Ordis Alt and Nation Change Thread (Ordis only)

[Khornera]

The Consular Alt- and Nation Chance Application Thread
Est. MMXVII

Citizens of Ordis. Here you will find the official thread to request an alt-nation or to request permission to start over with a new nation. In addition, we would appreciate it if any post here is announced in the Discord to either me, or Kol. Applications will be handled by the Consulate at its earliest convenience.

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On Alts

When applying for an alt, please observe these general rules. If you have any questions, please inform us.

RULES AROUND APPLICATION
1. In general, 1 alt per person, just to avoid people being stretched too thin. If you want more, speak to me or Khorn for permission.
2. Alt cannot be on the same continent as your main (Note: Zenha is part of Valeya, and Jaleva is part of Osova). As above, if you have an idea that breaches this rule, speak to us for permission.
3. Maximum population for Orda, Antar, Escar and Valeya will be 30 million. This is also the case for Osova, but subject to negotiation (specify the reasoning alongside your app).
4. Maximum GDP (nominal) for each continent is as follows: 500 bil for Orda, Valeya, Antar or Escar; 300 bil for Osova.
5. The maximum statistics above are not guarantees of what we will accept. We may reject nations that don't fit into canonical niches in certain continents.
6. Alts in areas that are relatively unpopulated by mains will be favoured over those in densely populated areas, such as Escar. If in doubt, ask us.
7. If your map claim results in a border with another player's main nation, said player will be asked for their consent to this before the claim is approved.
8. Alts should not be outright IC puppets.

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Application

The following form may be used for applications for alts as well as requests to change nations. The more detailed, the more likely we are to approve the application. Requests for an alt which violate the aforementioned rules are deemed invalid. When applying for a nation change, please add a motivation on why you want to change nations, as such a decision can upset canon majorly.

Code: Select all

[b]Official Name:[/b]
[b]Shortened Name:[/b]
[b]OL Membership:[/b] Yes/No
[b]Population:[/b]
[b]GDP nominal:[/b]
[b]GDP nominal per capital:[/b]
Armed Forces: (The size of your nation's army, navy, and air force; include in this section what sort of army you have, if it's a standing army or a drafted army.)
[size=150]Map Details[/size]
[b]IRL Cultural/Ethnic Equivalent:[/b]
[b]Map Claim:[/b]
[size=150]Canonical Details[/size]
[b]National Overview:[/b] (A brief summary of your nation's general political ideology and society.)
[b]History Overview:[/b] (A brief summary of your nation’s history; this should include at a minimum any former colonisers, and an overview of the country’s history post-1945.
[b]Foreign Policy Overview:[/b] Outside of the Ordic league, is the nation a member of any international organizations? Is it allied directly with any other powers? If it has neighbours, how are relations with them?
[b]Government Overview:[/b](A basic explanation of the different branches of the government and how it works.)
[b]Head of State:[/b]
[b]Head of Government:[/b]
[b]Other[/b]
[b]Ordic Wiki Page:[/b]

[Greater Allidron]

Official Name: Republic of Pulau Todak
Shortened Name: Pulau Todak
OL Membership: Yes
Population: 18.5 million
GDP nominal: 57.35 billion USD
GDP nominal per capital: 3,100 USD
Armed Forces:
Peoples Revolutionary Army: 40,000 (mainly armed with older Todaki Republic equipment and Giangi made equipment. Morale is high, professionalism is low.)
Todaki Totalist Front: 35-60,000 (lacks heavy platforms, mainly using imported Nerotysian and Giangi small arms, and stolen Todaki Republic equipment. Forces are dispersed mainly in northeastern Pulau Todak.)
Armed Forces of the Todaki Republic: 160,000 (uses imported platforms from Shirakawa and Yorcke, and some domestic designed small arms. Forces are steadily improving after Shirakawan stabilization mission.)
Map Details
IRL Cultural/Ethnic Equivalent: Malay
Map Claim: Somewhere in the Cathai Sea island chains
Canonical Details
National Overview: The Todaki Republic has been in a state of turmoil since the death of lifelong President Melati bin Putih, who was a stabilizer of the politically tumultuous nation. The country is currently fractured. The Peoples Revolutionary State de facto controls the island of Pulau Tekong, while the interim government controls the main island. The country is locked in a civil war, seeing use of guerrilla warfare and conventional operations. Interventions from both Namgiang and Shirakawa have complicated the situation, with the islands becoming site of a tense proxy conflict. Pulau Todak geographically consists of three major islands, and hundreds of smaller islands. The climate is mainly humid and tropical, with large jungles and hilly terrain dominating the interior of the islands, whilst the coastlines are where the major population centers are.
History Overview: Pulau Todak was a colony of the Shirakawan Empire from 18XX until 1939, when the Yamatai Empire invaded and occupied the island. After the ceasefire, Yamatai ceded the Todaki islands back to Shirakawa. However, a revolution led by Putih bin Juwita toppled the weak colonial government, establishing the Republic of Pulau Todak. Putih bin Juwita was President for life until 1984, when he died and his son Melati bin Putih became President. In 2012 Melati bin Putih was assassinated by anarchists. Without clear succession, the Republic was crippled, and political infighting within the major factions previously loyal to bin Putih led to civil strife and break down of law and order. The Todaki Totalist Front announced their plans to form a new communist government on the island of Pulau Tekong, and formally seceded late 2012, forming the Peoples Revolutionary State of Pulau Todak. The main island government finally stabilized under President Surintan bin Katijah, enough to muster a small invasion force of the island, but was slowly repelled due to bad logistical management and troop morale. The conflict between the two sides has escalated, with TTF forces fighting an insurgency on Pulau Todak and holding portions of the northeastern island.

In 2015, oil speculators discovered vast deposits of oil off the coasts of the Todaki islands, and consequently drew the attention of the major powers. Coupled with increased piracy due to the lack of civil stability, Shirakawa moved troops into Pulau Todak and formed an interim government on the island. Meanwhile the Peoples Revolutionary State has received increased Giangi support, both militarily and diplomatically.

Foreign Policy Overview: The Republic maintained a neutral but slightly HECO oriented stance until 2012, when the new Katijah government repeatedly requested membership into HECO. Yeongseon and Yamatai vetoed the multiple requests. Since 2015 the main island government has been governed under an interim cabinet, with President Katijah maintain a nominal role, while the Peoples Revolutionary State of Pulau Todak has been closely aligned with Namgiang, receiving both diplomatic recognition and military guarantee.
Government Overview: N/A
Head of State: Interim Cabinet of Pulau Todak: President Katijah; Peoples Revolutionary State of Pulau Todak: Secretary Jenab bin Mariam
Head of Government: N/A
Other
Ordic Wiki Page: almost m8s

[Meriad]

Official Name: República Federal de Cartageña — Federal Republic of Cartageña
Shortened Name: Cartageña
OL Membership: Yes/No
Population: 27,390,013
GDP nominal: $488,774,781,985 NSD
GDP nominal per capital: $17,845.00 NSD
Armed Forces: Ehrm, not very big. 46,000 in total, including reserves. Three branches (navy, army, air force), with the marines incorporated as a subsection of the navy. Military expenditure accounts for 1.1 percent of the GDP
Map Details
IRL Cultural/Ethnic Equivalent: Portugal
Map Claim: On the coast of Valeya, bordering Gran Altiplano to the east.
Canonical Details
National Overview: Classy centrist federal republic with historical roots in Spanishlandic colonization and continued governance under a semi-colonial system of government. Economically strong, with thriving agricultural and resource extraction industries.
History Overview: So, pretty much got colonized by Spanishland and all that fun stuff some time in the 13th century, and retained the spanish system of a ruling noble elite until gaining independence immediately after the endwar. The governmental system has essentially remained the same since colonial times, with the country being governed by a powerful federal government with limited local governance by the 11 constituent regions.
Foreign Policy Overview: Cartageña would probably be members of lots of organizations, if we actually had some. As it is, it likely retains close ties to other ex-Spanishlandic colonies due to cultural similarities. Despite having very different systems of governments, Cartageña and her neighbor to the east, Gran Altiplano, have generally good relations, and cooperate on cultural, environmental, and economic matters with relative frequency.
Government Overview: Cartageña is a federal republic in which the president is the head of government and state. The legislature is the Consejo Nacional de la República (National Council of the Republic), a bicameral parliament consisting of the Consejo de Estados (lower house) and the Consejo de Nobles (upper house). The Federal court system is also extremely powerful, and often influences the election of officials in the legislative and executive branches. The country is generally centrist, but tends to lean to the right in conflicts.
Head of State: Presidente António Cristóbal Moreno
Head of Government: Presidente António Cristóbal Moreno
Other
Capital:
Largest city: Santa Inéz (roughly 3 million)
Flag: Click here
Ordic Wiki Page: https://ordis.miraheze.org/wiki/Cartage%C3%B1a

[Transoxthraxia]

Link to my app. I got carried away and added footnotes and whatnot... By the time it was all done with I liked it way better as a Google Doc with TMR and its formatting.

[The IASM]

Official Name: Anglish: "The Most Broadchurch Highrichdom of the Suavia rike" English: "The Most Catholic Empire of the Suavian Realm
Shortened Name: Suavia
OL Membership: Yes
Population: 88,675,250 (can be lowered)
GDP nominal: $1,062,950,221,750 USD
GDP nominal per capital: $11,987 USD
Armed Forces:The size of the Royal Suavian Armed Forces is comparably small with around 400,000 people with an emphasis on manoeuvre warfare is highly disciplined.
Map Details
IRL Cultural/Ethnic Equivalent: Anglish/Burgundian with few constructed minorities (Baltic, Nordic)
Map Claim: https://media.discordapp.net/attachment ... height=594
Canonical Details
National Overview: Suavia, as is one the few extremely illiberal states, being a Quasi-Federal Empire which has historically served as one of the more fractured regions of the continent, being geographically open to invasion and raiding from the south. Within it, however, there are distinct tribal groups which still possess a great influence within society, and while conflict between the traditional rural aristocracy and National Populist Folkblootists continues.
History Overview: In 1910, a military coup occurred after the parliament failed to reform due to disagreements over leadership — a power vacuum being created by several assassinations on the incumbent Lord Chancellor and his Secretaries. Led by General Ernst Gregor Godwin, who quickly formed a provisional government known as the Transitory Directorate. Ernst’s intentions were to create a regime which fulfil the needs of the population and to prevent revolution. He then with the permission of Highking Edric-Athelwulf X who requested that the then Professor E.E Kingharth be investigated as a possible Lord Chancellor. Kingharth had become an increasingly popular, with his pamphlets, proposals and other such solutions being presented to the population. Thusly he was appointed Lord Chancellor and by using the Royal prerogative to reform the Highrichdom and nature of the parliament. Thusly Kingharth utilised his opportunity to spell an end to democracy and created the Newrike.

The current Highking, Edric-Athelwulf XIII, is currently 46, after having his ambitious and liberally inclined nephew Harold VIII abdicating from the throne due to clashing with the current Great Warden of the Realm Ordwulf Drake, who has served for 17 years now. Drake is the 7th Great Warden of the Newrike, being considered a major economic liberaliser and cultural traditionalist much to hard-liners displeasure and is the first member of the aristocracy to serve in the role, being considered a traitor by many of his older peers. He is an especially industrious and diligent character this being evidenced by his having read History at the esteemed University of Warford and his rigorous reforms of the military, and economic functions of society, despite considerable opposition. His covert ousting of the previous Highking with the Orkcreft Scandal (a particularly deadly cocktail of affairs, drugs and corruption), has enabled him to manoeuvre his good friend and political ally Athelwulf-Edric into the position. The Highking himself is of a reactionary character, being widely considered insufferable in personal interactions and an expert at utilizing the constitutional system of Suavia. His grating and stubborn personality has formed an additional layer of constraints, which further cement the power of the Great Warden.
Foreign Policy Overview: The Foreign policy of Suavia is militant, hawkish and Pan-Ordan in character. It has previously annexed its neighbour the Republic of Suebia after several wars. It wants to influence its neighbours when it can but otherwise has been unwilling to engage in direct engagements.
Government Overview:The Newrike (literally New Realm), is a regime based around and founded on the ideology of Folkbloot, literally meaning “National or People Sacrifice” it was formulated by the eventually by the Great Warden E.E (Edgar Edwin) Kingharth and his long time accomplice Frederik Hunt, in the 1890s as a non-syndicalist solution to the monopolistic domination of industrialists and aristocrats in the government, whose dualistic and antagonistic relationship became increasingly insular and self-focused, ignoring the pressures brought on by the increasingly industrial character of the country. Folkbloot as an ideology is against democracy, capitalism, socialism, aristocracy, and takes an ultranationalist, totalitarian, clericalist, ethnocentric, militaristic and monarchist character. It desired major land and wealth redistribution so that unused land can be utilised productively, the restoration of the church to prominence, the creation of a corporate state which would bind together all elements of society into a single “machine” which could end systematic problems and the end of what was remarked as a“failed experiment in plutocracy”.

It is politically de jure constitutional executive monarchy with a sexacameral parliament, with the appointed Grand Council as the highest authority, and five lesser estates: the House of Workers, the House of the Military, the House of Minds, the House of Industry and Trade, and the House of the State. Each house is made up of 25 members, except for the National Council which has 15. Requirements to hold office in any of the Houses requires that one may pass Ideological Testing and either has 10 years of military service or 10 years of service to the state. The Grand Council is made from representatives of the 7 Kingdoms and 6 from the Duchies of the Realm, and as well as drafting, reviewing and approving of legislation (duties shared with the Highking and Great Warden) they also serve as overseers of the Houses of Parliament. The Highking wields considerable authority and retains powers such as the right to rule by decree and to dissolve the Houses of parliament. The Great Warden, is also able to rule by decree and often does so in the monarch's name, however, is ultimately subservient to his or her powers. The Great Warden serves as a Constitutional Dictator with nearly unlimited powers but still accountable to parliament, the Grand Council and the monarch.

The current Highking, Edric-Athelwulf XIII, is currently 46, after having his ambitious and liberally inclined nephew Harold VIII abdicating from the throne due to clashing with the current Great Warden of the Realm Ordwulf Drake, who has served for 17 years now. Drake is the 7th Great Warden of the Newrike, being considered a major economic liberaliser and cultural traditionalist much to hard-liners displeasure and is the first member of the aristocracy to serve in the role, being considered a traitor by many of his older peers. He is an especially industrious and diligent character this being evidenced by his having read History at the esteemed University of Warford and his rigorous reforms of the military, and economic functions of society, despite considerable opposition. His covert ousting of the previous Highking with the Orkcreft Scandal (a particularly deadly cocktail of affairs, drugs and corruption), has enabled him to manoeuvre his good friend and political ally Athelwulf-Edric into the position. The Highking himself is of a reactionary character, being widely considered insufferable in personal interactions and an expert at utilizing the constitutional system of Suavia. His grating and stubborn personality has formed an additional layer of constraints, which further cement the power of the Great Warden.

Today the Newrike’s powers are considerable with the Great Warden being vested in him considerable executive and legislative powers. Drake is a well-esteemed character in Suavian politics, taking on a calm demeanour and a grandfatherly persona. Socially Suavia is very restrictive, with clerical morality controls being enforced through a digital panopticon which is increasingly a large presence in the life of Suavians.
Head of State: His Great Royal Majesty Highking Edric-Athelwulf XIII Swartnaeder
Head of Government: The Right Honourable, Great Warden of the Suavian Hichrichdom -
Other
Ordic Wiki Page:

[Marsane]

Official Name: The Machenese Empire (རྒྱལ་སྲིད རྨ་ཆེན་)
Shortened Name: Machen
OL Membership: Yes
Population: 35,954,513
GDP nominal: $510 billion
GDP nominal per capital: $15,937
Armed Forces: 384,000 active, 120,000 reserve
Map Details
IRL Cultural/Ethnic Equivalent: Tibet, Nepal, Kashmir
Map Claim: Going with Haradesh’s current spot, though I can draw something up if it doesn’t fit culturally
Canonical Details
National Overview:

The Machenese Empire, previously known internationally as South Machen, is a developing authoritarian state in Antar. The nation is ruled absolutely by the Tsenpo and the All People’s Front which dominates all offices of government. The state was involved in a long civil war between communist forces and supporters of the monarchy prompting the intervention of Namgiang during the Endwar. This subsequently led to the creation of The People’s Social Republic of Machen (North Machen) and the Machenese Empire (South Machen). The two states would maintain in a de facto state of war known as the Second Machenese Civil War (1959-1965), eventually resulting in the annexation of North Machen and the formation of the current state. Machen is considered to be a ‘developing country’ with a rapidly developing economy but massive economic inequality. The elite and wealthy typically live in cities and enjoy lives which bare similarities to those in Escar or Orda, with access to a variety of (state approved) luxuries and higher education. However, a large number of the population also lives in conditions which are reminiscent of the 18th century in the country’s rural regions. The poorer strata of society has trouble fulfilling their basic needs and has a relatively high mortality rate. Outside commentators have criticized the Machenese regime for its totalitarian and racist policies, which decry Escaric civilization and assert Machenese racial purity. Government oversight is significant under the justification of being a protective barrier against foreign influence. Despite this, the Machenese Empire has opened up to other states which it believes cooperation is mutually beneficial.

History Overview:

The first unified political entity to arise in the region was the Ladakh Empire (1600 BC - 300 AD). The Ladakh established the city of Artsa (ཨར་རྩ།) which would become a center of learning and trade in western Antar. The basics of the state religion, Chenalha (lit. many gods) were established and codified under Tsenpo Jampa in 1594 BC. Despite the dominance of Chenalha, Buddhism would have a large impact on Machenese as it its teachings were introduced and taught alongside traditional religious and shamanistic practices of the priesthood. The Ladakh would last until 300 AD when outside forces would invade and occupy Artsa due to its position along cross continental trade routes.

The state would remain relatively disunified, being largely dominated by regional warlords, until 1053 AD when the first Machenese Empire was established under Tsenpo Gyatso. The First Machenese Empire would led the nation into a golden age, one from which the current government derives its legitimacy from. The Machenese Empire expanded rapidly, accumulating wealth and creating a rich economic, cultural, and political tradition. The first Machenese Empire was successful in its endeavour to end regional tribalism, establishing a strong central government which was able to impose a common code of law as well as a common language and writing system. The doctrine of divine will, dating back to the Ladakh Empire, was able to justify the actions of the Tsenpo in the eyes of the people. The Empire would last roughly until 1450 AD when a succession crisis arose when Tsenpo Yangzom passed away at the age of 25 and failed to leave a proper heir. Lack of confidence in the regent government and a number of lost wars against foreign invaders led to the collapse of the empire.

Machen would remain in a state of disunity, being occupied by a number of foreign powers as well as being in a constant state of internal conflict between upstart warlords and princes. Taking advantage of this period of instability foreign colonial powers would occupy a number of wealthy port cities as begin the process of colonizing the Machenese northern coast.

In the relatively desolate interior of the ancient Machenese highlands, Warlord Tsewang I led a conflict to unify the nation under the second Machenese Empire in a bid to rid the country of foreign influence and assert a stronger Machenese presence in the region. Tsewang and his family claimed lineage to the previous line of Emperors as a cadet branch, this claim was incredibly controversial and created a rift amongst the disjointed warring states. Those that supported Tsewang formed a coalition based in Zhala (becoming known as the Zhalaites) while those that opposed him became known as the Russbali (lit. ‘the turtles’ for their slow response to the Zhalaites). The conflict would last several decades, eventually ending in the Treaty of Artsa in 1804 which created the Second Machenese Empire under a new imperial lineage. The Machenese Empire remained skeptical of foreigners, especially those from the imperialist powers of Escar anr Orda, however limited trade was allowed and a large number of ‘Western’ style economic and political reforms were introduced.

The Machenese Empire remained relatively stable until 1921 when a period of instability stemmed from the assassination of Tsenpo Khetsun III. The increasingly militarist Social Labor Front declared war upon the Imperial government in 1925 leading to the outbreak of the First Machenese Civil War. The war would be incredibly brutal and would see limited outside intervention until the Endwar, when Namgiang intervened on behalf of the socialist forces. The Civil War would continue until 1942 when the Treaty of Artsa was signed with the intervention of foreign powers seeking to quell the spread of communism. Though initially pleased with the end of a long period of instability, many were displeased with the handling of the treaty. Many perceived it was a betrayal of Machen on behalf of the foreign imperialists and felt as if there destiny was being dictated by those thousands of miles away. North and South Machen remained in a state of de facto war, though officially the Treaty of Artsa brought about ‘peace.’ Tensions boiled over in 1959 following a series of diplomatic crisis which failed to be resolved (primarily over the handing over the socialist activist Yeshi Gorkha back to South Machen and a number of territorial border disputes). The Second Machenese Civil War lasted until 1965, resulting in the Treaty of Mangra which saw unification of the Machenese Empire. The state adopted a series of reforms following the unification which sought to expel foreign influence and usher in a new golden age. A six year plan was put into motion by Great Minister Sangey Tsemo with the goal of revitiliating Machenese industry, creating a ‘Great Society’, and establishing new diplomatic ties with the goal of opposing foreign imperialism. Sangey Tsemo, alongside the incumbent Tsenpo Choenyi, created a set of political ideals that would guide the nation known as Semism (derived from the Machenese word Sem, which represents the concept of the undying human soul).

Foreign Policy Overview:

Machen is largely considered a closed society by commentators due to its incredibly strict immigration and emigration policies which prevent the introduction of large number of foreigners. These policies have at times affected its relationship with other states as foreigners who are allowed in Machen are heavily restricted and under watch by the government.

Though historically aligned with the likes of HECO/Entente Machen drifted away from its traditional allies following the end of the Second Civil War. A general perception that the state was betrayed during the Endwar treaty and was simply a battleground for foreign ideological imperialism caused a general disdain for states involved in the meddling of Machenese affairs. During reforms in the mid to late 60s, Machen sought allies elsewhere in states that opposed foreign imperialism and the traditional geopolitical power structures.

Government Overview:

The Imperial government of Machen is considered to be totalitarian by most due to its large overreach and involvement in most realms of public and private life. Mass government censorship, involuntary relocation, a lack of economic freedom, and strict policies which seek to prevent ‘foreign influence’ and promote Machenese culture are staples of the nation’s political system. The glorification and maintenance of the “racial purity” of the Machenese is also a controversial policy that tends to put it at odds with foreign powers. The state religion, Chenalha, is also heavily mandated by the state. Priests are viewed in high regard and attendance to major religious ceremonies can be mandatory for members of the nation’s higher socioeconomic strata. Foreign commentators have considered the devotion to the Tsenpo to be reminiscent of a cult of personality, as the Wangdak dynasty is viewed as descendants from heaven and thus infallible and supreme.

Machen is considered to be a form of absolute monarchy with a parliamentary system. At the top of the political system is the Tsenpo, equivalent to the position of Emperor in other states, who is supported by a doctrine of divine right and whose word is supreme and final. Surrounding him are a number of advisors and bureaucrats which aid in a number of political, economic, and clerical affairs. The head advisor to the Tsenpo is known as the Lönchen or Great Minister and is responsible for the day to day governing of the Empire as well as overseeing the Imperial Conclave.

The Conclave is the nation’s parliament and is a unicameral 432 seat legislature of regional representatives which are indirectly elected by the people by way of their local provincial governments. The Conclave is responsible for the interpretation and application of royal decrees from the Tsenpo. The Conclave may also be dismissed by the word of the Imperial government with no appeal to the motion.

Head of State: Tsenpo (Emperor) Sangyal
Head of Government: Lönchen (Great Minister) Tritore Sutsen
Other
Ordic Wiki Page:

[The Censorate]

Official Name: The Federated Kingdom of Vytachia
Shortened Name: Vytachia
OL Membership: Yes
Population: 45,093,345
GDP nominal: $241,172,286,130 USD
GDP nominal per capital: $5,348 USD
Armed Forces: 290,000 active, 200,000 reserves
Map Details
IRL Cultural/Ethnic Equivalent: Main ethnicity are the Czechs, but I want to have as many Slavs as possible in, such as Kashubs, Lusatians, Silesians. I will probably end up making up various slavs for extra spice. s nami bog.
Map Claim: Vytachia on this map
Canonical Details
National Overview: The Federated Kingdom has only recently come out of the shadow of authoritarian rule of the previous centuries. A multi-ethnic society, Vytachians are mainly united by the state-sponsored values of pan-Slavism and the common Catholic identity. This has resulted in the creation of a socially conservative people but one which also values their liberty and personal freedom. The history of Vytachia is littered with popular uprisings against often tyrannical rulers and this has resulted in a fiercely independent-minded population.
History Overview: The ascension of Matěj IV to the throne of Vytachia on the 30th of May 1955 proved to be the greatest calamity that could befell on the Kingdom. Emboldened by the successes of the neighboring Newrike, the young monarch proceeded to, in a period of two decades, rescind all reforms initiated by his father and grandfather regarding the federalisation of the fragile realm, constitutional governance and securalisation, culminating in a coup d' etat sponsored sponsored by the monarch himself in 1975, who declared that Vytachia was entering a 'transitory' phase in order to fully embrace its own version of Folkbloot, Národního ideálu (National Ideal). However, he underestimated the radical character of the movement that he was so quick to embrace. Angered by the reluctance of the King to clash with the high nobility and begin the redistribution of the land as well disillusioned with the promises of the Vytachian sovereign, young officers of the military who had formed an inner circle of like-minded individuals who desired such reform proceeded to overthrow him on October 28th, 1978. Although most of the royal family managed to escape thanks to the aid of loyal police and army forces, His Majesty was not as lucky. Surrounded and defeated, he was arrested, tried and summarily executed a few days later, on November 3rd 1978.

What followed was a civil war of the likes that Vytachia had never seen before. A myriad of factions appeared within months of the onset of the conflict, with confused fighting taking place throughout the country. The officers responsible for the coup failed to gain a support of a large enough portion of the army to enforce the rule of their new Social Catholic Republic and by the end of 1979, a coalition of loyalists, moderate constitutionalists and ideological opponents of the SCR had united under the banner of the Transitional Government which was based in the city of Plzeň, the stronghold of House Skrebensky a Libštejnský, the greatest of the Vytachian high nobility houses. The vicious fighting would continue unstopped until 1983, when the Transitional Government finally broke down and infighting began among the forces that composed it. Though it appeared that the Social Catholic cause was on the verge of victory, the same issue of petty politics and bloodfeuds emerged in their own camp. Driven by ambition, the great strongmen of the Republic fought against each other in an attempt to establish sole control over their holdings. Greatly weakened and in no position to mount offensive action, both sides settled into the positions they occupied and the conflict came to a stalemate. Ethnic infighting also flared in the period with various secessionist governments appearing claiming rulership over the many nations of the Realm, though none came to survive the conflict.

It was only in 1991 that the stalemate would finally come to an end. An agreement was reached between the various groups of monarchists that supported different candidates to the throne to put their disputes on hold and agree on the principle of restoring order and stability in the Kingdom. In that process, Grand Duke Jan František z Skrebensky a Libštejnský was proclaimed Regent of the officially vacant throne of Vytachia, while the constitutionalists and local secessionists were brought under the fold through the promises of a new, federal constitution which would guarantee civil liberties and protection of all cultural heritage. The scattered and now bitterly divided Social Catholics were in no position to come to a similar agreement. The Republican camp had splintered between those that supported the original vision of the Social Catholic Republic and those that desired for a 'peasants and workers state' based on the principles of Christian communalism. The great atrocities committed by Republican forces were also influential in pushing the more moderate groups towards the new monarchist coalition, under promises of a general pardon and the coming constitutional assembly. The 'Great Push Forward' by the newly formed Royalist army succeeded in finally breaking the Social Catholics. By 1994, the conflict had virtually ended across Vytachia as the last pockets of resistance were eliminated, and the guns of war fell silent. At a great cost, the Kingdom stood victorious.

This however, did not mean a return to normalcy. An uneasy peace settled in, the Constitutional Assembly was convened to discuss the matter of the new federal constitution. It was here that the divisions within the victorious coalition of the civil war became clear. It was only in 1999 that their disputed had mostly resolved a constitution was produced, one that formed a greater federal structure in Vytachia, secured certain rights for the High Nobility and enshrined democratic rule. The only unresolved issue remained that of who was to be proclaimed the monarch of Vytachia. Two claimants had emerged by 1999, each supported by certain interest groups. On one hand was Fredrich Charles, Hereditary Prince of Houses Ruduvně and Libštejnský, nephew of the Regent and son of the youngest daughter of the late Matěj IV. Vytachian succession law however, did not allow for female inheritance; the right of Prince Fredrich Charles to rule the country was further challenged by his very young age. The Prince had been born on July 12th, 1995 and was still a minor. The long regency that would come with his ascension was certain to further entrench the power of House Libštejnský in Vytachia. The other candidate was the old Prince Vilém of House Ruduvně, younger brother of Matěj IV. The arguments against his ascension were mostly politically based. The Prince was known for his authoritarian and reactionary views, and it was doubtful that he would respect the new constitution. As many prominent officers of the Royal Army stated at the time, there was a high probability that him succeeding to the throne would cause such a split to the Royal Armed Forces that a second civil war would be inevitable. Eventually, Grand Duke Libštejnský forced a solution himself. On the 28th of August 1999, troops loyal to him and the constitution took over the capital in a bloodless coup; Vilém fled with a handful of supporters and nobles to the countryside, but pose no immediate threat. The same day, Fredrich Charles ascended the throne of Vytachia as Fredrich Charles II and on September 2nd, the Federated Constitution was put into effect by the Regent, with free elections taking place on April 27th, 2000.

Foreign Policy Overview: Vytachia focuses on forming a broader defensive alliance against Suavia in Orda between the Ordan states, as well as increasing its international standing through efforts to to associate itself with one of the larger Ordic blocs that have formed. It is also aggressive in promoting investments in Vytachia itself, in an effort to more quickly get past the damages of the civil war.

Government Overview: The Federated Kingdom is a federal constitutional monarchy, with the monarch of Vytechia acting as the head of state. The Federated Government of Vytachia exercises executive power in the country. The government consists of Ministers who are drawn from the governing coalition in the Federated Parliament and is appointed by the King of Vytachia. The Federated Parliament is bicameral, with a lower and upper house, with the lower house being directly elected by the people while the upper house is drawn from the recognised nobility of Vytachia. Vytachia also consists of the so called Ethnic Realms which are autonomous communities composed of the various ethnic minorities of Vytachia, who have the right to elect their own Assembly and exercise various powers though they remain under the control of the Federated Government.

Head of State: His Royal Majesty, King-Chieftain Fredrich Charles II Ruduvně

Head of Government: President of the Council of Ministers, Konrád Filipek

Other
Ordic Wiki Page:

[Panonni]

Official Name: The Caliphate and Empire of Pannon
Shortened Name: Pannon
OL Membership: Yes
Population: 55',672,909
GDP nominal: 1.2 Trillion
GDP nominal per capital: 17,787
Armed Forces: 345,080 in the standing army, 1,170,290 On reserve.
Map Details
IRL Cultural/Ethnic Equivalent: Greek, with notes of Hungarian and cultural Islamic flavors.
Map Claim:
Canonical Details
National Overview: The Empire of Pannon is a monarchy that is ruled under Sharia law interpreted under the Hanafi school of jurisprudence and Ashari school of theology. Officially the Third Empire and considered by the outside world to be the second, Pannon sees itself as the defender of Muslims worldwide and the formost representative of the religion to non-Muslim nations.
History Overview: Pannon as a nation-state did not exist before the advent of the Ozymandic Empire, but the ideal of a United Pannon was kept in the minds and hearts of the earliest of ancient philosophers. The ancestors of the Pannoni emerged on the island of Khrator around 5000 BC, where advanced cities and evidence of an alphabet were found among ruins. After the collapse of the Khrati culture around the 3000s BC, the mainland of Pannon was colonized and city states, known as Themes, emerged. Formost of these city states were the cities of Svarte and Magnon, who eventually formed leagues of Themes against each other in a thousand-year proto Cold War beginning in the latter pre common era, and ending in the 1400s.

Islam was founded in the hot deserts of Antar, yet the biggest champions of the religion found it's herald in the city of Svarte. The Ozymandic Dynasty, ruling since the 500s, have always been alienated from the rest of Pannon's pagan traditions and easily picked up Islam as a new and superior religion. Some states welcomed the daw'ah, and others rejected it. It was Islam that triumphed over the old ways, as the Svarti League won over the Magnese League in the 1400s and finally united Pannon under one coherent state. The Ozymandic Dynasty was able to conquer North Osova, areas of Sarethan, the Far North of Antar, and into Valorum at it's peak. However, decadence and weak Caliphs contributed to the empire's slow decline, which was abruptly ended by a costly war with Etrulia and the total collapse of the Empire. Constantine II Ozymand went into exile and the Republic of Pannon was formed in 1907. It started out as a model secular nation, but then was consumed by ironic obsession with laïcité, bordering on cult of reason levels during the dictatorship of Ahmad Routzis from 1990 to 1997. Pannon elected Leon Roupolous in 1998, a populist center-leftist politician who promised a return to religious values and a restoration to the Golden Age of the Ozymandic Empire. Through bureaucracy and referendum, he was able to become Despot of Pannon under the Islamic Republic from 2000-2005 and crowned himself Leon X, Autokrator of Pannon, in 2006. His rule has seen a return to religious rule and a sharp increase of economic prosperity, but the restoration of territory to Pannon, besides a couple islands and villages here and there, has been slow.
Foreign Policy Overview: Besides a mutual respect for other religious nations, Pannon has a hands off approach to non-muslim nations.
Government Overview: The Emperor has full control over the nation, but the Sharia Courts and the Majilis Shura, a secular body, administer both judicial and legislative decrees. In local areas with significant non-muslim populations, Jewish, Pagan, or Christian courts have some power.
Head of State: Emperor Leon X
Head of Government: Emperor Leon X
Other it's ya boi prydd
Ordic Wiki Page: Coming Soon

[Toishima]

Official Name: Democratic Republic of Myaarsawmyittway (များသောမြစ်တွေ ဒီမိုကရက်တစ်သမ္မတနိုင်ငံ; Myarrsawmyittway Democratic Republic; 無数河川共和国)
Shortened Name: Myaar'tway
OL Membership: Yes
Population: 51,486,253
GDP nominal: 72.368 billion
GDP nominal per capital: 1,374
Armed Forces:
Total: 110,000 active, 310,000 reserve
Revolutionary Army Ground Forces - 80,000 active
Revolutionary Army Navy - 15,000 active
Revolutionary Army Air Force 15,000 personnel - 297 active aircraft
Revolutionary Guard - 40,000 active

The Revolutionary Army (Tawlhaanrayysamarr Tautmataw) is a regular force.

Map Details
IRL Cultural/Ethnic Equivalent: Burmese
Map Claim: As discussed

Canonical Details
National Overview:

A former colony of Yamatai, Myaar'tway is a repressive, socialist state with a booming market economy that opened relatively recently. Chaotic and facing many problems in the interior, Myaar'tway is constantly under threat from its large neighbour Namgiang, and most wealth is concentrated along the "five cities three lines" on the coast. The dictatorial leadership appears to be hereditary despite claims to the contrary, and the military forms a disproportionately large part of the government.

History Overview:

In ancient times, Myaar'tway consisted of multiple kingdoms in the area, which eventually coalesced into two powerful northern and southern states. Resisting Giangi invasions from the north and occasionally entering what is now Namgiang as well, the Myaarmese kingdom eventually unified and grew a robust trade empire that entered the extremities of the Tsutikuon tributary sphere.

Subsequently, Myaar'tway was invaded and claimed by Yamatai as a colony in 1800, though Yamataian outposts had already appeared since around 1750. The Myaarmese monarchy was allowed to remain in power in partnership with the Yamataian colonial structures, while the Yamataians brought in modernisation and investment capital. However, everything changed in the 1860s and the Cherry Blossom Revolution, which turned Yamatai into an absolute monarchy. Myaar'tway was nationalised as part of the Greater Empire, and the Myaarmese monarchy were forced to grant the throne to Empress Kayako. Myaar'tway was then governed directly by the Yamataians, who violently subjugated resistance and expanded development to fuel their growing needs in the rapidly-developing Home Islands. Myaar'tway became the main source of resources for Yamatai's rise in the early 20th century.

As the standards of education rose, so too did the amount of Myaarmese sent overseas to study. They brought back revolutionary ideas and resistance began fomenting even as Yamatai began its murderous rise. In the 1920s, an abortive revolution led by U Aye Soe resulted in Soe's imprisonment, and by chance he was imprisoned with the Hinoan socialist revolutionary Hanzawa Akagane, who taught Soe socialist theory and brought him along during his escape and subsequent visits to Namgiang to lobby for support. With Giangi support, Soe began a guerilla war against the Yamataian authorities from the 1940s, as Yamatai was fighting the Endwar.

In 1942, as part of the war against Yamatai, Shirakawa invaded Yamataian Myaar'tway, which had long been cut off from Yamatai itself and had been secretly preparing to launch a counterattack on some unknown location. With the ceasefire signed in 1943, Shirakawan troops occupied Myaar'tway, which itself was still officially under Yamataian administration.

It was in this context that U Aye Soe launched his revolution in mid 1945, seizing major cities with covert Namgiang support. In this 'shadow war', Shirakawa supported the Yamataian colonial government to fight against the revolutionaries as well as the 'volunteer' Giang troops, while seemingly working with Namgiang to pacify Jiquan in the north. The colonial forces of both Yashiman nations fared badly against the revolutionary troops. In 1949, the Treaty of Eito forced Yamatai to hold plebiscites in the areas which had been conquered by the Allied nations, namely Myaar'tway, Hinomoto and Uchina. However, so little of Myaar'tway was in the Allies' or Yamatai's control at the time that the plebiscite could only be held in the capital city Myithkantaut, and both Yamatai and Shirakawa withdrew shortly after. When Socialist Myaar'tway declared its independence at the Ordic League in 1950, Yamatai recognised its independence (part of Nariakira Okabe's "remove loose ends" campaign).

Myaar'tway rebuilt and repaired itself based on the colonial infrastructure Yamatai had left behind, with major aid from Namgiang. U Aye Soe pursued a distinct agrarian ideology and emphasised 'improved collectivisation' to build a strong base for an eventual 'great leap upwards' in terms of industry, planned for the 1970s. However, the decline of Namgiang and the Hinoan War, which Myaar'tway saw as disadvantageous to the overall socialist agenda given the poor odds of victory (and delayed the plans for the Great Leap Upwards), led to souring of relations between Namgiang and Myaar'tway. The defeat of Hinomoto and the chaos in the Giang government led the Soe regime to begin competing with Myaar'tway rather than following along, and in 1976 Soe infamously proclaimed that Myaar'tway was the new Escaric socialist power, signalling the Myaar-Giang Split. The subsequent 1980 victory of Soe's own revolutionary support in neighbouring Pulau Todak brought the two main Escaric socialist states into further conflict, culminating in the 1982 Myaar-Giang Border War, which resulted in a stalemate and both sides claimed victory.

However, U Aye Soe suddenly died in 1984. His successor, his son U Wai Maung, was a poor leader who enacted many disastrous economic policies, including the Five Cities Three Lines concept that drove income inequality through the roof. By losing Namgiang as a trading partner and due to the ideological split from the rising West Escaric economies, Myaar'tway's nearest trading partner was now Etrulia, all the way over in Orda. The nations began declining rapidly while Maung survived five assassination attempts, two coup attempts and still found time to change the base currency denomination to 9. Even through all this, Maung still held on to the claim that Myaar'tway was the superior socialist state of Escar, though was aware that something was seriously wrong with the nation.

In 1990, Maung negotiated with investors from Yeongseon that were interested in developing the nation. The first Special Economic Zone, an "island of capitalism", was established in 1995, and Yeongseon became the first non-communist nation to trade with Myaar'tway since 1870. Soon, more SEZs began appearing in the Five Cities, and more foreign trade was welcomed cautiously. U Wai Maung was assassinated in 2008 to great global fanfare, having attained a reputation as "the Escaric tinpot dictator", with countless parodies and his likeness becoming the stereotype of the Eastern Escaric Third World Dictator in global media. Once again, his son U Phyo Zaw was elected to office by the Politburo, apparently as it was believed that he could easily be controlled.

However, Zaw then defied global expectations by liberalising the national economy, particularly inviting the Western Escaric nations to invest in the country. Dropping the "superior socialist state" rhetoric, Zaw instead went in the opposite direction, even claiming that the nation was not a socialist state in a 2010 address to the OL (that was later retracted and "explained away" in an abstract manner). One issue that Zaw was determined to solve was the constant shadow of Namgiang to the north, which he believed forced Myaar'tway to spend such a large amount on defence (though it was also at least partly the constant wars against ethnic rebels and mass corruption leading to money drains).

To this end, in 2016, President U Phyo Zaw signed a landmark treaty with that which had been deemed the axis of evil for much of his father's rule: the Heian Cooperation Organisation. With this deal with the devil, which outraged Namgiang, socialist states everywhere, and Yamatai, HECO was granted the ability to lease bases in Myaar'tway, starting with the Pathein Blue River Multinational Naval Refuelling Base, which finished construction on 25th March, 2018.

Yet, even with the opened economy, military cooperation and new bridges of friendship erected cheaply with the West with local resources, it cannot be denied that U Phyo Zaw has succeeded in creating a smoke screen of new friendliness that masks continued repressive government tactics, mass corruption, concentration camps, forced labour and exodus, extreme poverty and income inequality, as well as ethnic cleansing in the picturesque Myaarmese hills. As HECO and Namgiang march towards an inevitable confrontation, Zaw's shrewd attempts to use this high-level rivalry to the benefit of his nation could lead to an outcome that nobody desires.

Foreign Policy Overview:

Myaar'tway is friendly with HECO and VISC, though is still treated very suspiciously by them as it is still, officially and governmentally, a single-party socialist nation under a dictatorship. It has very poor relations with its northern neighbour Namgiang, bordering on open conflict at times, and has strained relations with Pulau Todak after the socialist government there was ousted. Its relations with other socialist nations would be strained as well due to its new associations with HECO and gang.


Government Overview:

Myaar'tway is a single-party socialist state. The government is led by the Chairman of the Communist Party, who is also the President of the Republic, and is the head of state and head of government. He enjoys near-absolute decision making and executive power due to the nation existing in a near-constant state of emergency since the assassination of (Glorious Brother General) U Wai Maung.

Most of the government structures, such as the postal system, date back to Yamataian colonial times. Other areas are under the control of the military, such as public works, public security and the police. The military as a whole, known as the Revolutionary Army, is also actually a branch of the Communist Party, and "Myaar'tway" itself has no official armed force.

Similar to their former colonial power, the nation is divided into an array of provinces, each represented in the Republic Assembly by the provincial governor.

Head of State and Head of Government:

The head of state and government of Myaar'tway is the President of the Republic, a nominally elected post with a five-year-term who is usually also the Chairman of the Communist Party. However, there are no term limits and President U Phyo Zaw has been in power since 2008. Zaw, the son of the previous president (Glorious Brother General) U Wai Maung, is an Ordan-educated career politician known for his agrarian policies, reliance on foreign investment and hardline anti-crime stance, embarking the military on the ongoing War on Drugs and Terror in the deep interior of the nation (often seen as an excuse for the military to terrorise the local population). He is also known for collecting antique cars and supercars alike, and is an avid fan of Yamataian Touge.

Other

"Five Cities Three Lines" refers to the concept of five very well-developed coastal cities linked by three lines, which are the Ayeyarwady River, the North-South Highway and the People's North-South Railway. Outside of these five cities, where standard of living is moderate to high, the standard of living is extremely low.

Another term often used is the "three layers", which refer to the coast, the interior farmlands and the further-interior mountain ranges and hills, which are almost entirely undeveloped save for resource extraction operations like mines. In the innermost third layer, many hill tribes still exist in pre-industrial conditions.

Ordic Wiki Page:

[Greater Allidron]

Official Name: The Social Republic of Jiquan
Shortened Name: Socialist Jiquan, SRJ
OL Membership: Yes
Population: 26,950,000
GDP nominal: $210.210 billion
GDP nominal per capital: $7,800
Armed Forces: 219,000 active personnel, 140,000 reserve personnel with the bulk of the personnel in the Revolutionary Ground Forces. The Revolutionary Ground Forces maintain a massive disparity of unit quality. A few brigade sized units are equipped with export variants of Giangi and other communist state's arms and decently trained and disciplined, but the majority of the force is maintained with abysmal readiness and training. The SRJ maintains 2 year mandatory conscription for all males aged 18-21, although large segments of the country are ineligible due to the Yichun Accord Autonomous Governments.
Map Details
IRL Cultural/Ethnic Equivalent: The Zhoggchu are very similar to Manchurian people ethnically, and also share cultural similarities with steppe nomadic culture and Chinese culture.
Map Claim: https://imgur.com/a/34Us4
Canonical Details
National Overview: The Social Republic of Jiquan is a socialist republic founded on similar principles as the SSoN, with the government being highly centralized and focused on the party apparatus with extensive security and civil organizations designed to control the population and balance against internal threats from both the military and armed resistance, while also providing as necessary rear security personnel in wartime situations. The SRJ however differentiates from Namgiang in a key aspect: it maintains an uneasy coexistence with autonomous territories in the southern and central regions of the SRJ, and thus lacks a strong central authority. These five autonomous territories are the result of decades of mistrust between the plains centered SRJ government and the various minority and separatist groups in Jiquan, which came to a head during the early 80s. These autonomous territories are governed mostly by local strongmen who have maintained a fluctuating relationship with the SRJ since the Yichun Accords. Society is very dependent on where you live in the SRJ, with the urbanized capital of the SRJ being more cosmopolitan and wealthy, while the rest of the country, especially in the south, is quite poor.

History Overview: Jiquan as a recognizable culture first arose around 100 AD when (either migration or forced settlements) of Tsutikuan related folk settled in the [insert Jiquan plain], and later spread into the [insert Jiquan coast]. The scattered settlements formed a united kingdom around 900 AD, and by 1340 was expanding under the leadership of the Great Tribal Chief Dahai, and soon encompassed the majority of the [insert central steppe region], parts of modern day Shirakawa, [Machen?] and Namgiang. This state collapsed around 1421 due to internal instability and exterior pressures from both the Shirakawan states and Giangi states.

The Giangi Empire subjugated the rump states of Jiquan around the 16th or 17th centuries.

The 1800s saw the resurgence of Jiquan after breaking the yoke of the Giangi Empire, developing their own institutions around the autocratic Great King and bureaucracy of his military administration. During the mid 1800s wars were fought between the Republic of Namgiang and the Zhoggchu Kingdom, with Namgiang losing large amounts of land in the west.

During the 1920's and 1930's, the reactionary Machenese Empire and Kingdom of Jiquan began developing a close strategic relationship to balance against the growing threat of the Empire of Yamatai (which was expanding its influence over the Shirakawan peninsula) and the Socialist State of Namgiang (which had recently begun reorganizing itself from its bloody civil war). This relationship led to a massive militarization program that developed the Jiquan Army into a continental beast.

By the 40's Namgiang and Jiquan were set on a collision course after the Machenese invasion of Meriad, where the two states relations soured significant and resulted in attacks on Zhoggchu shipping in the Yurganian Sea by Giangi subs and a massive military buildup on the border. From 1940 to 1944 Namgiang fought a war against both reactionary states, with significant fighting across the [insert plain]. The Jiquanese Army, although well trained, lacked both the manpower and industry to win a total war against the much larger but less functional Namgiang. By 44 the country had collapsed to the invading Giangis and Shirakawans, and various militia forces in the south who were later integrated into the SRJ. The country was subsequently split in half between the Shirakawan aligned X and the Giangi aligned Social Republic of Jiquan.

The country underwent serious reconstruction with support from Namgiang during the late 40s and 50s, although the funds began drying up as Namgiang's foreign aid turned elsewhere. The nation began stagnating as a whole during the 1960s with various protests, riots, and ethnic separatist movements. In 1977 the country was plunged into turmoil after an attempted vote in the Caucus Chamber over restrictions on languages taught in the south turned violent, with several ethnically Hayato politicians injured. Soon the Revolutionary Jiquanese Ground Forces was attempting to conduct counter insurgency operations, with disastrous results. Namgiang decided to intervene and launched a concentrated air and ground campaign to neutralize several separatist base's of operations. By 1979 the Yichun Accords were signed by all relevant parties, establishing several ethnic autonomous governments in the south and western portions of the country, which maintained their own separate legislatures and domestic policies but were subject to SRJ foreign relations and military forces. The populations were not subject to the draft however, which severely impaired the Revolutionary Armed Force's recruitment capabilities.

By the 80s these autonomous governments had developed their own "security forces", which in actuality were quasi military forces. Despite Giangi protests about these forces, the SRJ central government maintained a policy of non intervention in the south to prevent a repeat of the 1977-1978 war. This caused a slight rift between the two nations, and resulted in the withdrawal of Giangi military forces from Jiquan and the removal of Jiquan from the central organs of ORCOM.

The 90s was a decade of continued conflict between the south and the plains centered government. Open resistance broke out in the mid 90s, and the country was thrown into chaos. In 1999 the country experienced the Yellow Putsch, which resulted in the replacement of the old Zhoggchu government with communist hardliners who invited the Giangi military back into the country. Namgiang established a no fly zone over the south, and in 2000 and 2008 Namgiang launched ground operations along the border, while continuously providing large shipments of arms to the Revolutionary Jiquanese Ground Forces. This decade also marked significant Tsutikuan support of various separatist groups in Jiquan. In 2009 the country was reintegrated into the ORCOM central organs, essentially reinstating the SRJ as a full partner.

Today the SRJ still maintains large garrison forces in major cities in the south, but has mostly quelled the separatists. However, the government still faces the difficult task of integrating the southern regions into the country as a whole, as well as dealing with serious corruption, nepotism, and bureaucratic slumber within the government.

Foreign Policy Overview: The SRJ is a part of ORCOM and heavily supported by Namgiang. It has strained relations with nearly all of its neighbors due to being allied with ORCOM and more specifically Namgiang.

Government Overview: The country is a single party socialist republic, with executive powers vested jointly in the President the Revolutionary Jiquanese Party Caucus. The president typically is required to come to a consensus with the party apparatus (which is represented by the RJP Central Committee).

The military is conceptually treated as an extension of the party apparatus, but has developed its own separate hierarchy and mainly coordinated defense policy with the civilian government. Recently however the military has been stripped of its independence despite opposition, and purges were conducted to remove military officers who "undermined the Social Republic."

By law the judiciary is considered an independent and separate branch of the government, but in reality it is controlled by the civilian government through the Inter-Agency Cooperation Office.

The country is nominally a unitary state, although the autonomous regions prove otherwise. In the centrally controlled areas of Jiquan, the country is subdivided into Sectors, which elect representatives who constitute the RJP Caucus.

Head of State: President Giotoho

Head of Government: Revolutionary Jiquanese Party Central Committee

Other

Ordic Wiki Page: Soon to come.

[Saproyssau]

Official Name: The Nationalist State of Saproyssau
Shortened Name: Saproyssau
OL Membership: Yes
Population: 2,509,886
GDP nominal: 7.8 Billion
GDP nominal per capital: 2,740
Armed Forces: 123,090 active forces.
Map Details
IRL Cultural/Ethnic Equivalent: Conculture, close to Romani in role and Romanian/German in language

Map Claim: A small sliver twice the size of Transinistria hugging a mountain range bordering New Hyspania

Canonical Details

National Overview: Saproyssau follows an ideology that is similar to National Bolshevism, but the ruling party of Saproyssau does not identify with this term. It follows more precisely, a left wing version of ultra-militant extremist nationalism and irredentism. It believes that the Saproyssich people, who are in diaspora around the world as nomads, must return to their homeland and fight through peaceful diplomacy and protests to incorporate historically Saproyssich areas in Orda into the nation.
History Overview: Since they themselves, and outside historians could remember, the Saproyssich people were untouchable outcasts within Ordan societies, often considered to be separate from the nation that begrudgingly hosted them. A few exceptions, such as the Ozymandic Empire, did accept them as citizens, but they wandered Orda, and Earth as well, until 1720.

A nobleman from Hyspania, Seraglio Fontanio, purchased a large tract of land on the edge of the Hyspanian kingdom that he believed contained a vast wealth of gold and silver. He had the wealth, but not the manpower to mine in the mountains. He had however, a novel idea that could be used. He offered the Saproysich people a home in his land in exchange for labor and a small wage. Many did jump at this idea, and set up villages and eventually cities in the area. Seraglio grew rich, and he eventually named the area Saproyssau. From 1720 to 1839, Saproyssau was a Grand Duchy under Hyspania, and became independent as a kingdom under Karol II Fontanio after a referendum expressed the desire of the people of Saproyssau to be fully independent. Saproyssau was known from then on as a vacation area and playground for nobles from around the world, and the Saproyssich people used the existence of Saproyssau to easily facilitate communication between the millions of nomads outside the nation. Meanwhile, trouble was brewing.

It was already a prejudice against the Saproyssich people that they were dirty and meant to be shunned, but the newfound wealth of the new and tiny nation bothered these people even more. Conspiracy theories spread through Orda that the Saproyssich people pulled the strings with their new wealth in every nation, and some went as far to accuse them of working with the Ozymandic Empire in trying to bring down Christendom. The Saproyssich people, despite converting to the religion of the nations they settled in at times, were overwhelmingly of their own native religion, a monotheistic creed built around an omnipotent goddess, and a secretive book containing instructions for hexes and other dark arts. It was a very closed doors religion accepting no converts. At best, Ordans were very misinformed about Saproyssich faith and rituals, and at worst, thought them to be some sort of fifth column for Islam and the Ozymandic empire. A significant number, but not the majority of Saproyssich nomads also participated in opium smuggling and human trafficking, further increasing the divide between Gothnik and Ostfolk. This blew over during the Endwar.

Karol III, King of Saproyssau, was dealing with many problems. As an old man who was wholly detached from his population, he did not handle the events to come very well. A Catholic Hyspanian, he ruled over 900,000 Saproyssich people who did not share his religion. He needed a translator to speak to his own advisers, and saw his rule over Saproyssau as just another property, and not a real concern to be taken seriously. Not until at least, Saproyssau's neighbor went fascist.

Eutanasio Ugarte rose in Hyspania and enacted discriminatory policies towards the Saproysich people who lived within the borders. Whole villages were forcefully deported to barren and useless areas. Those who spoke out disappeared. Feature length films accusing the Gothnik of plotting the end of the Hyspanian race had wide release in Hyspania. Then, the Final Suffering began. In places where the Hyspanian Fascists conquered during the Endwar, Saproyssich people were rounded up and sent to death and labor camps in order to "cleanse" Orda of Saproyssich influence. Meanwhile within Saproyssau, an ultranationalist group in exile, the Saproyssich People's Party, kicked out Karol III, who went into exile. The Junta then declared war on Hyspania, intending to liberate their ethnic brethren from suffering. Saproyssau proper is a very mountainous nation, often referred to as a natural bunker, but in a massive offensive, the nation finally fell in 1939. However, Saproyssich people around the world fought with tooth and nail for the anti-Fascist cause. Many fought within the Pannoni army in Valeya against Ahrenrok and Valeya, and others set up valiant resistance networks run by the SPP that fought against the fascists. After the fall of Hyspania, more problems plagued the nation.

Karol III was ignored by treaties regarding the end of the Endwar, being seen as a neglectful oligarch. Control of Saproyssau was given to the SPP itself, which was made into the sole ruling party. A smaller counter genocide against Hyspanian nobles was conducted within Saproyssau, and population exchanges occurred. In a very short time, the population of Saproyssau went from 900,000 to 2 million, but sadly, this did not reflect the population of Saproyssich abroad. Around three to four million Saproyssich perished at the hands of Hyspania's government, and the current government resents the world, with both valid and misplaced reason, for not preventing this tragedy from happening in the first place.

Foreign Policy Overview: Saproyssau's attitude towards the outside world is very pessimistic. Regarding Hyspania, they recognize the current government as not being the same one under Eutanasio, but do not let up on repatriation reminders. Saproyssich in other nations are encouraged to move to Saproyssau and are given automatic citizenship as long as they do not adhere to another religion besides Saproyssism. The government has ties to the Revisionists in Transoxthraxia, but other than that, have few friends in the world, as it's historical protector, Pannon, has disassociated itself from the PSS government.

Government Overview: The Cadre is a group of "elected" officials that decide policy, but the Folklider, Ianos Reveneim has the final say in anything, and has been in power since 1980.
Head of State: Ianos Reveneim
Head of Government: Ianos Reveneim
Other it's pryd again
Ordic Wiki Page: comin SOON

[Khornera]

Official Name: The Kingdom of Khornera
Shortened Name: Khornera
OL Membership: Yes
Population: 12,1 million
GDP nominal: 508,2 billion
GDP nominal per capital: 42000
Armed Forces: At this point I am not yet certain, but I think I may go for a conscription army. This is yet to be worked out.
Map Details

IRL Cultural/Ethnic Equivalent: Take a caricatural look at Europe and change it into a single culture, that is Khornera. I plan on taking in a variety of influences from various European sources. The main ones however, will be both German and French, with a little bit of Dutch thrown in, and maybe even a bit of Austria and Czechia. Ethnically, the population would be Frankish. The country would be bilingual. With a small portion (near the border with New Hyspania) speaking French or some derivative language. The majority of the country however, would speak Khorneran, a conlanguage that will be a mixture between German and Dutch. Culturally speaking however, perhaps somewhat paradoxically with those German and Dutch influences, the country would be very ‘southern’, that is to say: colourful and extravagant (have you ever known me to do anything else?).
Map Claim: https://i.imgur.com/Ox4wRcf.png

Canonical Details
National Overview: The modern Khorneran nation came about in the middle of the 19th century. Having long been divided over various feudal polities and principalities. Yet a sense of unity had always existed between the people that made up the Khorneran identity, based on common faith, history, as well as race, and to a lesser degree: language. Following a period of unification, the modern Khornera was born.

Nowadays it is a prosperous and wealthy society, known for its history, beautiful architecture and nature, as well as rich culture. Khorneran society is deeply conservative however, placing great importance on religion and tradition. At the same time, the people tend to be fiercely patriotic, believing their country to be blessed. It is not uncommon to see the national flag flying in the street. A unique political culture has also developed as a result from its federal nature, with great value attached to one’s province and to the local community. As a result, the Khorneran people tend to be a close-knit group, although as with any society this is less strong in urban areas and stronger in the rural regions.

At the same time, society has developed an odd streak of classic liberalism, which sometimes clashes with the more religiously conservative identity of the country. This, along with the division between rural and urban regions, is one of the main cleavages in the country.

Khornera is deeply chauvinistic, believing their country to be the best there is, even if it may not be the most powerful. As a result, they hold some patronising or downright condescending view towards foreigners, especially those from outside Orda, which are viewed with suspicion. A sense of belonging to a greater Ordan civilisation does exist in Khornera though, due in part due to its strong ties with the Holy Empire that has remained a constant factor throughout Ordan history.


History Overview: Khornera was unified in the year 1851. From a set of disparate polities sharing a common culture.

During the Endwar, it participated on the side of New Hyspania. Although it did not become a fascist state itself, it nevertheless sought its place in the sun and hoped that a victory might grant it oversea territories and colonies which it had lacked for the most part up until that point.

Yet, defeat seemed inevitable as Zossian soldiers marched into Hyspania. Sensing the turning of the tide, the Khorneran government, rather than fighting to the bitter end, sued for peace on relatively favourable terms. Apart from some reparations, returning conquered territory and demilitarisation, Khornera had left the war almost unscathed.

The war fundamentally changed politics however. A large portion of the population felt betrayed by their government, whom had failed to lead them to victory. Rather than blaming the government for participating in the war, many still felt that Khornera was on the right side and that they should have won.

The old government resigned and all its supporters voted out of power, and politics became increasingly polarised. Radicals on the left began to engage in increasingly firebrand rhetoric, openly preaching revolution. Returning veterans felt betrayed by their government and threatened by the rise of the radical left. When the first post-war elections occurred, those radicals saw themselves elected into parliament with a solid, if still comparatively small fraction. Tensions rose until the Syndicalist movement began to actively use violence as a means to promote its policies in parliament, which spurred a right-wing response. Veterans from the war formed in so-called ‘Vrykorpsen’, or ‘Free Corps’, whom allied themselves with the centre-right government in power. A short but bloody civil conflict broke out between Syndicalists and the government, after which the left had been defeated.

In the decades after the war, Khornera rebuilt the damage it sustained and mostly gave up its colonial ambitions, especially as decolonisation seemed imminent. For many, this brought on a feeling of intense nihilism. Not only had Khornera lost the war, the reason it fought the war for now seemed to be leaving the world altogether. Khornera turned itself to focus again on the Ordan continent, building solid relations with its neighbours and exporting its culture abroad. Instead of exporting its civilisation by force, it would try to become an exemplary civilisation instead, leading by example. Truth be told, this policy was successful, as the Khorneran economy grew strongly and stably, with culture and the arts booming.

Throughout recent years, Khornera has played a balancing act in Orda. Though nominally friendly with Zossia, it had always harboured a deep distrust. This was in part due to Zossia’s firm anti-theist foreign policy, which offended Khorneran sensibilities, which placed a heavy emphasis on the importance of religion in day to day life. As such, Khornera has focused mainly on other Ordan countries, and at time has, despite being a functional democracy, leaned increasingly in favour of countries such as Suavia.

It should be noted that this may change, depending on the exact balance in Orda, I may also take on the role of a neutral country that gets invaded.

Foreign Policy Overview: Khornera is a proud member of the Ordic League, and has always hoped to host several of its institutions. Khornera is allied with its southern neighbour, New Hyspania, with whom it has been allied since the Endwar. Khornera has also, albeit reluctantly, been a member of the Commonwealth, although this has not always been without difficulty, as it routinely has disagreements with Zossia. In terms of overseas engagement, Khornera keeps mostly to itself, although it occasionally lends a hand in OL missions. As in recent years, it has tried to promote itself as a centre of diplomacy on the Ordan continent, mediating disputes between often hostile nations and hosting conferences.

Government Overview: Khornera is a constitutional and federal monarchy, having gone through various constitutional and institutional reforms over the centuries. As of now, Khornera is a federal entity, comprised of a series of provinces that once made up the various nations that later formed into Khornera. These provinces include a variety of Duchies and Counties, as well as a small collection of ‘Free Imperial Cities’, and a pair of small autonomous monastic provinces. These provinces wield a great amount of autonomy. Indeed, it is telling that during the first years of the newly formed Khornera there was no official capital, with the federal government moving from city to city at its own leisure and convenience.

Provinces have their own institutions and laws, with some retaining their own monarchs such dukes and princes, although they are all subject to federal law and the national constitution.

This constitution is especially important to Khorneran citizens, as it forms the basis of their ideals of liberty. As several ‘free imperial cities’ still exist as autonomous provinces in Khornera, this ideal of freedom is one with a long tradition, firmly grounded in charters of city rights and magna carta’s. As such, the constitution is immensely important to the people of Khornera, as it has strong ties with their history and culture. This constitution stipulates duties and rights, and is enforced by a constitutional court whose judges are appointed for ten years, with the option of being re-elected once.

Elections for parliament happen every four years, following a constituency based Single-Transferable Vote system. Each province has several constituencies, with the amount of people represented being roughly equal with a few exceptions. All citizens above the age of 18, barring felons or evaders of the draft, are allowed to vote. In addition, every citizen swears an oath on the constitution before being allowed to vote.

The executive is nominally headed by the King, but in practice, as with any constitutional monarchy, the cabinet is beholden to the head of government: the Minister-President, sometimes called the Premier. The Minister-President, appointed by the King, is traditionally the leader of the largest party. Compared to some parliamentary systems where the head of government acts as primus inter pares, the Minister-President has the de facto authority to dismiss and appoint other ministers at will, acting with a mostly independent mandate.

In addition to the lower house, an upper house also exist, although its means of election or whether they are appointed I am not yet decided on.

In terms of parties, several national parties exist with seats in parliament. Traditionally the main parties have been the Christian-democrats and Classical Liberals, as well as more secular conservatives. In addition, a small social-democrat party exists. Several parties have one or two seats in parliament, but those mostly represent fringe interests. At the provincial level, more parties exist, with various local parties in provincial assemblies or even government.

In addition to the various provinces and free cities, two small theocratic regions exist. These are comparable to Mount Athos, geographically small enclaves primarily dominated by clergy and littered with shrines, cathedrals, and monasteries. These regions, while important culturally, have no representation in parliament, although they do have a permanent liason in the capital to represent their interests.

Head of State: King
Head of Government: Minister-President

[Kolintha]

Official Name: The Republic of Pulau Todak, Jumhuria Pulau Todak
Shortened Name: Pulau Todak
OL Membership: Yes
Population: 18.5 million
GDP nominal: 57.35 billion USD
GDP nominal per capita: 3,100 USD
Armed Forces: The Armed Forces of the Todaki Republic consist of around 19,800 active and 140,200 reserve troops, and are divided into the Todaki Republican Army, Todaki Republican Air Force, Todaki Republican Navy, Todaki Peaceguard and the Todaki Republican Guard. The latter two branches are paramilitary and together make up about 7,000 of the active component; the Todaki Peaceguard, like the Shirakawan Peaceguard, is a gendarmerie and domestic security force, while the Todaki Republican Guard answers directly to the President of the Republic and operates largely independently of the rest of the armed forces - it is intended to be a measure against military coups. With the exception of the Republican Guard, the entire Armed Forces is conscripted.

The military uses a mix of Yamataian and Shirakawan equipment, much of it being older surplus, as well as some Giangi and Myaarmese equipment left over from Myaarmese occupation. So there are troops wearing Yamataian KLMK, carrying Myaarmese EMER-K rifles rechambered to fit Shirakawan magazines, riding in a very beat-up AMX-VCI. They have one submarine that cannot submerge due to budget reasons, and some of their ships date back to the Endwar.

The Republican Air Force comprises of two squadrons of Myaarmese-built Mirage-5 copies, as well as a single unit of 2 Yamataian Mi-95s (Mitsubishi F-2s) purchased in 2015 in a scandalous purchase widely considered as wasteful.

Map Details
IRL Cultural/Ethnic Equivalent: NEGARAKUKU Malaysia
Map Claim: https://i.imgur.com/xkgPFUB.png

Canonical Details
National Overview: Pulau Todak is a small post-colonial state that has recently emerged from a lengthy period of authoritarian socialist rule by the Todaki People's Democratic Rejuvenation Party, following a military intervention by HECO that toppled the old government. It is now ruled by strongman Surintan bin Katijah, who manages to dominate the nominally democratic system through force of personality and a healthy dose of exploiting corruption. Politically, Pulau Todak is in a tough spot, wary of the possibility of domination by any power after it's stint as a Myaarmese client state. It views HECO as a convenient bedfellow - useful to put down the ongoing low-intensity communist insurgency in the rural forest regions, and occasionally cull the pirate clans on the outlying islands that pose a threat to Todak's control over it's territory and it's international image, but ultimately a potential threat to it's sovereignty. Ultimately, it seeks to play the local powers in the region off eachother, and to this end has flirted with the Setic autocracies of Valeya, though it has shunned Namgiang thus far, both on ideological grounds as well as to preserve it's western Escaric ties.

Pulau Todak is generally cosmopolitan and diverse, with a number of different religions and peoples coexisting with varying degrees of success across the country. Overall the Government seeks to emulate the Shirakawan example, aggressively promoting a form of civic nationalism defining Todaki identity in terms of allegiance to the Republic and it's institutions.

Freedom of the press, religion, speech and assembly, among others are all guaranteed rights in the Constitution, and despite the frequently authoritarian antics of the Presidency, both society and the economy have been given new life following the fall of the old regime, and these rights have yet to be sharply cracked down upon. A young and lively clubbing scene has appeared in major cities like Akar and Muaru Bahru, along with more sleazy forms of business; both have been encouraged by the Government, in the hopes of eventually building a sustainable tourism industry in the country.

However, as much as 50% of the population remains strictly rural, and skeptical about the fast-moving changes to the nation, though overall they still back the Republican rule over the far more overbearing politburo of the Communist era.

History Overview:
Todaki Sea Kingdom
The Todaki Sea Kingdom was a thalassocratic confederation of Todaki city states formed in the 1330s through the Treaty of Perpetual Prosperity, which united them under a single elected King. From it's formation through to the 1400s it dominated the oceanic trade routes through the Sea of Anan and the Crosswind.

It's major rival during the height of it's power was the Hanthawaddy Empire in modern day Myaar'tway, and the two states fought a series of destructive wars in the early 16th century collectively known as the Crosswind War that eventually led to the decline of the Sea Kingdom, opening up the regional market to competition from rising Imperial powers in Western Escar.

The Sea Kingdom's demise was confirmed in the 1500s, when a major revolt led by dissatisfied mercantile families broke out in Muara Bahru in response to trade concessions made with Yeongseonin traders. The authority of the King was sharply undermined, and although monarchs would continue to be elected well into the 18th century, even after Shirakawan annexation, they would never again be able to wield enough authority to direct Todak as a single state. Local areas once again became the de-facto independent domains of aristocratic oligarchs.

Colonisation by Shirakawa
Direct foreign domination of the island chain in the modern period began in the 1670s with the Crosswind Sea Company, a Shirakawan Red Seal Trade Monopoly created to cash in on the increasingly lucrative oceanic trade route through the Sea of Anan, which at the time had come to be known as a ‘new silk road’. The Company, initially based in mainland Shirakawa, needed a better forward base of operations to conduct their business, and the best candidate at the time was Pulau Todak, thanks to its number of natural harbours and easily exploitable timber resources for shipbuilding. With some negotiation they managed to open a trading post on an island in the Muaru Bahru harbour, and began expanding their operations.

As the Company headquarters expanded however, it was necessary for greater and greater quantities of personnel to be permanently quartered on the islands, and very quickly conflicts began to erupt between local nobility and company lieutenants as local authorities proved increasingly less friendly to the foreigner's demands for additional land. This culminated in what later historians called the First Shiro-Todaki war, fought effectively by the Company (sanctioned and supplied by the Crown) and the Little Confederacy, an alliance of local merchants and princes. The war was ultimately a failure, though the locals failed to oust the Company from it's existing base - a second war erupted five years later, in response to harsh tariffs imposed by Muaru Bahru on the CSC. This time the conflict saw the intervention of the Royal Navy, which decisively defeated the city state's fleet at the Battle of Tengah Bay and ultimately secured victory for the Company forces.

Subsequently, Muaru Bahru became an effective vassal of the Company, with many local elites remaining - albeit under Shirakawan suzerainty. The defeat of one of Todak's most powerful states and a number of it's allies prompted a string of smaller cities to also pray tribute, though where it was not possible to control the region peacefully, the company resorted to violence. By 1736, all of Todak was under Shirakawan control.

The Company largely succeeded in maintaining control of the colony through it's manipulation of local actors and the occasional direct application of force, though it did face a string of major rebellions between the 1720s and '40s, which greatly hurt it's profits and ultimately crippled it following the 1741 Akar Revolt. The dwindling profits of the private venture ultimately prompted the State to step in and takeover administration of the colony in 1745. It reorganized the local government in 1757, putting down many of the powerful Todaki magnates on the more remote islands and breaking up their territories; meanwhile, collaborators with the Colonial authorities were showered with Royal favor, encouraging the development of a local class of loyalist administrators. In 1778, the colony as a whole was annexed and reformed into the Commandery of Pulau Todak. This prompted a rebellion by remaining nobles, which was bloodily put down in what came to be known as the Bukit Api Massacre.

The economic output of the colony on the whole increased under the Commandery, and Muaru Bahru once again became an important port in the Crosswind.

Todaki nationalism, like that of many former Shirakawan realms, has its roots in the sweeping influence of the late 18th century New Legalist intellectual movement, which enthralled educated radicals across the Empire with their ideas of strong, free, rationalistic states built on common national identity. However while such developments led to colonial disturbances as early as the 1790s elsewhere, it would not be until 1856 that Todaki nationalist groups would organize a National Council to represent their as of yet nonexistent island state. Even then, the Council’s activity was limited by small numbers, police repression and internal infighting, though the eventual architects of independence later down the line would all arise from its ranks.

Pulau Todak was largely untouched by most of the foreign wars in which Shirakawa was involved between the 1850s and 1920s, though the effects were certainly felt as much as in the rest of the Empire - Todaki officials considered at all likely to hold nationalistic sympathies were purged from the civil service, the slowly progressing plans to set up a local union for dockworkers were quashed entirely, and there was tension as landowners were forced to grow cash crops to contribute to the rapidly emptying Royal treasury. An assassination attempt on the Minister of the Todaki Commandery by a radical peasant's party in 1912 was met with disproportionate retribution by garrisoned marines in the form of the massacre of 110 todaki civilians, the arrest and executions of 34 alleged ‘ringleaders’ and the sentencing of a further 20 ‘conspirators’ to forced labour in an impromptu military trial.

Shiro-Yamataian Wars
Given this harsh treatment, it was unsurprising that when, during the Third Shiro-Yamataian War in 1922, Imperial troops occupied some of the islands for a brief period they were welcomed and treated somewhat as liberators by the urban population and landowners. Alas, they did not enjoy such a welcome for long, as they subsequently retreated following the signing of the Treaty of Wanshi, in which Yamatai extracted massive colonial and mainland concessions from the crippled Shirakawan Kingdom that did not however include Todak, despite its relative proximity to the preexisting Yamataian territories in Myaar'tway.

In the Interbellum, following the Rat Coup in the Shirakawan mainland, the administrative organisation of the islands changed once more, as they were put under the jurisdiction of the North Osovan Oceanic Military Circuit, a large organisational grouping placed under the supreme authority of the Council of Elders. This was the result of Operation Southern Court, a massive redeployment of Shirakawan naval assets to external possessions following the loss of a large number of key naval facilities on the mainland in the Treaty of Wanshi. As part of this, the shipbuilding facilities on Todak were greatly expanded and many new harbours, airstrips and submarine pens were constructed, in addition to the strongest shore defenses the now significantly poorer Shirakawa could afford. In addition, a small number of Todaki subjects were forcefully drafted into regiments on the Escari mainland. These regiments would be among the first to see combat when the Fourth Shiro-Yamataian War broke out. A far larger number would begin to be drafted again in 1938, this time into the new Commandery Marine Corps when the situation in the war became urgent for Shirakawa. However, only about half of these would go on to arrive at their various unit headquarters in Osova, as in late 1938 the Yamataian air force waged a heavy bombardment campaign against the island chain’s naval facilities, which was followed by a naval battle and subsequent invasion and occupation in 1939. Once again, the Yamataians were welcomed as liberators by dissatisfied Todaki citizens, though in time it came to be apparent that Imperial rule was not particularly more idyllic than that of Shirakawa.

Pulau Todak was liberated in 1941 by the Commandery Marines, as one of their first major campaigns. The islands were fought over four times thereafter, with the Imperial Marines coming close to recapturing them the first two times but being eventually driven off. Subsequent assaults were meanwhile mostly targeted at destroying supply depots and airfields instead of recapturing the archipelago.

Imperial stragglers actually remained on the islands long after Yamatai had been pushed off them, hiding in mountainous regions. Many of these famously survived decades after the war before being discovered and repatriated, or committing suicide, and rumours of more hiding deeper in the country’s jungles are still common, though the last such case was in the 1980s. Prior to the recent conflict, Todak was famous among antique dealers and military historians alike for being a treasure trove of Endwar-era artifacts that had yet to be thoroughly combed unlike the sites of many larger and more famous campaigns in the West Escari theatre.

On a more grim note, the developed portions of Pulau Todak were left badly devastated by the Endwar, due to a lack of funds for supporting the recovery of a relatively small and insignificant part of the Empire.

Postwar & Return of Colonialism
Postwar, pressure on the Shirakawan government both domestically and in the colonies forced it to adopt a policy working towards independence for its remaining and reclaimed territories. This immediately excited independence activists and nationalist groups, with those of Pulau Todak being no exception. The National Council of Pulau Todak, like many colonial opposition organisations, symbolically started and registered a political party on the Shirakawan mainland, running a single candidate in the formerly Yamataian-occupied city of Wanshi during the 1956 elections - a not all too subtle reminder of the debt owed by the Kingdom to its overseas territories for their massive role in the war’s conduct.

The Shirakawan’s delivered on their obligations, but not in the way Todaki, or most other, nationalists would have liked - immediate independence. Instead, a scheme was proposed in which territories would be granted full (nominal) sovereignty but would in practice remain as ‘associated states’ with a degree of colonial rule remaining. This state of affairs was in theory supposed to last until the economies and societies of the colonies were sufficiently developed, diversified and self sufficient that the states would be able to become fully independent and equal to their former colonizer. Naturally, this was not how it was perceived in most places, including Todak, and after almost two months of strikes and protests the marine regiments stationed on the islands, which were majority Todaki, conducted an almost bloodless coup on the 13th of August 1959, led by senior figures in the National Council and likely encouraged to a significant degree by foreign anti-colonial agitators from Ahrenrok and Namgiang.

Though retaliation from colonial authorities was expected, it never came. Two destroyers were sent to bombard the city of Akar to intimidate the revolutionaries but were called off for unknown reasons. Meanwhile, the leaders of the insurrection rushed to establish a provisional government, despite very few having experience in administration due to the purges of locals from the civil services.

Independence
The Republic of Pulau Todak formally declared independence on the 3rd of January 1960, and entered into negotiations with the Shirakawan government by the end of that month. Recognition of the Todaki state by Shirakawa followed in May, and a constitution was ratified in July.

This new constitution was modelled to a degree on Shirakawan confucian parliamentarianism, though in place of a monarch there was an elected President and a Chancellor leading a simpler single-level partisan cabinet. The parliament, known as the Grand Assembly, also followed this model, with a House of the People akin to the Commons and a House of Exemplars, though in place of the Lords it had the House of Unity.

The first elections were held in 1962. Three parties had emerged as dominant: these were the Todaki Republican Party, the Todaki Social Front and Todaki Totalist Front, representing the right, center and left of the political spectrum respectively. It was the Social Front and Republican Party that gained the bulk of seats in the Assembly thereafter, with the Republicans gaining a narrow majority in the House of People while the Social Front controlled the Exemplars. The Totalists had more distributed support that put them at an electoral disadvantage in the voting system. Already, this sparked controversy, and the small number of Totalist representatives spent a week doing their best to disrupt parliamentary business, culminating in a small brawl that saw the newly appointed Chancellor Intan, injured.

Presidential elections followed in 1963, and the winner was Cahaya Shigemasa of the Republican party, both an icon of the independence movement as well as a decorated veteran of the Commandery Marines.

At first, the new government proved to be remarkably stable. It negotiated aid deals both with Shirakawa and other powers willing to provide, such as Zossia and Ahrenrok, which took off some of the burden of reconstruction, but the islands were nevertheless incredibly lacking in useful industries and resources and had lost most of what little they had once had. There was also the issue of massive personnel shortages in the bureaucracy; as mentioned already, there was little administrative experience to go around, and even less teaching and training experience to create it.

Disagreements over these issues eventually led to the collapse of the Intan government, and Shigemasa subsequently called new elections in 1967 - however these ended up being boycotted by the Totalist Front, and there were accusations that the Republican's had conspired to rig the elections against the Social Front. This led to the breakdown of two subsequent governments in 1968, 1970 and 1971 - ultimately, Shigemasa was forced to resign, and after another contested election she was replaced by Daud bin Danang.

Myaarmese Intervention
An economic crisis hit the islands in the late 70s, as inflation began to grow as a result of reckless spending and unemployment soared with the completion of reconstruction in most areas and few jobs to replace those disappearing. This fueled discontent and anti-establishment sentiment, feeding the popularity of the Totalist Party, which grew in influence and renamed itself the Todaki People's Democratic Rejuvenation Party. By 1978, at the height of the crisis, they controlled 30% of the House of the People, having supplanted the Social Front as the largest opposition party.

Around the same time, Myaar'tway and Namgiang, the two major socialist powers in Central Escar, were beginning to drift apart in what was known as the Giangi-Myaarmese Split, especially after the failure of the communist intervention in Hinomoto which had been opposed by the Myaarmese. Partially as a result of this, Myaar'tway began secretly negotiating with the TPDRP in 1977, promising support if the party managed to seize control of the country. The Totalists agreed, and in 1980 orchestrated the May Revolution, a rapid coup that ousted the Republican government and saw Myaarmese troops invade the Republic, easily rolling over the ill-prepared and ill-led loyalist troops in the two year long Todaki Civil War.

For the next two decades, Todak became effectively a Myaarmese client state, and after the rise of U Wai Maung began to be increasingly totalitarian and isolationist in it's policies. Kartini binti Teruna, leader of the Rejuvenationist's, emerged as the dominant figure in the party not long after, and became known as a fairly brutal dictator, though her control of the party never reached the extents of her Myaarmese counterpart and after her death in 2004, 'Mother Todak' was replaced by Kepli bin Lanang, an opposing figure in the Party.

Kepli's government, hit with domestic instability following it's takeover, struggled to clamp down on corruption than had flourished under Kartini's patronage and in particular on the large networks of organized crime in the outlying islands, which had taken to involvement in piracy and drawn international ire. Kepli himself was seen as a weak leader, and eventually he was overthrown in a 2007 military coup led by his own Secretary of War, Kanat bin Chik, who took over as party leader after Kepli's arrest. However Kanat himself was unable to consolidate his control and was overthrown by Kepli supporters in 2009. Kepli was released and reinstated, and attempted to purge the leadership of the armed forces not long thereafter - this ultimately encouraged paranoia among his own supporters in the Army, who feared they would be hit by the reprisals, and thus motivated yet another coup attempt in 2011, which was successfully put down. However, the instability motivated public demonstrations against the regime and led to Myaar'tway distancing itself publicly, as President U Phyo Zaw sought Western Escaric favour.

Operation Liberty's Spear
Finally, in April 2012 a Shirakawan-led coalition of HECO states invaded Todak, with the aim of toppling the regime and stabilizing the region; this was known as Operation Liberty's Spear. A massive air campaign in the first week of the invasion largely destroyed the Todaki air force and air defenses on the ground, and marine troops followed thereafter, seizing most of the country with minimal casualties. Muaru Bahru was finally captured in late June, and a provisional government, led by figures from the former Republican party, was put in place, though a military occupation of the country remained in place until 2013, when it was downgraded to a peacekeeping mission. The intervention was officially condemned by both Myaar'tway and nations in the Seventh Internationale, as well as by several nonaligned nations which complained of the campaign's unilateralism on HECO's part. There was significant speculation that part of the real reason for the intervention was the discovery of substantial natural gas deposits in the southern islands around 2010, and in Shirakawa left-wing parties attacked the government for waging a 'fossil war'.

At the end of 2013 the Todaki Provisional Government introduced a new constitution and formally refounded the Second Todaki Republic. Presidential elections were held in 2014 and were won by Surintan bin Katijah, Chairman of the Provisional Government and head of the new National Justice Party. Allegations of voter intimidation and various issues with the electoral process including blackouts and 'lost ballots' were widespread, and were criticized by various Escari governments. Similar criticisms were made when the NJP also dominated in the elections to the Grand Assembly in 2015, winning 60% of the seats in the House of the People, and 78% in the House of Exemplars.

Foreign Policy Overview: Todak is not part of any major international alliance, though it currently plays host to a small detachment of international troops from VISC as part of the Eastern Varunan International Anti-Piracy Initiative and Peacekeeping operations in it's remote forest areas, where there is an ongoing but now pretty tiny communist insurgency. It maintains friendly economic ties with HECO on the surface, though in reality relations with many members of the alliance are strained; Yamataian support remains strong, while Shirakawa and Yeongseon are dissatisfied with the questionable authoritarianism of the new government. On the Todaki side, there is lingering popular resentment of HECO, largely due to it's ties to the current President, and the administration itself is cautious and eager to assert it's independence from HECO interests where possible.

Strong tensions remain with Myaar'tway, Todak's classic historical rival, and this has led to an uncomfortable situation wherein both Todak and Myaar'tway find themselves dependent on HECO for security and economic growth, while being quite openly hostile to each other - especially given the increasing HECO investment in Myaar'tway as a bastion against Namgiang. Ironically, given the HECO liberation, this has helped to push Todak towards warmer relations with Ahrenrok - a historical friend in the anti-colonial struggle. In a move that irritated Shirakawan and Yeongseonin leaders, Todak recognized the Revisionist Government of Transoxthraxia.

Government Overview: Pulau Todak is a Presidential Democratic Republic, though the 'democratic' part is considered by some to be slightly suspect, as the government of the incumbent President Surintan bin Katijah, who has been in power since the toppling of the People's Democratic Rejuvenation Party, has developed a reputation for harassment of key opposition figures and slightly paranoid coup-proofing measures. The 2014 Presidential Election following the end of Operation Liberty's Spear were considered by many international observers to have been dubious, as was the case for the General Elections the following year.

Theoretically at least, the government system of Todak is a development of it's pre-DRP parliamentary constitution modeled on Shirakawa. The Parliament, known as the Grand Assembly, consists of three chambers - the House of the People, the House of Exemplars, and the House of Unity. The lower two houses together form a lower house, one elected and one nominated by a 'Commission of Merit'. Both of these houses are currently dominated by the reigning National Justice Party.
The House of Unity meanwhile acts as the upper house, confirming legislation from the other two houses - it consists of religious figures, trade union and business representatives and elected representatives from each of the country's provinces, all of whom are nominally non-partisan.

Unlike in the older Parliamentary system, Todak does not have an indirectly elected Premier, but rather a directly elected President, who wields more power and does not answer directly to Parliament. His cabinet is known as the Republican Council, and consists of various Ministers and Secretaries for the various functions of State.

There is a powerful National Censorate responsible for government audits and prevention of corruption, though critics have accused the President of interfering in it's operation and using it as a means of attacking political opponents.

Head of State: President Surintan bin Katijah
Head of Government: President Surintan bin Katijah
Other: N/A
Ordic Wiki Page: https://ordis.miraheze.org/wiki/Pulau_Todak