs, with most of them being occupied by military officers. The Ziyarar that remained in their homelands were often employed or maintained contacts with the local military officer corps.

During the Great War, the Taraz Khanate became known as the “Khanate of Espionage” due to the amount of intelligence activity both sides of the conflict conducted there. It was ruled by Khan Aizat’s heir, Khan Miras, who was a reformer and wished to modernize Taraz. Khan Miras was also a great patron to the Ziyarar movement. In Golkenar, the Sarts and Parandians were influenced by draftees returning home from the war. Radical politics were common, influenced by exposures provided during the war, and it became one of the early hotbeds of “Red Steppe '' political activity especially towards the end of the war as the Gaullican colonial authority began to recede. Esteremish intelligence services actively worked to encourage both Red Steppe as well as the Ziyarar movement, believing that it would assist in the war effort. At the end of the Great War, the Ziyarar in exile in Euclea were able to successfully lobby for the peace conferences to include ceding Golkenar to the Taraz Khanate (which became the Kingdom of Taraz).
The newly united Kingdom of Taraz was rocked with high amounts of instability. The now King Miras, although remaining a supporter of the Ziyarar movement, was unwilling to cede much of his authority as king. Infrastructure didn’t link the two countries, which up until a stroke of pen influenced by exiles, hadn’t shared a common history for several hundred years. The Chanwan, Parandian, Sart and Verneran populations all had their own dreams of their own independent nations which led to ethnic violence amongst all groups as well as inter-ethnic violence amongst religious lines. Political movements, namely Socialist ones, began rallying support as it became more and more apparent that King Miras simply didn’t have the political power to deal with the massive amounts of issues within a country that had suddenly doubled in size. Within a decade of the The Great War, the Kingdom of Taraz looked like it would collapse into a heap of post-colonial violence.

Colonel Tahir, a member of a Pan-Kavanist, Pan-Oroqicist (which within Kavanistan is generally meant to refer to the fact that the Sart and Veneran people are one), Socialist and a Ziyarar-affiliated clique of officers known as the “Soldiers of Kavan” had been watching the events of the Kingdom of Taraz unfold. A former officer within the Gaullican colonial army, Colonel Tahir was able to build an extensive network of officers within the Kingdom of Taraz’s military that shared like minded views. On August 18th, 1945 Colonel Tahir and allied detachments moved into the capital and overthrew the monarchy. Colonel Tahir quickly announced to the nation that a “free and independent Kavanistan'' has emerged from the influences of “reactionism, colonialism and all those who stand against the united peoples.” There was little resistance from the military or the general population, sans from the Badist Vernerans of Southwest Kavanistan where the monarchy had drawn much of it’s support from, as the past decade of civil strife had exhausted many. A small civil war was fought which ended with the public execution of King Miras in 1947.

Now Premier Tahir ruled as the “Red Iron Khan” and did so until his death in 1985. Premier Tahir was primarily influenced by Equalism, Sattarism, National Princpialism and later Netaji Thought. Aided by a large technocratic cabal of advisers and military officers, Premier Tahir began rapidly executing his vision for Kavanistan. Premier Tahir noted the need to control the “three pillars of Kavanistan”, in reference to both the three largest ethnic groups the dominate Kavanistan (Oroqic, namely the Sarts, Parandians and Chanwan) as well as in reference to the military/intelligence services, the urban working classes and the intelligentsia classes that the government relies on as the base of their support. He forced the settling of nomadic tribes, and began several large scale nationalization and centrally-planned economic projects. Numerous new planned cities were built in addition to expanding current ones as Premier Tahir conducted “Planned Migrations” of differing populations in order to encourage a collective “Kavan” identity. Premier Tahir also embarked on extensive language reform policies, creating a new “Kavan Oroqic” (!Turkish) language, as well as various social and health indicators such as poverty and maternal care which rapidly increased the birth rate within the country. Rebellion and dissent were quickly silenced, aided by the “Internal and External Securities Agency.” Premier Tahir also worked tirelessly to enforce a strict meritocracy within the government and military. A large number of primarily Chanwan and Parandian ministers and officers found themselves promoted to high levels of power within the country. Following the Equalist-Councilist split in the Socialist bloc, Kavanistan fell into international isolanistim with a “besieged” mentality enforced by the aging Premier and there was a time where Tahir was understood to be one of the most militarized countries on Kylaris. A historical reflection on Premier Tahir called him “70% good, 30% bad” - a man who was needed into unify and create an ethnically diverse government and military to reflect the land it ruled, as well as to bring the country up to needed industrial and economic standards. He also silenced any form of dissent, with the “Tahir Terror” foused on purging the goverment, military and society of any form of “anti-Kavanism” that could be found. Religion, civil liberties and more were suppressed heavily.

Upon Premier Tahir’s death in 1985, he named Pyay Thawada - the Chanwan Minister of Nationalities - as his successor. Pyay Thawda looked at the situation within Kavanistan realistically. Internationally, Kavanistan had found itself isolated from within the socialist bloc for its authoritarian interpretation of socialism which began impacting the economy. Internally, an economic slowdown caused by said international isolanistim and the death of Premier Tahir began to cause the old causes of ethnic and religious separatism to rise again particularly in the rural areas. Facing a looming crisis ahead, Premier Pyay gathered the nations top officials to chart a differing course for the country. Premier Pyay announced in 1989 a new, “10 Year Reform” plan for the government. It called for the introduction of a federal council system allowing for greater local autonomy and control in affairs, a marked turnaround from the strictly centralized rule, as well as allowing limited liberalization of the once tightly controlled state economy. Religion was no longer suppressed and services were allowed to be conducted by government-approved preachers, nomadic rights were created and there was an increase in the amount of general civil liberties citizens had. Premier Pyay led the Kavanistan involvement in the Chanwan War during this time.

The unique “Kavan council model” was developed, in which there remains a single executive - the Premier, elected by the National Council who in turn were voted in by federal unit-level councils who were voted in by universal suffrage by all those who lived within those areas. The Kavan council model is often criticized for the lack of direct involvement of the people in selecting their government, as beyond local federal councils all larger councils are elected from within the council by other councilmembers. The Kavanistan government retorts that it allows those elected by the people to “rightfully guide the country towards the eternal goal of equality, liberty and independence.” For the detractors of this policy within the country that continued to dissent publicly, they were often either driven into exile or outright assassinated by the military or the IESB.

As a part of the reforms, Premier Pyay declared that Premiers would only be able to serve for decade long terms and declared an election would be held in 1999. Premier Pyay declared that opposition parties would be allowed to form, albeit with government approval. Several new opposition parties were created. Premier Pyay would not be able to see out his reforms or the election, as he was assassinated during the 1990s Badist Vernean insurgency in the country's Southwest. The insurgency in turn led to increased collaboration with neighboring Lavana which helped facilitate Kavanistans reentry into the Southeast Coius socialist bloc as well as the wider socialist bloc.

Snap elections were called in 1995, with the “Democracy and Liberty Party” winning the majority of council seats throughout the country in comparison to the government supported “United Kavanistan '' party. The Democracy and Liberty Party (DLP) was a center-left party, with its platform primarily being continuing liberalizing the economy, increased autonomy for the federal units and increasing civil liberties. The DLP and Premier Iskander were removed in a 1999 military coup. The officers behind it cited the DLP and Premier Iskander as “betraying the ideals of the revolution that unified Kavanistan.” A large number of DLP ministers and heads of government, as well as Premier Iskander, were executed. The military maintained power in Kavanistan through direct rule until 2005 and the United Kavanistan party has won elections since.

Mohsen Chavoshi, a former Parandian intelligence officer, assumed the Premiership of the country, primarily known for guiding the country with a “neo-Equalist” framework. Premier Mohsen described it as “a new path forward, with the established leadership ways that has guided our nation, with ideas and influences from similar countries.” Premier Mohsen worked to further re-establish foreign relationships, primarily with Shangea and Zorasan, as well as oversee efforts to further suppress separatist groups. It was during Premier Mohsen’s term that close relationships with neighboring Zomia was reestablished after a period of tension following it’s Trucal Wars. Premier Mohsen was primarily successful, albeit a strong Badist Vernan insurgency remains active in rural and urban areas in the country's Southwest. Premier Mohsen also further liberalized the economy, albeit, through allowing connected networks of elites supporting the Kavanistan government to purchase various formerly state owned industries - creating a new class of “Kavani oligarchs.”

In 2015, Premier Acatay Solak was elected by the National Council to serve as the premier. Like many of his predecessors, Premier Acatay was a former military officer until beginning his career as a politician. Premier Acatay took the Premiership after internal disputes within the United Kavanistan party that were resolved with agreements to further the federalization of the government. Premier Acatay redrew the federal districts, and in doing so, worked to ensure that the various urban centers of the country where the base of government support dominated the voting population. Premier Acatay also launched several statist programs aimed at modernizing the Kavanistan economy, primarily focused on electronic and other tech industry avenues. Premier Acatay is also noted for continuing the work of Premier Mohsen in developing further international relationships with Zorasan and Shangea which historically had poor relationships with Kavanistan. Premier Acatay also looks to further elevate Kavanistan within the socialist bloc, as well as beyond. Despite leaps and bounds, Premier Acatay also finds himself dealing with the long running Saqsilar insurgency in the country's southwest, as well as the continuous process of dealing with ethnic and religious separatists.


Military Overview: The Kavanistanian military is recognized as a local power, with little need or want to project much further than their immediate neighborhood. Owing to the “Saqsilar” insurgency in the Southwest of the country and similar operations in nearby bordering countries, counter-insurgency operations has been a frequent recent task of the military. Kavanistan maintains a large military, bolstered by both men and women being conscripted into service for a year long active deployment after their 18th birthday and three years in the reserves. The Kavanistan military is generally regarded to have adequate, if slightly outdated equipment, and has a fairly robust domestic arms industry developed early in Premier Tahir’s leadership term. Kavanistan does maintain a small stock of chemical and biological weapons, which they claimed is “defensive only.” Attempts to develop nuclear power within Kavanistan had been severely denounced by the international community due to fears of creating nuclear weapons and Kavanistan scrapped their nuclear power efforts due to it. The Kavanistan military and intelligence elites are a major factor in Kavan politics, and most of the dominant party United Kavanistan members of federal and national councils are ex military or intelligence.


Social views:

• LGBT+ rights/LGBT+ people: LGBT+ rights in Kavanistan remain restricted. Same-sex relations remain criminalized and there is a large amount of social barriers for LGBT+ identifying people. Gays and lesbians have to remain discreet about their activities even in large cities, albeit in the largest cities of Kavanistan there is a small underground LGBT+ scene. Although civil law prohibits the discrimination of people sexuality, it is selomdly enforced. Same sex marriage and civil unions are not a topic of political discussion.
• Religious tolerance: The government stopped actively suppressing religion within the country during the 1985-1995 leadership term of Premier Pyay, and has allowed government-approved ministers to reopen various mosques and temples in the country. The government maintains a strict secular focus. About 65% of the country states that they follow a religion, with Irfan being in the majority. The government maintains that religious tolerance is good within the country, albeit there has been an increase in religious discrimination (particuarlly against Badists due to the Saqsilar insurgency) since normalization of religion. The government has been known to shut down mosques and temples upon reports of non-approved sermons. There have been reports of religiously-based separatist organizations developing, albeit the government suppresses information of this as much as they can.
• Irreligion: The government actively promoted irreligion until the late 1980s/1990s normalization of religion. A sizable minority of the country identifies itself as irreligious, primarily based in the urban areas. It’s noted that those who identify as irreligious are often the ones in positions of higher authority/status in society. In the rural areas of the country, irreligion is almost nonexistent with the majority of the rural population identifying as either Irfanic or Badist depending on where they are in the country.
• Birth control: Birth control and family planning services are primarily available in urban centers of the country. These services are still utilized fairly limitedly, with most family planning and birth control providers unable to provide services to a large segment of the population. Abortion is a fairly common practice as contraceptives are fairly expensive for most, and especially expensive in the more rural areas of the country. Beyond the urban areas, family planning/birth control is almost nonexistent due to social and religious factors.
• Race and ethnic relations: Kavanistan was born out of a primarily Oroqic intelligentsia vision of a country. There are numerous races and ethnic groups that live within the border of the country. Premier Tahir actively worked to dismantle prejudices and racism, primarily through “Planned Migrations” that broke up ethnically homogenous areas throughout the country by forcibly resettling populations into newly ethnically diverse cities. It’s had some success, albeit primarily amongst the Sart, Parandian and Chanwan ethnic groups that now comprise the “three pillars” of government support. Vernan and other minorities are not as greatly represented within the country, with a primarily Badist Vernan insurgency active in the country's Southwest that highlights the disparities between the ethnic groups favored by the government and those who are not.
• Major Prejudices: Kavanistan is, at best, a hybrid regime. The government strictly censors the press, civil liberties are fairly limited, elections are typically decided by a single party with little input from the official opposition, etc. Ethnic and religious identities are suppressed in favor of a pan-ethnic/race/religious “Kavani” identity that the government embraces as a founding ideology. Some have suggested that the authoritarian socialist government has successfully accomplished it’s Pan-Kavanist aims albeit at the great cost of little to no political, civil and legal rights for the mass of the population. The country maintains a hard urban and rural divide, with the rural areas being more successful in maintaining ethnic or religious homogeneity in comparison to the cities. The rural areas are well known wells of support for the various seperatist groups that dot the country - largely attempting to survive from the government sans the Saqislar insurgency which is active and thriving. The Kavani military regularly commits human rights abuses against Badist Venerans in Southwest Kavanistan. Separtist political leaders are forcibly disappeared by the military and intelligence services, both at home and abroad. Kavanistans history of isolationism and belligerence with nearby nations has also damaged its reputation abroad, which although it has been working to mend such things are not easily forgotten.
• Immigration and Emigration: Kavanistan encourages immigration into the country, primarily billing itself as a “post-racial/ethnic utopia.” It’s efforts have been limited, mostly able to attract Chanwan and Parandian leftists. Kavanistan in turn has experienced multiple waves of emigration throughout its history. The Kavanistan diaspora has often fled to nearby Shangea or Zorasan, or further to Euclea or the Asterias. The Kavanistan diaspora is noted to be several million large, albeit since liberalization it’s noted that the Kavani oligarchs frequently utilize the diaspora and the Kavani Mafia as proxy agents for Kavanistan intelligence services.
• Women's Rights: There is equal conscription of both sexes, albeit women are typically forced into “rear-echelon” duties such as medical services. Aside from equal conscription, there is little equal within Kavanistan between men and women. Despite an Equalist government stating that women are allowed to be independent, the reality that even within urban areas sexisim is rampant. Women are underrepresented in almost every field sans a narrow brand of pink collar occupations, and even then in rural areas to see a women working outside of the home is rare. There has been a loud and vocal presence of socialist women who are working to change this, albeit their presence can't be found outside of the most progressive of enclaves.
• Soft and hard drugs:

Alcohol is mostly consumed in the eastern side of Kavanistan which was formerly a Gaullican colony, with domestic wine being the drink of choice. Outside of the eastern side of the country, Alcohol is much rarer. Tobacco, primarily hookah, is consumed elsewhere in the country. Other than alcohol and tobacco, all other drugs are considered illegal with a range of charges and penalties depending on the type, amount and intent to distribute. Meth in particular is a popular drug of choice throughout the country, due to the ease in which it can be made and mobile production. Some have accused Kavanistan intelligence services in allowing the illicit drug trade, both within its own borders and within neighboring borders, to fester as a way to recruit from the criminal underground. [/list]

Other:

• Factbook: I don’t have one - I was planning on making an II Wiki page if/when this country got accepted.
• RP Preferences: I really like to collaborate and dive deep with other people in trying to figure out things. As some of you have figured out I have alot of questions about your lore and I try my best to fit it in with what I want to do and my vision for what I’m doing. I’m always down to, as they say, link and build.
• RP Samples: My last RP samples were from like 2016. I’ve linked them here and here. Feel free to send me a prompt if yall feel like the samples are too old.
• RP Intentions: About a 70/30 spilt in terms of worldbuilding vs character RP.It’s been a while since I’ve RPed outside of DnD and I’m lowkey kinda old and busy now so it’s about all I have time for.
• Primary/Other NS Nations: Oh, I was on NS like a decade plus or so man I forgot what they were other than a perpetually civil war ravaged hell hole.
• Any troubles with moderation? (If so, a link, please.): No troubles! Let me know if I need to do anything different, both personally and RP wise.
• Discord username (in the USERNAME#0000 format): HenchmenF#0740
• Anything else?: Probably that, as some of you may have figured out, this is my first time really trying to dive super deep into nation/world building so if there is any suggestions or anything like that just let me know!

[Uatederstali]

National information
Official Name: The United Republic of Voclaria
Shortened Name: Voclaria, Voclar
Requested Location: The purple.
Requested Population: 74,367,000
Culture: The culture of Voclaria has become primarily Western in recent years and is today derived from primarily Euclean Paretian culture, but even today is a strong blend of both these colonial and indigenous traditions. The national culture in its modern form has been established as a result of decades of migration to the country, and active opposition to assimilation by several natives. Inspiration is primarily Brazil, although also Mexico to a limited extent.

• Ethnicity: Amalges (Mixed Euclean-Indigenous): 63.9%, Indigenous Voclarians: 26.7%, Cabales (Mixed Bahian-Indigenous): 4.2%, Totrês (Mixed Bahian-Euclean-Indigenous): 1.8%, Other: 3.4%
• Religion: Solarian Catholicism is the dominant religion within Voclaria, having been first brought over by the Paretian colonists and quickly spread across the territory as local subjects were quickly converted, often by force. According to a 2013 poll by Mejaque, 7364 participants out of 10000 polled across Voclaria identified as Solarian Catholics, with a further 226 identifying as Episemialist Solarians and only 103 as Amendists. The same poll also had 1027 individuals identifying as following Robomí Haqachi—a blend of Bahian and Indigenous traditional faiths originating from the colonial port of Robomí—1096 as irreligious or uncertain, and 184 individuals as following a variety of other religions, including Irfan.
• Languages: Luzelese is the most widely-spoken language within Voclaria, understood by the vast majority of the population as at least a second language. Within isolated communities, however, a wide variety of languages, typically indigenous, are spoken, and Luzelese may not be understood by any inhabitants at all. Furthermore, within ethnic enclaves such as the famous Quonez Orlois (intended to be Verlois) community of Gaullicans, Luzelese is usually understood in addition to their own languages, in this case, Gaullican.

Government Type: Voclaria is a de jure Federal Constitutional Republic under a Presidential system within which the Head of Government holds little unified power. However, the nation has been described as de facto authoritarian corporatist republic, in recent years during the current Presidential Administration.
Head of State: President Julio-Roberto Meraviglia
Head of Government: President Julio-Roberto Meraviglia (de jure)
Requested GDP Per Capita: $11,133 (Nominal) $13,470 (PPP)
National Overview: Located along the Lumine Ocean, Voclaria has historically been a hub for various indigenous empires which fought amongst themselves for centuries, until that all changed one fateful day in 1535, with the arrival of the Paretians. For the next three centuries, the region would be united under their colonial administration, with new cities and regions flourishing while the natives to the area suffered under the harsh burden of the colonial administration. The colony would finally gain independence in 1819 as the Imperial State of Voclaria, a theocratic dictatorship that was no better than the tyrants they had just been supposedly freed from, being marked by regional instability for the years it did exist. It was thus founded in its modern form following the collapse of the Imperial State in 1839 following the Golden Insurrection, upon the ideals of liberty and self-preservation. Sadly these ideals have been increasingly eroded in recent times, with the strengthening of the various 'Inkals'—large corporations with significant influence in the domestic affairs of the country—which exist within the country. The current president has been described as a puppet and subservient to their interests, with many believing the real power is held by a secluded group of individuals who manage these corporations.

Military Overview: The Voclarian government spends 4% of its GDP on its military, today being primarily tasked with dealing with the nation's worsening drug crisis—on paper, at the very least. The military, known as the Voclarian Armed Forces, has four branches: the Voclarian Army, Voclarian Navy, Voclarian Air Force, and Voclarian Strategic Support Force—which manages the nation's missile and defense network. Outside observers have noted that the 130,000 strong military has been increasingly infiltrated by corruption, primarily from the Inkals, which does indeed put the security of the nation at high risk. The military is nominally led by the President under the advice and counsel of the Department of the Military, which is currently headed by Secretary Olegário Baixo.

Social views:

• LGBT+ rights/LGBT+ people: LGBT+ rights have historically been generally ignored within Voclaria, having been punishable by death due to blasphemy during the colonial era. Following independence, public perception of homosexuality didn't shift as both indigenous and colonising individuals perceived the sexuality in a negative light, but the government did decriminalise it in 1839 following the Golden Insurrection which established the Evelin Code as the provisional law of the new nation, homosexuality remaining decriminalised following the ratification of the Ultimatist Code. LGBT rights were expanded in the early 2000s, mirroring worldwide trends and increased domestic acceptance, with one of the central government's final overarching acts being the legalisation of same-sex marriage and adoption nationwide following a constitutional amendment.
• Religious tolerance: In the 19th and 20th centuries as the religious diversity in Voclaria expanded, those not of the Solarian Catholic faith were widely persecuted and poorly treated, the central government even widely engaging in this form of discrimination against Haqachists. Domestic views on religious differences began to rapidly shift following the advent of the 'Quarenta e um Heróis', or 41 Heroes, who were of a diverse variety of faiths and gained national fame after they sacrificed themselves preventing the Najolk Nuclear Power Plant from having a meltdown, potentially saving thousands or millions of lives. In the following years, state governments passed a series of legislation which criminalised religious discrimination, as the public view on it soured, before the central government passed the Equality Act of 1989 which criminalised it nationwide.
• Irreligion: Irreligion has been growing among young populations, being viewed in a negative light and with distrust by many older members of society and rural populations. Within urban areas, most show indifference towards the matter, although within certain ethnic neighborhoods distrust is still displayed. The practice of irreligion was deemed as illegal and blasphemy towards the Solarian God until the Golden Insurrection. It is worth noting that other religions, including polytheistic ones such as Haqachi, were not illegal under the Imperial Code as they were simply viewed as different manifestations of Solarianism.
• Birth control: Abortion was legal on demand between 1984 until 1989, as a stipulation within the Equality Act declared fetuses to be equal to people and thus illegal to abort them, being a highly divisive part of the bill and almost responsible for its failure to pass. Within certain states including the most populous state of Anáheiro, abortion on demand does remain legal although nationwide it is a contentious topic with the issue today being mainly being divided regionally. It does however remain legal in cases where it is endangering the mother's life, health, or fetal impairment. The stance on contraception and other birth control is one of general ignorance—that is, the state and central governments have decided to ignore the matter provided birth rates do not plummet too far.
• Race and ethnic relations: Historically there have been significant tensions between the Euclean populations and the non-Euclean populations, particularly during the Independent Imperial period (1819-1839), within which a racial-caste system existed. Interracial relations began to improve following the start of widespread migration to Voclaria, becoming mostly friendly by the modern-day, in part thanks to the extensive interracial mixing. There does remain some prejudice against southern indigenous groups though, thanks to their support of the Novotistas during the 'Ótima Pergunta'.
• Major Prejudices: There is a growing gap between the poor and rich residents of Voclaria, with members of each group becoming increasingly distrustful of the other as the middle-class continues to shrink. Both the poor and rich perceive the other as leeches on society, if only mildly at times.
• Immigration and Emigration: During the administration of President José Manuel Bia Coelho, a number of bills that decreased entry requirements and encouraged migration to the country were passed, in order to attract migrants to help deal with the growing need for industry and services as economic growth began to decline, with most people working in agriculture at the time. This was successful until the election of President Bagança, during which time he would subsidise large corporations which already existed in order to encourage growth, and expand job opportunities within the country. Despite the declining living conditions for most locals within Voclaria, more people have been migrating to Voclaria than vice versa due to the employment opportunities available.
• Women's Rights: Universal suffrage was established nationwide in 1937 following the conclusion of the Great War, which had most women deal with domestic issues while men were abroad fighting in the war. Despite receiving suffrage in this year, they wouldn't receive rights equivalent to that of a man nationwide (except regarding abortions) in 1989, after the passage of the Equality Act. By this point though, every state had ratified similar legislation except the state of Nova Ocerto.
• Soft and hard drugs: Alcohol, Tobacco and Marijuana are legal, subject to specific restrictions and regulations which apply federally. 'Hard' drugs such as heroin and stimulants like meth and LSD are illegal, and both the possession of and distribution of illegal narcotics are subject to large penalties in criminal courts. In practice though, several states have illegally decriminalised several hard drugs, and elsewhere law enforcement struggles to enforce the law due in large part to the sale of the drugs by large corporations.

Other:

• Factbook: Work in progress, will be done in collaboration with the former coloniser, bordering nations, and other countries who have played a role in Voclaria's lore. (https://iiwiki.us/wiki/Voclaria)
• RP Preferences: Character-driven roleplay is my favourite style of RP, although I also enjoy diplomatic roleplay. I enjoy a well-done military RP, but that is hard to achieve oftentimes.
• RP Samples: A prompt, please. Most of my roleplay content has been on discord thus far.
• RP Intentions: My intention is to roleplay interesting situations alongside worldbuilding Voclaria to be a nation which has significant depth.
• Primary/Other NS Nations: This is my primary account, although I manage Voclaria alongside a couple of other people.
• Any troubles with moderation?: None.
• Discord username: Cabróncesto#8108
• Anything else?:

[Nuovatoscana]

National information
Official Name: Republic of Picano
Shortened Name: Picano
Requested Location: https://media.discordapp.net/attachment ... nknown.png the country circled in black.
Requested Population: 12,303,020 (2021)
Culture: Italian/Etrurian-speaking Cuban.

• Ethnicity: White Picanians are 60 percent, Razzamistas 22 percent, Bahians 18 percent, Indigenous 3 percent, others take up the remainder of the population.
• Religion: Catholic Sotirian is the majority religion of the country, with 80 percent adherents, Ademist Sotirians are second, with Irfan third largest, mostly Bahian Piacanians.
• Languages: Vespasian
  Government Type: Presidential republic.
  Head of State: President Guilio Talleri
  Head of Government: same.
  Requested GDP Per Capita (Nominal) and Requested GDP Per Capita (PPP): Real World US$ 9,203 (Nominal) and US$ 11,390 (PPP).
  National Overview: Formerly an outpost of Etruria, it gained independence at the same time as the other Etrurian colonies. the Ardesians tried to seize the country many times but failed thanks to aid by neighboring countries. There was an earthquake due to volcano eruption which killed 1,200 people in 2020.
  Military Overview: Strength is 100,000 all arms.
  
  Social views:
  
  • LGBT+ rights/LGBT+ people: There is no official legislation against or in favor of LGBT people, but they tend to be either at best, tolerated in media, but in rural and more conservative areas, they tend to be looked down upon.
  • Religious tolerance: The standard policy of the majority religions is to respect the religious minorities and vice versa. Spats between religious groups are limited today to the internet. Amendists get flak sometimes due to their aggressive prosyletization.
  • Irreligion: Irreligion is not taken seriously, though officially because Picano does not have an official religion, they get away with it. It is the more extreme atheists that get the rap.
  • Birth control: Birth control is available, but there are some prejudices against women who chose to abort though. They consider it a waste of life.
  • Race and ethnic relations: White Picanos and Razzamistas get the best jobs. Ardesians are viewed with suspicion because of their attempts to conquer it.
  • Major Prejudices: Bahian Picanians unfortunately, are stereotyped as criminals, same with the Indigenous.
  • Immigration and Emigration: They are more of a country of emigration than immigration. Most Picanians are leaving for better pastures because while the pay is high, the standard of living is too high for them to keep.
  • Women's Rights: They do have suffrage, career and education opportunities, equal pay, etc., but there are still lingering stereotypes about Picanian women, even in supposedly progressive media.
  • Soft and hard drugs:
  only alcohol and tobacco are tolerated. However, there is a black market for marijuana, coke, and such, and the police are either bribed, look the other way, or are drug pushers themselves.

Other:

• Factbook: to be created.
• RP Preferences: Anything, though it will be diplomatic.
• RP Samples: (If not available, ask for a prompt.)
• RP Intentions: My intentions is to create a lore for a fictional country.
• Primary/Other NS Nations: Nuovatoscana
• [b]Any troubles with moderation? (If so, a link, please.):
• Discord username (in the USERNAME#0000 format): kyuzo#7608
• Anything else?:

[Freedom Planita 2]

National information
Official Name: Republic of Galenia
Shortened Name: Galenia
Requested Location: Old place of Galenia
Requested Population: 12 million
Culture: Largely !Albanian with some !Greek, !Italian and Montsurian peoples.

• Ethnicity:
  52% Tethian, 21% Montsurians (descendants of Solarian settlers), 14% Povelians (descendants of Etrurian settlers before the 18th century), 7% Piraeans, 5% Etrurians, 1% Tengarians
• Religion: Predominantly Galenian branch of the iconoclast church, with a large (20%) Solarian Catholic minority
• Languages: !Albanian is the official language with Montsurians (conculture) and !Italian as a recognized minority language
  Government Type: Unitary presidential republic with a twist due to its origins as a parliamentary republic
  Head of State & Head of Government: President Nertilian Bushaj
  Requested GDP Per Capita (Nominal) and Requested GDP Per Capita (PPP): $19,767 (PPP) $16,938 (Nominal)
  National Overview: Galenia is a small country in southern Euclea that lives under the long shadow of Etruria, its neighbor to the north. Its politics, culture, and international relations reflect its legacy of over two millennia of Etrurian influence.
  
  The region’s first ties with modern-day Etruria began when the Solarian Empire conquered the Tethian tribes in the region in the 2nd century. Under the Empire, Galenia became one of the Empire’s most important trade hubs, as it was a key stop for trade from Coius, especially Pardaran and Satria. During this time, the Solarians founded the majority of Galenia’s cities, including the capital and largest city Kartha.
  
  Following the collapse of the Solarian Empire in the early 5th century, Galenia was incorporated into the Amathian Empire, where it’s cities continued to play a key role in international trade. Amathia directly ruled the region until the mid 7th century after which Galenia gained semi-autonomy. Amathian influence in the region waxed and waned over the centuries as the Empire experienced several periods of decline and recovery. However by the 14th century, the Amathain Empire was in terminal decline and Galenia gained de facto independence as a collection of small principalities. The region was devastated by the Incoloncast Wars after the majority of its population sided with the Episemialist Church. The destruction allowed Povelia to assert its influence in the region and seize control of the valuable trading centers on the coast.
  
  By the 16th century, Povelia practically controlled the entire coastline of Galenia, leaving weak puppet states in the interior. Povelia continued to dominate the peninsula until the Etrurian Revolution when Povelia, along with all of Galenia, was annexed by the Etrurian First Republic. Galenia briefly gained independence as a kingdom in the early 1800s before it was again annexed by the restored monarchy of Etruria in the 1850s. However this brief period of independence sparked a national awakening known as the Galenian Renaissance, beginning a period of natioalist sentiment and agitation. Over the course of several decades, the region experienced several major uprisings that were brutally suppressed. During the Solarian War, the Galenian Resistance, a broad coalition of nationalists, socialists, and liberals rose up against Etruria. In response Etruria began a period of genocide and ethnic cleasning, killing hundreds of thousands of people. Following the surrender of Etruria, Galenia gained independence as an independent republic.
  
  The new republic quickly destabilized as the Galenian Resistance violently collapsed into infighting. In 1953, ultranationalists within the military launched a coup when it appeared a coalition of leftist parties would win. The new military junta openly supported the idea of creating Tethian only regions of the country by deporting and/or killing Montsurians, Pireans, and Etrurians. Increasingly alarmed by their increasingly violent rhetoric, moderate elements of the military, led by war hero Kristaq Kotta, performed a counter-coup and overthrew the ultranationalists. In 1956, Kotta declared the restoration of the Republic and drafted a new constitution. Heralded as a hero, he was elected as its President under the new constitution he drafted. Kotta was elected to three consecutive terms as President before suddenly dying in office in the middle of his fourth term.
  
  Today Galenia is a country of stark contrasts. As the country is a prominent trade hub between Euclea and Coius, the country’s economy heavily relies on the global economy. The country continues to struggle with pervasive government corruption and a patronage system which largely originates from Kotta’s Presidency. Income inequality remains very high and there is a stark divide between the richer urban coastline and the poorer rural interior. Nevertheless the country has cultivated a rich and vibrant culture that is inclusive toward the country's ethnic minorities. Thus despite the continued presence of Tethian ultranationalists, there is little ethnic tensions and ethnic relations are largely good. The country is very pro-EC and seeks to join the organization. The country’s relations with Etruria are contentious due to their acrimonious history but Galenia relies on Etruria for trade with the rest of Euclea.
  
  Military Overview:
  Galenia has a small military of about 20,000 active personnel and 50,000 reservists. It consists of the Army, Navy, and Air Force, which it uses to defend its sovereignty and territorial integrity as well as to participate in humanitarian and policing operations within and outside its country. Due to the early history of the Republic, the military is forbidden to interfere in politics and must remain a neutral state institution. The military’s equipment largely consists of outdated and aging equipment, except for the Navy which is mainly tasked with policing the country’s waters.
  
  Social views:
  
  • LGBT+ rights/LGBT+ people: LGBT+ rights are covered by general anti-discrimination legislation, but are not granted any specific protections. Although the anti-discrimination legislation is comprehensive, there is no legal recognition for LGBT+ people, such as same-sex marriage. This is largely due to society’s largely conservative attitudes regarding LGBT+ rights and visibility of LGBT people.
  • Religious tolerance: Freedom of religion is protected under the constitution and comprehensive anti-discrimination legislation provides further protections. Kotta established Galenia as a secular republic and promoted the concept throughout society. Catholics and Episemialists largely correspond with ethnic divides, so religious relations largely reflect ethnic relations as a whole.
    
  • Irreligion: Discrimination is banned by the country’s extensive legislation, but irreligion is granted no specific protections. Societal views are generally negative although the political emphasis on secularism offsets this somewhat.
  • Birth control: Access to abortion and varies widely across the country. The national government has largely left the issue to local authorities resulting in a patchwork of services offered although abortion is de facto legal across the country. Access to contraception and other family planning largely depends on the quality of healthcare and personal preferences of the healthcare center. Society generally disapproves of family planning, especially abortion, although there is notable differences of opinion between age groups.
  • Race and ethnic relations: Galenia is majority Tethian, with significant ethnic minorities evenly distributed throughout the country. Ethnic tensions between the Tethian majority and the ethnic minorities have largely dissipated although there is a notable exception. Fully etrurian speakers are still marginalized in Galenian society. They are still widely stereotyped to be colonizers and foreigners despite many living in the country for centuries. Although they are supposed to be protected by anti-discrimination legislation, the application of the laws for them is notably less stringent than other minorities. They face widespread prejudice and are usually politically and economically disadvantaged as a result.
  • Major Prejudices: Galenians widely hate Etruria and Etrurians due to the legacy of the Solarian regime and the lack of an official apology as well as current politics.
  • Immigration and Emigration: Galenia is generally a net exporter of immigration as people go to work outside of the country. However the country also attracts immigrants coming to work at the country’s port and other industries related to international trade.
  • Women's Rights: Women's Rights are mixed. Anti-discrimination legislation protects the rights of women but they still face systemic inequality in career and education opportunities. Women widely face physical abuse. Furthermore Galenian law generally places the husband as the dominant partner in a marriage and able to make decisions for the whole family.
  • Soft and hard drugs: Generally soft drugs are legal with moderate restrictions such as an age limit and limits on where it can be purchased. Meanwhile hard drugs are completely criminalized and due to prevalent drug smuggling, penalties for selling and receiving these drugs are very severe.
  
  Other:
  
  • Factbook: https://iiwiki.us/wiki/Galenia
  • RP Preferences: Diplomatic
  • RP Samples: Already posted on my account.
  • RP Intentions: Mainly worldbuilding with some Rp
  • Primary/Other NS Nations: Arthasthan
  • Any troubles with moderation? (If so, a link, please.): None recent
  • Discord username (in the USERNAME#0000 format):
  • Anything else?:

[Nationalist Northumbria]

Can I get an update on the state of my application?