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Postby Xiaodong » Thu Jul 04, 2019 3:02 am

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Reports of water shortages in Duljun "are fabrications" states regional governor
04 June, 2019 | By Jiang Huliang

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Duljun AAT Governor Ukudenggi Longkodo

HENJINTAO - The Governor of the Autonomous Administrative Territory of Duljun Ukedenggi Longkodo today denied reports that there have been water shortages in the region as the neighbouring southern regions of Zorasan have reported widespread difficulties in the past month.

"The Duljunese AAT government has been successful in mitigating potential water shortages that have arisen due to our Zorasani brothers present predicament. The regional government will continue to address the potential environmental factors that could result in a situation similar to that of Zorasan."

Ukudenggi's comments come after foreign saboteurs and wreckers have attempted to propagate the lie that the Duljunese AAT has faced chronic water shortages. Senrian-owned media organisation the Xiaodongese "Human Rights Monitor" has stated that the Xiaodongese governments "inability to provide for its citizens has led to a situation similar to that in Zoransan[/i]".

"What you have coming from foreign media companies should be taken with caution. I have visited the Jingxia dam last weekend and can confirm that any reports of water shortages are fabrications intended to deframe and undermine the Xiaodongese state and the Xiaodongese people".

"Both the Duljun AAT and the central government put the welfare of the Xiaodongese people above any material temptations. The government has ensured that private water providers are conducting their duty to ensure the people have access to water."

Unlike the rest of Xiaodong where water is managed by the state-owned Water Management Corporation in Duljun water resources and providers have been privatised to several domestic companies with oversight from the territorial government. The water privatisation has been controversial in the past when several households were denied water due to a failure to pay for water charges albeit this has been reversed following new legislation and a restructing of the water provision system in the administrative territory.

Ukudenggi stated that the Duljunese AAT would be willing to donate water from storage to Zorasan to aid in its own water shortages.

"As neighbours to Zorasan the Duljun AAT is well aware of the fraternal bond between the two great nations of Zorasan and Xiaodong. We will do whatever we can to ensure our Zorasani brothers do not suffer from the actions of a corrupt few."
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Postby Xiaodong » Thu Jul 25, 2019 11:24 am

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Defence Minister - Further Estmerish violations of Zorasani waters would merit a "firm response" from ROSPO
04 June, 2019 | By Jiang Huliang

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Minister of Defence and Military Planning Zhao Qinghai

RONGZHUO - The Minister of Defence and Military Planning Zhao Qinghai has stated that after continued Estmerish violations of Zorasani waters by frigates that the Xiaodongese government is affirming its defence commitments to Zorasan as laid out in the Rongzhuo Strategic Protocol Organisation (ROSPO).

"If Estmere continues this brazen gunboat diplomacy designed to propagate the cause of imperialists and globalists in weakening national sovereignty and of collective defensive then Xiaodong and ROSPO as a whole would deliver a firm response that is measured and appropriate in defending our sovereignty".

"Xiaodong remains confident that the Community of Nations will sanction Estmere for aggressive actions that threaten regional stability and seek to undermine peace-making efforts that the Zorasani government has sought to uphold"

"We sincerely hope our Estmerish colleagues will come to their senses and admit that they have not only broken international law but placed the region in a needless state of confrontation".

The Defence Minister further called Estmere's linkage of the death of Assad Ekarat - an anti-Zorasani saboteur, spy and traitor - as being an "absurdity. The death of one man due to the incompetence of the Estmerish police should be used as the beginning of a flimsy pretext provoke and edge the world closer to war due to the neo-conservative, neo-imperialist worldview of certain elites".

Zhao also stated that the recent entry of Karzaristan into ROSPO shows that countries in the region are "endorsing our joint programme of security within the region" and that Xiaodong in coordination with the ROSPO Central Committee are planning to draw up a plan in which the organisation will "modernise and harmonise the Karzari military not only so it meets ROSPO standards but also to integrate it into the greater ROSPO military structure."

"We are looking forward to ensuring Karzaristan will become an integral part of ROSPO military planning, maintaining prosperity and stability in Coius as a whole and supporting ROSPO's goals of sovereignty, justice and resistance",
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Postby Xiaodong » Thu Sep 05, 2019 10:26 pm

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Jindanese AAT Chief Executive meets Vice-Premier to "discuss political developments in the region"
06 September, 2019 | By Jiang Huliang

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Jindanese AAT Chief Executive Guo Zhenya meeting with Vice-Premier Jiang Shaohong

LUNKENG - Meeting in Lunkeng today the Chief Executive of the Jindao Autonomous Administrative Territory Guo Zhenya and Vice-Premier Jiang Shaohong have initiated a cross-bay discussion regarding recent political developments both in the Honghai Sea and in Jindao itself.

In a pre-prepared press statement Vice-Premier Jiang has stated that the Xiaodongese government aims to "support the government of the Jindao Autonomous Administrative Territory in maintaining law and order in order to facilitate a stable business and political environment."

"We also reaffirm the Xiaodongese government's support and confidence for the administration of Guo Zhenya and resolutely oppose the actions foreign-backed saboteurs, wreckers and rioters who attempt to undermine the AAT government".

The meeting between the Chief Executive and Vice-Premier comes after month long protests in Jindao following a controversial court ruling that saw several Mathran citizens facing extradition to Mathrabumi for defacing the Mathran consulate. Many protesters allege that an extradition to Mathrabumi will result in death for the suspects.

Vice-Premier Jiang has confirmed prior to the meeting that the Xiaodongese government is aiming to prevent an extradition to Mathrabumi over concerns of the Mathran judicial system.

"Mathrabumi's legal system is largely based on Gaullican functionalism doctrines imported from Euclean imperialists. The central government is not convinced that extradition to a state with a weak legal system is recommended and are working with the AAT government to formulate an elegant solution to this legal question".

The meeting comes as protests surrounding the extradition have begun to die down, although the Xiaodongese government has confirmed that it will still support the AAT government in uncovering foreign subversion within such protests.

"The Xiaodongese government is continuing to allow the Jindao Autonomous Administrative Territory the autonomy to deal with the protests in a way that respects the legal and spiritual equilibrium between the central government and Jindao" Jiang further declared.
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Postby Xiaodong » Wed Dec 04, 2019 7:49 am

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Then-premier Yuan Xiannian with deceased Tsabaran president Atwan
al-Tughluq in Adunis in 2010.

Analysis - Xiaodong's Tsabaran dilemia
Xiaodong's huge interests in the Badawiyan nation are under threat from instability and its own allies
Matthew Cheung reporting from Yanglin, Jindao
December 04, 2019

The death of two presidents, assumption of power of an interim government and threat of succession of Atudite provinces in Tsabara has dominated global headlines. Yet it has had an unexpected effect further south in Coius where the implications of these developments are still being processed.

In 2010, when visiting Adunis, then-premier Yuan Xiannian called the then-incumbent president of Tsabara Atwan al-Tughluq "an icon for a proud Badawiya and a strong Coius". This visit, the first of a Xiaodongese leader since the fall of the Tsabaran socialist regime that ruled the country from 1948 to 1986, was accompanied with a massive effort by Xiaodong to fully integrate Tsabara into Xiaodong's "grand strategy" - a re-direction of global supply lines and economic links from Euclea to southern Coius.

Tsabara had already been a member of the International Forum for Developing States, the cartel of developing countries led by Xiaodong and Zorasan that aims to increase mutual investment mostly in the form of massive infrastructure projects and tariff reduction agreements mainly in the realm of natural resources. Yet in the past decade Xiaodong has expanded its interests in Tsabara - not only is the country now an associate of the Rongzhuo Strategic Protocol Organisation but has also since 2009 received €24 billion in Xiaodongese foreign direct investment, particularly in the natural gas sector. The ultimate aim of a energy pipeline stretching from southern Xiaodong to northern Tsabara seemed to be a realistic possibility, binding a large part of Coius into the Xiao-Zorasani economic bloc and potentially making inroads in southern Euclea.

This huge economic and strategic interest in Tsabara was predicated on the idea that al-Tughluq's mixture of Ifranic populism and political pragmatic would maintain its popularity whilst the Atudite population - oft-criticised due to their former rule as a dominant but repressive minority in the 1930's and 1940's - would gradually either fade in their political power or align with anti-Euclean interests alongside the Ifranic population. In 2014 State Chairman Jiang Zhongyu named Tsabara as one of Xiaodong's most promising allies and that Xiaodong aimed to integrate Tsabara into a "continental system based on respect for sovereignty, prosperity and development".

The recent political developments in Tsabara have thrown this strategy into disarray. Al-Tughluq was Xiaodong's favoured partner - a man who shared Rongzhuo's mixture of anti-colonialism paired with anti-socialism whilst being a tough pragmatist able to maintain power for over 14 years. His death was viewed with alarm in the International Relations ministry who worried al-Tughluq's successor - his bellicose prime minister Yahya al-Aboud - would push the country into destabilisation. Yet even after al-Aboud critic Nazim al-Qutayni was given a warrant for an arrest premier Xi Yao-tong stated that if the procedure was legal under Tsabaran law Xiaodong would not comment on the matter. Sheik Faizan Salah, a hardliner cleric and critic of al-Qutayni, received ample coverage in Xiaodongese media which sought to desperately highlight the popularity of the al-Aboud government. The declaration of martial law in Tsabara was portrayed in the state-owned Xiaodong Observer as an "administrative procedure intended to shore up national unity against Euclean-backed agitators and saboteurs". Protesters were described as "rioters" and Atudite secessionists "colonial terrorists".

In a prepared statement last month Vice-Premier Jiang Shaohong stated that the instability in Tsabara was "motivated by the hand of foreign governments intent on destabilising the region for their own interest", an echo of Zorasani First Minister Farzad Akbari.

The seizure of power by former Interior Minister Nazim al-Qutayni has changed the equation yet again. The Xiaodongese government likely hoped that the new president would seek national reconciliation whilst still cracking down on Atudite separatists. The announcement of a national unity government with the extremist Atudite People’s Party (APP) has caused deep mistrust in the new administration in Rongzhuo.

The new situation in Tsabara has deeply split the Xiaodongese government into two camps regarding policy on Tsabara. The first camp are the "intergrationists" who believe first and foremost in the political and economic stability of Tsabara. These politicians prioritise the deep economic investments and ties to Tsabaran policy-makers Xiaodong has cultivated in the last two decades and seek to use this economic leverage to ensure al-Qutayni's government maintains cordial relations with Rongzhuo, seeing him however imperfect as the best source for stability in the troubled country.

The other faction are the "interventionists" who heavily supported the al-Aboud government. Since the announcement of the national unity government and the suspected links Atudite separatists have to Euclean policymakers these politicians have lost faith in al-Qutayni and support Xiaodong and Zorasan to make more bullish moves in ensuring an anti-Euclean government comes to power in Adunis.

Neither Yuan Xiannian nor Xi Yao-tong have played their hand yet, although both are believed to be working closely with Zahedan to formulate a solution. In the meantime the majority of Xiaodongese direct investments in Tsabara have either been put on hold or completely abandoned due to the unfavourable conditions for business in the country since the death of al-Tughluq as well as increased the mechanisms of control over the final use of the credit issued to Adunis. Currently, Xiaodong seems to be reassessing its options and shoring up its economic position in Tsabara to perhaps shape its future direction - but with events moving so fast such a policy may be anachronistic.
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Postby Xiaodong » Fri Jan 03, 2020 8:09 pm

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GREAT LEADER - ESTMERISH PRIME MINISTER IS "INTENT ON GLOBAL IMPERIALISM"
January 04, 2020 | By Deng Yazhou

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Yuan Xiannian speaking to the State Preisidium

RONGZHUO - Speaking to the Legislative Council today State Chairman Yuan Xiannian has condemned recent comments by Estmerish prime minister Reginald Wilton-Smyth as being "intent on global imperialism". Yuan further called Wilton-Smyth an "incompetent fool denying the inevitable facts of the future" and who wish to "subjugate Coius to a neo-imperialist agenda alongside his Senrian running dogs".

"The Estmerish prime minister calls us and our Zorasani brothers evil and intent on global domination. But who was the country who colonised large sections of Coius? Which country supported inter-generational murder, rape and the destruction of native cultures? Which country continues to harbour a neo-colonial policy that enslaves Coians and retards the economic growth of our continent?"

"The Estmerish prime minister's comments are unacceptable in the modern age and should be condemned by those who oppose imperialism and support truth and freedom over colonial tyranny."

The Estmerish prime minister made on New Years Day a belligerent speech that named recent actions by Zorasan and Xiaodong to promote peace, freedom, justice and security across Coius as being part of a so-called plan of global domination calling the two countries as being part of an Axis of Evil. This sabre-rattling indicates an attempt by Estmere is unjustly smear Coian nations as responsible for the effects of Euclean imperialism which range from environmental destruction, political intervention into sovereign countries, support for imperialist groupings and unbalanced economic developed.

Although most Xiaodongese officials are aware of Estmere's constant attempts to unfairly paint Xiaodong as an aggressive nation contrary to the historical record the ultra-aggressive actions and rhetoric of Wilton-Smyth have been taken by surprise especially considering Estmere's traditionally more cautious actions. Top security and foreign policy experts point to a shift to the right in northern Euclea alongside increased influence by Senrian neo-functionalist and neo-liberal politicians as being part of the root cause of this rhetoric.

Nevertheless it appears that the government will not stand for the aggressive and colonialist rhetoric of Estmere and will continue to promote a strong Coius free from imperialism.
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Postby Xiaodong » Wed Jan 08, 2020 10:51 am

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Yuan affirms alliance with Zorasan - Estermish nuclear accusations a complete fabrication
08 January 2020 | By Jiang Huliang

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State Chairman Yuan Xiannian with First Minister Farzad Akbari in Yuan's private residence in the Xiajiyu Palace

RONGZHUO - State Chairman Yuan Xiannian and Zorasani First Minister Farzad Akbari concluded a series of important meetings this week during a working visit by the Zorasani First Minister aimed to "strengthen the fraternal bond between our nations and their people". The meeting came after continued jingoistic comments by the Estmerish Prime Minister who has alongside his Weranian and Gaullican counterparts engaged in escalating threats against the two nations.

Speaking from the Xiajiyu Palace Yuan stated that "Estmerish actions since the premier's new years speech has attempted to threaten peace in Coius as well as indicate increasingly aggressive intentions from Estmere. Both Xiaodong and the UZIR wholeheartedly condemn Estmerish actions and rhetoric in recent days and urge other countries to cease informal support for such intentions and work towards constructive solutions for the future of the planet".

Although not delving into details, both Akbari and Yuan confirmed that the two leaders had discussed measures that would be taken if Estmere seeks to apply economic sanctions on both countries.

"If Estmere were to impose sanctions, we would definitely look over options that would cripple Estmere and its allies to quite a significant extent" Akbari said. "We have a fairly solid idea of that these options are and what they would entail, although that information is strictly in the realm of hypothetical scenarios for now".

Yuan also stated that he seeks to write to the Chairman of ROSPO Mojtahed Bayat-Zanjani to call an emergency summit in the next month to discuss issues regarding Euclean encroachment into Coius as well as joint Estmerish-Senrian efforts to limit the sovereignty of ROSPO member states. "Myself and Akbari are in full agreement regarding ROSPO's role in countering these efforts to undermine our nations, hence why we will talk to both Bayat-Zanjani and [Hyndanan Union] president Balchandra regarding our next moves".

When asked about recent accusations that Zorasan was building nuclear weapons with Xiaodongese assistance both Yuan and Akbari were clear that this was a "fabrication".

"The Union of Zorasani Ifranic Republic's is under the nuclear umbrella of our Strategic Nuclear Force. As well as this Zorasan has a well developed missile defence network of its own meaning that it well protected against external threats that seek to undermine its sovereignty." Yuan stated.

"If Zorasan is under the threat of a full scale invasion against it under the original Strategic Protocol of ROSPO the Xiaodongese military is obliged to defend Zorasan from that threat. There has not been a change in this guarantee, and we affirm that if such a threat were to appear we would not hesitate in approving a first-strike in line with ROSPO commitments."

"There has been no nuclear proliferation in Zorasan with our nuclear scientists and Estmerish claims are just that - claims".

Yuan also confirmed that the two leaders had discussed economic relations and cooperation as well as the crisis in Tsabara. However he stated conversations on both topics are still ongoing, with some observers believing that Xiaodong has been focused on protecting economic assets in Tsabara whilst Zorasan has been more supportive of clarifying the political shifts in Adunis and formulating a new strategy for the country.
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Postby Xiaodong » Fri Mar 27, 2020 10:47 am

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International Relations Minister - Xiaodong "deeply concerned" regarding AFDC crisis
27 March 2020 | By Jiang Huliang

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Minister of International Relations Xu Bangguo

LIANGZHI - Addressing reporters today International Relations Minister Xu Bangguo has outlined Xiaodong's stance on the recent crisis gripping the Asterian Forum for Development and Cooperation, stating that the government is "deeply concerned" over disproportionate action being debated by the organisation following Belmonte's decision to undertake a state visit to the island nation of Maracao.

"The Xiaodongese government believes that the AFDC has reacted inappropriately to the decision of Belmonte's leaders to undertake visits to Chistovodia and Maracao and has caused unnecessary disruption to businesses as a result. Whilst Xiaodong recognises that such a debate is an internal issue for the AFDC, we also remind AFDC leaders that fairly normal state visits are little excuse to debate suspending members from a common market and thereby causing major economic uncertainty".

"The Xiaodongese government is concerned that if these issues are sufficient to lead to significant disruption within the common market that its long term viability has to be called into question. That therefore makes it not merely an internal issue but one which affects all nations that maintain normal economic ties with the AFDC."

Xu's comments come after similar criticisms have been raised by the Euclean Community and Poliania of the AFDC, with Nuvania in particular singled out for attempting to coerce Belmonte by threatening major economic disruption. The Nuvanian foreign minister, Maarten van Doorne, earlier today made several combative statements that have been seen to prompt Xiaodong into responding.

Whilst not referencing van Doorne or Nuvania, Xu did state that the concerns of other countries regarding the AFDC are "legitimate and measured" and that bellicose responses "only put more into doubt the stability of the AFDC as a trading partner".

Xu stated that if the crisis continues Xiaodong would have to "seriously consider" approaching the International Trade Organisation to provide clarification of the AFDC's status as a trading block and would be open to working with likeminded countries surrounding such a course of action. In the meantime Minister of International Trade Wan Changlong has stated that the ministry is currently providing advice and guidance for business operating in the AFDC for likely scenarios and options regarding the crisis.

"Whatever the case, we'll make sure Xiaodongese business in Asteria can continue to function as normally as possible" Wan stated.
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Postby Xiaodong » Sat Mar 28, 2020 11:54 am

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Tsabaran president Nazim al-Qutayni with Xiaodongese State Chairman Yuan Xiannian.

Xiaodong to orders immediate economic withdrawal from Tsabara
Despite a series of marathon meetings between al-Qutayni and Yuan, Xiaodong moves to cut its remaining economic links with the embattled country
Matthew Cheung reporting from Yanglin, Jindao
March 28, 2020

Despite the smiles both leaders were putting on when addressing a press conference, the atmosphere could hardly be more acrimonious as Xiaodong's State Chairman Yuan Xiannian announced measures that amount to withdrawing its multitude of economic assets in Tsabara, potentially causing further economic collapse amid Tsabara's civil war.

Yuan and Tsabaran interim president Nazim al-Qutayni had reportedly been negotiating for several hours regarding the status of Xiaodong's substantial assets in Tsabara, estimated to total over €24 billion nominally, although due to the ongoing civil war this number has likely substantially deteriorated. For months Xiaodong has sought to protect their economic interests in Tsabara which include huge investments into infrastructure and the oil industry in particular.

In January Vice-Premier Jiang Shaohong promised Xiaodongese businesses in Tsabara that Xiaodong will do "whatever it takes" to protect their investments in the country and promised a financial package totally €10 million to help manage vital assets in the country. A series of meetings between Xiaodongese trade officials and their Tsabaran counterparts was also undertaken. Reportedly Xiaodongese officials were hoping that a political solution to the crisis could be arranged and failing that that Tsabaran military units be deployed to protect Xiaodongese-owned infrastructure and oil investments in the country.

The withdrawal of Tsabara however from the International Forum of Developing States meant that Xiaodong alongside Zorasan submitted a joint motion to the IFDS secretariat to suspend all ongoing IFDS projects in Tsabara. Xiaodongese businesses and corporatised state-owned companies also began an unilateral withdrawal of assets in the country.

In light of this Yuan and al-Qutayni arranged a series of impromptu meetings that sought to discuss Xiaodongese assets in Tsabara and the possibility of Xiaodong deferring Tsabaran debt to Xiaodong as long as the civil war continued. However, officials close to the Xiaodongese office have stated that in recent weeks Xiaodong has adopted a much more hardline stance under pressure from Zorasan and concerns over al-Qutayni.

"Al-Qutayni was originally seen by Xiaodong as a potential ally who could stabilise the country and therefore protect Xiaodongese interests" analyst Albert Valles stated to the Coian Monitor. "However the withdrawal of Tsabara from the IFDS, cancelling links with ROSPO and leaning closer to Euclea only proved to the interventionists in the Xiaodongese government that he couldn't be trusted and that "tough love" was needed".

"The decision to allow Estmerish jets to combat rebel forces sealed the deal for Xiaodong. It proved al-Qutayni was willing to abandon Xiaodong for newer allies and therefore deserve little respect from Xiaodong".

Indeed, state propaganda increasingly prior to this meeting began describing al-Qutayni as "weak", "lacking political skills", "incompetent" and "divisive" in comparison to cautious praise earlier in the year. A withdrawal of all Xiaodongese military personnel in the country deployed as part of a ROSPO military mission in 2008 was undertaken in February, although some have questioned whether they have taken with them key military information.

Yuan's statement indicates that Xiaodong will be undertaking several measures regarding the status of their economic assets that include withdrawing all financial assets, shutting down all Xiaodongese businesses in the country and looking to move hard assets where possible to protect them from possible damage from civil war factions.

"There may be harm to the Tsabaran economy" Yuan stated "but we made a guarantee to our businesses to protect them and after speaking with President al-Qutayni it has become clear that these measures are the only appropriate avenue we have".

Valles says that Xiaodong as a result of this is trying to place "maximum pressure" on the Tsabaran economy. "Yuan has clearly sided with Zorasan in his desire to put enough pressure on the Tsabaran government to hasten its collapse to rebel forces, ensuring a more friendly face emerge in Adunis. Zorasan is doing this militarily, Xiaodong economically".

Analysts expect that Xiaodong may also demand Tsabara to repay debts soon or even demand collateral, which includes sections of the Tsabaran oil refining industry. Others predict that Tsabara may default on the debt or nationalise Xiaodongese industry in the country which would significantly increase tensions.

In any case, Yuan and his government seemed to have - implicitly - decided to worsen ties with Tsabara by aligning with Zorasan's strategy. Whether this risky move is a success or not, only time will tell.
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Postby Xiaodong » Mon Aug 10, 2020 1:50 pm

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Normalisation Measures "set to expire by next year" State Chairman confirms
10 August 2020 | By Jiang Huliang

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State Chairman Yuan Xiannian speaking to reporters in Baiqiao

RONGZHUO - State Chairman Yuan Xiannian has today released a press statement confirming that Normalisation measures - first put in place on the 18 January 2017 - are set to expire on the same day in 2021,

"Over the past three and a half years we have made substantial progress in readjusting public administration and made great strides in eliminating corruption in Xiaodong. As such the Xiaodongese government aims to end all emergency measures that were launched in January 2017 by 2021 in order to move to new political projects for the next decade and ensure National Principlism remains the doctrine of our nation" the press statement stated.

Since January 2017 several emergency decrees passed by the Legislative Council have sought to restore public order and dignity after foreign backed saboteurs attempted to overthrow the Xiaodongese state from November 2016 to the beginning of Normalisation. Amongst these decrees were the creation of Anti-Sedition Courts that report to the State Presidium alone, extended powers of arrest given to police and military units, controls over the media, the ability to suspend certain constitutional rights and the banning of anti-Xiaodongese measures.

These measures have been credited with helping root out over 150,000 subversive elements both within the Xiaodongese government and society as a whole. It has also ensured that anti-Xiaodongese groups such as the Way of a Thousand Minds cult have been stopped from brainwashing Xiaodongese people with treasonous and dangerous ideals.

A partial relaxation of Normalisation measures was made in May 2018 when the state of emergency declared on the 19 January 2017 was repealed, which also ended an association curfew, the ability to police to search houses without warrants and liberalise some media controls. However other normalisation measures that have remained in place since 2017 will seemingly be also dropped as a result of this announcement by 2021.

Nevertheless Yuan stated whilst the emergency decrees and general policy will be repealed things "will not return to the past. Normalisation has allowed Xiaodong to end the rampant corruption and eliminate treasonous and terrorist elements from the nation. We will aim to uphold these achievements and reaffirm the importance of National Principlism as our governing creed".

To entrench these policies Yuan has said that the government plans to introduce constitutional reforms by the end of the year as well as pass a National Security Law that will continue some of the normalisation measures.

"We are currently examining the best options possible to draft a new national security law that will more comprehensively ensure that anti-Xiaodongese actions will be functionally eliminated from our nation" Yuan stated, "Normalisation has ensured the revolution and the National Principlist doctrine has been protected. With the end of normalisation we can also progress to the next stage of the Corrective Revolution and ensure that the legacy of Lu Keqian can be upheld for future generations.".
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Postby Xiaodong » Thu Dec 17, 2020 1:23 pm

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Xiaodongese government introduces constitutional reform package to the Legislative Council
17 December, 2020 | By Jiang Huliang

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Premier Xi Yaotong announcing the proposed reforms to the Legislative Council

RONGZHUO - The Xiaodongese government has formally announced today that it seeks to introduce a raft of constitutional reforms to be passed by the Legislative Council and a later referendum that would "aim to ensure and facilitate the continued development of the nation and move on from the Normalisation process to a new age".

The government stated that it believed that the existing constitution had failed to secure the security of the state in the pre-Normalisation era and that provisions that would streamline the judiciary, strengthen the executive and reaffirm the Corrective Revolutionary spirit was needed in order for Xiaodong to move into the 2020's.

Xi stated that the new constitutional provisions will be presented to the Legislative Council in January, when the Normalisation legislation will formally expire on the 19th January. Xi has stated that they will be accompanied by a National Security Law that the government hopes will be passed around a similar date. If the constitutional proposals attain a majority in the Legislative Council and are formally endorsed by the State Presidium they will be put to a referendum which the government hopes to hold in February 2021.

"These proposals will ensure that the country will remain strong after four years of discipline. They will ensure that the government has a legal framework so that the people of Xiaodong can strive to fulfil our future as the leading global power" Xi stated.

The reforms being proposed mainly preclude an overhaul of the judicial structure. The current semi-autonomous anti-sedition courts will be merged into the existing judiciary system. The appointment of judges, which currently sits with the responsibility of provincial governments on a provincial level and the national government on a federal level, will instead be solely the purview of the Judicial Council with approval from the State Presidium although nomination of judges will rest with provincial and national governments. Powers of the Ministry of Justice will be transferred to the Judicial Council and the State Presidium.

The constitutional amendments will also make it illegal to insult Xiaodong, the Xiaodongese nation, Xiaodongese government institutions, or Xiaodongese national heroes such as the Jianzhao Emperor or Lu Keqian. Xi stressed that the new articles intent will stamp out anti-Xiaodongese feelings and promote national harmony. The amendments will also stress "Five Cardinal Principles" of the Xiaodongese nation which are -
1) National Principlism (国家主体主义)
2) Xiaodongese nationalism (晓东民族主义)
3) Democracy with discipline (有纪律的民主)
4) Social reform (社会改革)
5) Society of moralism (道德主义)
The government's reforms have also imposed a five year term limit for the premier, vice-premier, ministers and the President of the Legislative Council which can be renewed once and will take effect upon the next elections for the Legislative Council in 2022. The government has said that the term limits will increase stability within the government and smoother leadership transitions although will not apply for the State Chairman and Judicial and Examination Council Presidents.

The Xiaodongese constitution was passed in 1942, the second republican constitution for the country and the first that upheld the principles of nationalism, revolution, peace, democracy and prosperity. The constitution underwent major amendments in 1988 with these new amendments being the most expansive since then.
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Postby Xiaodong » Fri Dec 18, 2020 7:58 am

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Xiaodong promised to end Normalisation. What it meant was continuing it forever.
18 December 2020

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The announcement a few months of the end of so-called normalisation measures in Xiaodong should have been a cause for optimism. In January 2017 after the largest peaceful protests in the country since the 1980's dislodged the authoritarian State Chairman Jiang Zhongyu and sought to hold his successor Yuan Xiannian to account after falsifying electoral results the Xiaodongese state responded with brute force, sending tanks to crush protesters and unleashing a wave of repression against those attempting to secure their basic political rights.

Normalisation, the euphemistic term for this unrestrained repression, has seen a profound setback for civil and political rights. The numbers are staggering - 1,500 people have been executed by the regime, 200,000 arrested or detained and 500,000 either suspended or removed from their jobs. These purges predominantly affected the civil service where alleged supporters of former State Chairman Jiang and Premier Han Guanzheng whom Yuan had ousted in 2008 were particularly targeted. Universities also have been brought under total government control where critics of the current regime or national principlism more generally have been humiliated and dismissed by the University Oversight Board which constitutes a de facto branch of the Shujichu.

As well as this emergency decrees have enforced stifling censorship with press freedom nigh non-existent. Most notorious of the normalisation measures are the so-called anti-sedition courts in which those accused of anti-patriotic behaviour are tried quickly and often without witnesses, essentially making a mockery of an already weak legal process.

It can therefore be observed that under normalisation there has been a great political and cultural stifling in Xiaodong, one not seen since the 1970's.Therefore the commentary about the surprise announcement that normalisation will be ended was been met positively across some of the more optimistic Xiaologists. "With Normalisation ending, we can see possibly that Yuan is starting to realise that repressive measures are stifling Xiaodong's development and that a return to a focus on economic reform is needed" wrote Henry Goodridge in the Estmerish paper The Standard.

The announcement of the constitutional amendments the Xiaodongese government aims to pass however betrays that Normalisation was never designed to be removed - only strengthened and entrenched into law.

The centre point of the new amendments is to officially merge the extra-judicial anti-sedition courts into the overall judicial system as well as giving the Judicial Council - and by proxy the State Presidium - total control over the judicial process. Whilst previously state governments could pose a check on judicial affairs from the federal government and the Judicial Council, the new measures will essentially freeze them out of the process. The Ministry of Justice will also see its powers curbed as the Judicial Council takes over its responsibilities.

The Xiaodongese government has presented this measure as both an effort to streamline the judiciary and to transfer power away from executive bodies into judicial ones. On the face of it this approach mirrors that of liberal groups, who have long been against the Ministry of Justice's dominant role in the judiciary. However the Judicial Council is not akin to supreme courts in other countries - its president sits on the highest executive, legislative and judicial body in Xiaodong, the State Presidium, and its appointment is monitored by the similarly politicised Examination Council which ostensibly manages the bureaucracy in Xiaodong.

Not helping matters is that the president of the Judicial Council is Yi Shaoqing, who was appointed to the post in 2015. Yi is possibly the most hardline member of the State Presidium (moreso then Yuan and Examination Council president Jin Baoshun, although International Relations Minister Xu Bangguo may be the most hardline) having been a key voice in support for the repression of protesters in 2017 and amongst the most fervent enforcers of the Normalisation doctrine. Yi reportedly helped write the new amendments so it is likely that his campaign of terror via the judiciary will continue.

Just as worrying is the proposed Article 446, which states that it will be prohibited to "insult Xiaodong, the Xiaodongese nation, Xiaodongese government institutions, or Xiaodongese national heroes". The Xiaodongese government has insisted that it will not be illegal to criticise the elected government and that the amendment merely aims to eliminate "treasonous" discourse but it is almost certain the amendment will aim to give a legal pretext to suppress dissent particularly from Chanwan separatist groups. Yuan has already stated that the amendment will ensure "masochistic readings of history" will be subject to legal action - an implicit threat to essentially criminalise recognition of the Senrian genocide or at least assign blame to the Xiaodongese state or people for it.

The final amendment that is being proposed seems the most curious, namely a term limit on the premier, vice-premier, Legislative Council president and ministers within the Executive Council to two five-year terms aligned with the Legislature. This term limit is being presented as one that easily facilitates transfers of power and ending the "eternal reign of ministers". However this again has an ulterior motive - it does not apply to the State Chairmen who will continue to govern for as long as he pleases. This will essentially remove opponents of Yuan within the State Presidium and make them harder to challenge his position. Yuan is suspected to be grooming his daughter, vice-premier Yuan Qinqin, to succeed him as State Chairman making this amendment an easy way to entrench the Yuan family's rule for decades to come.

These amendments are also to be passed alongside a yet-unreleased National Security Law that will presumably outline greater administrative measures to quell dissent, not least by officialising the University Oversight Board.

The new amendments are a sign to the world that whilst Xiaodong claims it is ending Normalisation in reality its repression will live on. Do not be fooled by the announcements and optimism that claims otherwise.

The Xiaodongese Human Rights Monitor does not publish the names of its contributors for safety purposes.


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freexiaodong · 1 hour ago
Depressing but entirely expected. Xiaodongese people need to realise that despite all the rhetoric and blustering that the Yuan government only cares about itself. Profoundly sad time to be Xiaodongese.


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lihuaqing · 1 hour ago
this article straight up lies. normalisation is simply getting rid of criminals and other social parasites. typical anti-xiao propaganda, probably written by a senrian 大腳盆族


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liec_vented · 1 hour ago
We should look to Kituk when planning our cycling infrastructure.


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Postby Xiaodong » Thu Feb 25, 2021 8:32 am

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Xiaodong's congratulates CN Assembly on "recognising international law" in the Arucian Sea
International Relations Minister Xu Bangguo emphasises Xiaodong is committed to "constructive engagement" in the Asteria's
February 25, 2021
By Chen Xilai


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Chistovodian foreign minister Kazymyr Didyk greeting his Xiaodongese counterpart Xu Bangguo in 2019.



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The CN General Assembly plenary room

KESSELBOURG - In light of the failed Resolution 86.76 in the CN that sought to condemn Chistovodia for militarising the Arucian sea the Xiaodongese International Relations ministry has congratulated the CN for "recognising international maritime law and upholding the peace, security and prosperity of the Arucian sea[/i]". Minister Xu Bangguo stated that the vote proved clearly that "clear breaches of international law, such as Estmere's in 2019, are delineated from contentious but legal actions such as Chistovodia's redeployments in the Arucian sea". Xu also made clear Xiaodong's approval of Euclean countries such as Gaullica and Caldia ensuring that maritime law was respected "rather then the historical case of one rule for Euclea and another for the rest of the world".

Xiaodong joined other major powers such as Zorasan, Gaullica, Dezevau and Kirenia in voting against the condemnation which was put forward by Asterian states but mainly supported by far-right governments such as Estmere, Werania, Etruria and Senria. Xiaodong's vote has been seen as down to two factors - firstly to reaffirm its commitment to international law regarding the sea and avoiding precedents which undermine such law which would inevitably benefit expansionist thalassocracies. Secondly however Xiaodong's strong support against a condemnation can be seen as part of it's strategy to forge a deep partnership with Chistovodia.

Xiaodong's historical relations with Chistovodia - and indeed, the loosely defined socialist world - has fluctuated throughout time. In post-revolutionary Xiaodong differences between internationalist and national socialists led to relations to fray with the national socialists support for national principlism at odds with the international socialist movement's preferences. Ideological differences have often prevented closer cooperation between Xiaodong and socialist nations with Xiaodong remaining true to its fourth order distinct from global communism, plutocratic liberalism and neo-functionalism.

Yet under the direction of Yuan Xiannian and Xi Yaotong Xiaodong has sought to promote the idea of "consensus development", a policy direction that seeks to end the neoliberal development models imposed on the developing world by Euclean and wealthy Asterian nations in favour of south-south cooperation crafting a new consensus on development policies that emphasises industrial growth, national sovereignty and sustainability. To achieve this consensus Yuan has pursued closer ties with socialist nations which are often opposed to the neoliberal plutocracies that dominate development policy to help further this policy on an international.

Cooperation between Chistovodia and Xiaodong remains underdeveloped however. Both nations have indicated they wish to increase investment in each other's countries especially in infrastructure but these projects remain largely unrealised. A proposal to liberalise visa's for Xiaodongese students remains mired in controversy in Chistovodia over a litany of issues. A more successful sign of cooperation between the two countries is Chistovodian financial and technical assistance in Xiaodong's healthcare system with Chistovodia sending over hundreds of doctors to train Xiaodongese counterparts in administering affordable treatments in Xiaodong's efforts to create a universal healthcare system by 2023.

Chistovodia's assertive foreign policy and the condemnations it receives from neo-functionalists and plutocrats however has led to Xiaodongese leaders to see this as an opportunity to deepen cooperation with Chistovodia. Like Chistovodia Xiaodong is often unfairly criticised by the so-called liberal powers for an "aggressive foreign policy" - in reality simply measures to ensure its own peace and security - which gives both countries a natural reason to at least support each other in international disputes such as these.

In this, Yuan differs from his recent predecessors - leaders such as Yang Zhengming and Han Guanzheng sought to instead promote ties with countries such as Satucin to improve economic links with more free market Asterian nations. However recent anti-Xiaodongese rhetoric from "liberal" nations has made this policy less attractive.

Xiaodongese leaders have shown a clear preference for boosting their strategic interest in Asteria in recent years and have seemingly chosen Chistovodia as one of its primary partners. Whether relations with Chistovodia will be strengthened or Rongzhuo will instead pivot to its old partner Gatôn remains to be seen.
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Postby Xiaodong » Tue Mar 23, 2021 2:48 pm

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Xiaodong will not return to non-proliferation talks until status of the Haishe islands is resolved, Defence Minister confirms
23 March, 2021| By Fu Bingbing

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Defence Minister Zhao Qinghai making a public announcement

RONGZHUO - Defence Minster Zhao Qinghai today has confirmed that Xiaodong does not currently have plans to re-enter the Nuclear Arms Limitation and Non-proliferation Talks with Senria until issues regarding the Haishe islands are resolved.

Defence Minister Zhao stated that the Xiaodongese stated as a pre-condition for talks that Senria must denuclearise the Haishe islands - known in Senria as the Sunahamas islands - which are currently are occupied by Senria. Zhao stated that this would be a "sign of goodwill" prior to further talks and that as the islands are disputed between the two states it would advance the "non-proliferation process substantially".

"Xiaodong is committed to seeing a nuclear-free world, but it must be a multilateral process" Zhao stated. "If Senria continues to maintain nuclear capabilities across the islands it reflects that they are not committed to the cause of nuclear non-proliferation and so further talks with them will yield no further positive results."

The Nuclear Arms Limitation and Non-proliferation Talks were a series of bilateral meetings, held every five years between Xiaodong and Senria, that sought to encourage both nations to find ways to prevent nuclear buildup between the two nations between 1999 to 2019. The talks had some noticeable successes such as in 2004 when both nations agreed to pause development on new missile programmes.

The 2019 talks however were suspended after Xiaodong refused to arrange them during a naval dispute between Estmere and Zorasan which saw Senria vocally attack Xiaodong's ally. Foreign Minister Xu Bangguo claimed at the time that the Senrian stance showed they "weren't serious about peace making in south Coius" and that holding talks would be "a waste of time". Neither side has agreed on acceptable terms to start talks again as both countries have published mutually irreconcilable preconditions for further discussions.

The Haishe islands have been part of Xiaodong for centuries before they were illegally annexed by Gaullica during the 19th century and renamed the Archipel de Pilote. Following the Great War they were annexed again illegally into Senria where they have subsequently been the site of severe human right abuses and repression from Senrian authorities. Xiaodong has referred the case of the islands to the Community of Nations Trusteeship Committee on the grounds of Senria preventing their self-determination and to the Commission for Human Rights regarding Senrian abuses numerous times since 1957, although Senrian domination of the security council in the CN has stymied progress on the issue.

The Xiaodongese government has confirmed that it wishes to see a "resumption of the Nuclear Arms Limitation and Non-proliferation Talks for 2021" but has outlined several preconditions for restarting talks. These include ensuring that allegations of human right abuses and the issue of Heijiang be not up for discussion in the talks, for Senria to declare the Haishe islands a nuclear-free zone and for the talks to be held in a neutral country, with Xiaodong suggesting Kumuso as a potential forum for this purpose.
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Postby Xiaodong » Sat Mar 27, 2021 6:52 pm

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The Sunahamas islands which continue to be disputed between Senria and Xiaodong.

Opinion - the case for denuclearising the Sunahamas islands.
Xiaodong's reasoning may be faulty. But denuclearising the Sunahamas is morally right - and could be a diplomatic coup for Senria.
Stéphane Dubuisson reporting from Aoyama, Senria
March 28, 2021

The recent spat between Senria and Xiaodong has focused attention once again on the Sunahamas islands, the small archipelago that lies south to the Honghai sea under the Senrian jurisdiction. Rongzhuo have demanded that the islands be denuclearised as a precondition to further disarmament talks between the two, a demand coolly brushed off by Keisi. But is there merit to do so?

The Sunahamas relationship with Senria is complicated. They were annexed by the country in 1934 at the end of the Great War, when the Senrian government occupied the islands (then owned by Gaullica under the name of the Archipel de Pilote) following the collapse of the Gaullican empire. The islands were predominantly settled by Xiao people in the late Jiao and Toki dynasties, although Senrian senkou pirates had previously set up base on the islands throughout the 15th century. Following the Senrian annexation the islands became the Myouri prefecture although was de facto run under a military administration as Senria expanded the former Gaullican naval base to become one of it's largest across it's territory, being a key component to republican armed forces naval and aerial strategy.

Xiaodong maintains the islands were illegally annexed by Gaullica and that the Grand Alliance had no right to transfer the islands to Senria as they were not legally part of the Gaullican Empire. Since the Coastal Crisis the islands have become one of the more high-profile disputes between Senria and Xiaodong, with Senria claiming the transfer was legitimate and that Xiaodongese aims are expansionist and aggressive in nature.

But the islands have also gained infamy for another reason - in the latter half of the 20th century they were the location of numerous nuclear weapons tests by Senria. The first of these, Daibasan, was done in 1964 shortly before the signing of the Shanbally treaty after Senria cleared the southmost island of its inhabitants before detonating the bomb. Continued nuclear tests have resulted in locals in the region to often participate in anti-nuclear campaigns that have highlighted the damaging legacy of the nuclear tests, including radiation poisoning, among the local community.

These nuclear tests have as such been one of the most common flashpoints in disagreements over the islands status. The Xiaodongese have alleged the tests have done enormous damage to the Sunahaman people and have called for a denuclearisation of the islands and compensation for the islanders as a result. The ethnic Xiao inhabitants of the island tend to be strongly anti-nuclear - the Constitutional Prosperity Alliance, the main party supported by ethnic Xiaos in Senria, often vocally supports anti-nuclear causes. Houmen Ou, the CPA's leader, is most recognisable for having called for Senria to unilaterally abandon nuclear weapons being one of the few Senrian politicians to do so.

The nuclear issue plays a strong role in elections in Sunahamas, which are particularly polarised as the main competitors are the CPA supported by ethnic Xiao's and the ruling Aikokutou (Patriotic Party) which is primarily supported by servicemen deployed on the island and their families. As such denuclearisation of the islands strongly ties into the political debate within the Sunahamas itself.

The Xiaodongese call to denuclearise the islands has been dismissed as a rather unsubtle attempt to gain a strategic advantage. Xiaodongese leaders would like nothing better then to demilitarise the Sunahamas islands, thereby allowing them a greater opening to threaten or annex the territory. Denuclearisation would represent a coup de grâce for Xiaodongese strategists who believe an unrelenting campaign of pressure on Senria to align with Xiaodongese interests will weaken the latter to give Xiaodong the status as the uncontested most powerful nation in Coius.

Even if the Xiaodongese attempt is a genuine desire to affirm Senria's rhetorical commitment to some form of nuclear non-proliferation Xiaodong's lack of own action in this regard has undermined its message. This is the stance the Senrian government has decided to take, refusing to consider the denuclearisation of the Sunhamas or abiding by Xiaodongese preconditions for continuing bilateral talks unless Xiaodong itself implements some form of denuclearisation.

But is there something to be said for unilateral denuclearisation of the islands? Contrary to popular opinion, this could be a shrewd move that plays in Senria's favour. For starters, denuclearisation would undoubtedly help the cause of global disarmament. More importantly for Senria however it would do much to repair relations with the Xiao community on the islands. The Xiao community has not compared to their counterparts in Jindao and Kuthina shown a strong desire to reintegrate into Xiaodong - whilst this is undoubtedly partly due to Senrian government repression part of it may also be that having been separated from the Xiaodongese mainland for centuries the Sunahaman Xiao's have attained a distinct identity. By denuclearising the islands the Senrian government will have taken away one of the most long-running source of resentment on the island and in a single move have made Xiaodongese attempts to appeal to the people of the islands much more difficult.
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Despite being the nation's first female prime minister, Okura
has largely followed a conservative course in power.

Another factor in favour of unilateral denuclearisation would be it would enable Senria to take the moral high ground and shift pressure to Xiaodong. Senria could make a permanent denuclearisation of the Sunahamas dependent on in any non-proliferation meeting a successful outcome that substantially reduces Xiaodongese nuclear capabilities and restore nuclear weapons to the islands only if Xiaodong is unable to seriously commit to denuclearisation itself. This would make Senria look like a champion of multilateral efforts of denuclearisation abroad and would put enormous pressure on Xiaodong to actually denuclearise - if a deal fell through blame would be assigned solely to Xiaodong rather then Senria.

It's unlikely however such an outcome would occur. The biggest obstacle is the perception that denuclearising the Sunahamas would make Senria's leaders look "weak on Xiaodong", a reputation no Senrian leader wishes to attain. Ever since Tokiyasu Kitamura ended the occupation of the Kaoming peninsula in 1958 and it's remilitarisation twelve years later appearing to concede to Xiaodongese demands is a taboo act in Senrian politics. Since Kitamura only one prime minister, Sigesato Izumi, has attempted a policy of rapprochement after two decades of hardline anti-concessionist policy under Kiyosi Haruna with Izumi being criticised widely for "appeasing" Xiaodong. His successor, Hayato Nisimura, dealt with a mediocre domestic record by emulating Haruna's anti-Xiaodongese posturing which resulted in both the 2009 and 2014 nuclear non-proliferation talks with Xiaodong to be ineffective.

Senria's current premier, Reika Okura, has not rested her career on anti-Xiaodongese sentiment having mostly been associated with economic affairs at the Revenue Ministry. However she has relied on "Xiao bashers" like Justice Minister Masayosi Uehara, Defence Minister Hiroto Tomimoto, Personnel Minister (and wife to Hayato) Ayane Nisimura and National Assembly Chairman Seitarou Nakagawa to consolidate power and so has largely followed the policies of Nisimura. With economic growth and living standards stagnating Okura has little room to pursue reconciliation policies with Xiaodong particularly as Xiaodong's leader Yuan Xiannian is widely reviled in Senria for his genocide denialism.

This is a pity. Xiaodong's aggressive actions should not determine Senria's foreign policy nor should it drag Senria down to it's level. Denuclearising the Sunahamas would be an unpopular move in Senria but it would be exactly the kind of unexpected move that would severely wrongfoot Xiaodong and give Senria the moral high ground. If done smartly and confidently it could be a decisive moment in non-proliferation efforts in Coius and be a stepping stone to a lasting agreement on the issue between Xiaodong and Senria.

Would it be a risky move? No doubt. But it would constitute exactly the kind of bold leadership that the most important democracy in Coius desperately needs. Senria rose to the top because it's leaders were innovative and seized the initiative when presented with an opportunity. Unless it's leaders can think outside the box again it's doomed to repeat the same old mistakes over and over again.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not reflect the position of the Coian Monitor.
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Postby Xiaodong » Tue Jun 29, 2021 3:58 pm

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OPINION - With adults back in the room, Estmero-Shangean relations may be able to reset
Wilton-Smyth's cabinet of fools led relations to their nadir, but the new Estmerish government may be an opening for reconciliation
30 June, 2021
By Zheng Tengfei


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Estmerish premier Zoe Halivar

MORWALL - It's no exaggeration to say Estmero-Shangean relations are currently at a low. The disgraced Estmerish premier Reginald Wilton-Smyth - the product of one of Estmere's old aristocratic families that pine for the days before the national humiliation of 1929 - would often call the world's largest economy a "rogue state" and controversially included it as part of an "axis of evil" in January 2021. These anti-Shagean actions, augmented with upgrading relations with Senria and Etruria, have resulted in the two countries which previously enjoyed a fruitful economic partnership to devolve into acrimony and mistrust.

The replacement of Wilton-Smyth's conservative Sotirian Democratic Union with the centre-left Social Democratic and Co-operative Party last month however has ignited hopes that there may be an opening for reconciliation for the future. But recent history indicates that this may be a lost cause.

Estmere has traditionally been one of the pillars of anti-Shangeanism on the global stage, having long maintained an alliance with Senrian militarists whilst colonising parts of Shangea. During the 1980's Estmere played a large role in insisting economic liberalisation be enforced in Shangea which opened the country to predatory multinationals as a precondition for the reclamation of Jindao. However although this economic liberalisation (the Economic Reorganising Programme) had adverse social effects on Shangea it did allow a degree of normalisation between Estmere and Shangea with business to business relations becoming particularly cordial. This was commonly seen as heralding in a period of "hot economics, cold politics".

The Reform Party in Estmere particularly was a sensible partner for Shangea helping develop commercial and cultural links whilst fostering an atmosphere of goodwill within Euclea, aided by the similarly pro-business slant of Alexandre Lévesque in Gaullica. This enabled the start of the Estmero-Shangean dialogue forum in 2009 under Daniel Hawkins and Yuan Xiannian, a talking shop for businessmen and public officials to develop links between the two countries and work more closely on economic and social issues globally particularly following the 2005 financial crisis.

The shift in power from the Reform party to the SDU in 2012 under Matthew Dawson saw the commercial interests continue to deepen even as the political relationship became more estranged due to Estmere beginning to follow a Senriophilic policy. An opening in terms of cooperation came in 2015 when Richard Graham, the young flashy moderate conservative who ascended to the premiership, began to move away from the trend of hot economics, cold politics" towards a more comprehensive approach to Shangean politics. The start of Normalisation - the broad term covering the programme of anti-corruption and anti-subversiveness that the government undertook following a Senrian-backed insurrection in January 2017 - saw Graham follow the EC as a whole in imposing financial sanctions following Senrian pressure with the express purpose to cripple Shangea's rise. Yet Graham understanding that Shangea as the worlds largest economy was more integral to the continued functioning of the Estmerish economy maintained commercial links indicating Estmere's reputation as a country of unflappable, sensible people was well deserved.

Reginald Wilton-Smyth ruined this image. A pugnacious member of the haute-bourgeoise Wilton-Smythe's cabinet can be charitably described as reckless at best, stunningly incompetent at worst. Wilton-Smyth was ideologically aligned with Senrian militarists and Etrurian neo-functionalists, himself a representative of a shire reactionarism that longs for the days of the Estmerish Empire and as such despite his background in "economics" wilfully sought to destroy the Shangean-Estmerish relationship to please his bedfellows in Keisi and Poveglia.

This attitude was backed by an anti-Coian racism that has steadily been baked into Estmerish society that regards the idea of a non-Eucleanised country rising to be equal if not greater then Euclea as unfathomable. The idea that the "australite" is able to stand on his own feet without the so-called "assistance" of the white man is an anathema to this mindset. As such, the "australites" have to be put in their place by "strong leadership" from the white countries and their "civilised" lackeys - a role Wilton-Smyth was all to happy to play in his approach to Shangea. As a result relations have entered a nadir, with Estmerish intransigent lecturing on unimportant subjects or falsities having exhausted any patience the Shangean government has with Morwall.

So will the new Social Democrat administration be any different? Early signs suggest not. Unlike the Gaullican social democrats who were amongst the earliest to recognise the inevitable rise of Coius and choose to help build stronger cooperation as a result their Estmerish counterparts have continued the right-wing propaganda line that Shangea and Zorasan need to held to a "higher standard" then other nations making a mockery of the notion of sovereignty. That said, even if Halivar however wanted to implement a more sensible policy towards Shangea there is still the fact that her party has not held government for decades and so largely consists of foreign policy lightweights who cut invisible figures on the international stage. The pressures from the Senriophilic securocrats will likely mean a continuation of laughably hawkish security policies whilst the strongly racist attacks on Shangea in the Estmerish press will continue.

However Halivar has previously criticised the former Wilton-Smyth government for its approach to foreign policy, not least strongly criticising his axis of evil speech. There's a chance - albeit a small one - that Halivar is able to overcome institutional blockade and start a new partnership with Shangea based on mutual respect and aiming to move forward in shared interests in development, improving global health and maintaining global stability.

Shangea is waiting for the adults to be back in the room. It's up to Estmere to send them.
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Postby Xiaodong » Thu Jul 01, 2021 9:23 am

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Finance Minister - Euclean move to protectionism a "retrograde move"
Economic Strategy Coordination Committee recommends increasing steel production and exploring an appeal to the OIC
By Li Rongchung | Baiqiao, Xiaodong
Date: Jul 01, 2021

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Minister of Finance and Public Credit Mao Lejiang chairing the ESCC.

RONGZHUO - In an official statement the Minister of Finance and Public Credit Mao Lejiang has publicly criticised a recent announcement by the Gaullican and Caldish governments to introduce legislation favouring Euclean steel companies in public works project on the grounds it undermines global free trade.

Dubbed "Buy Euclean Steel" the initiative is believed to be supported by several centre-left governments in the EC with Estmere, Hennehouwe and Azmara expected to introduce similar legislation in coming weeks despite reluctance from the Euclean presidency surrounding the initiative. The legislation seeks to force governments in Euclea to buy steel from either EC manufacturers or countries aligned with the EC such as Senria and Etruria.

Mao stated that the initiative "primarily props up dead industries and seems designed to target steel produced in developing markets particularly in Coius so to prevent their expansion. Its economically unsound and an unfortunate retrograde move into the worst kind of protectionist practices."

Mao's comments came after a meeting with the Economic Strategy Coordination Committee (ESCC) consisting of the finance, development, agriculture, industry and international ministries meet to discuss global trade trajectories. The premier of the executive council Jiang Zhongyu is expected to propose a trade liberalisation strategy later this week to address the implications of this move by Euclea.

Trade and Customs Minister Jiang Xiaosheng who sits of the ESCC stated that the body recommends that the Shangean government approach the International Trade Organisation (OIC) to arbitrate any potential dispute arising from moves towards protectionism. The government also has pledged to increase the production targets for steel in the next three year plan in 2023 in order to more effectively compete with non-tariff barriers. The ESCC recommended that as a whole Shangea should focus on raising production to ensure greater dominance in the market rather then counter-tariffs which would be symbolic in practice.

The ESCC stated from their meeting that the Euclean move likely would be ineffective being primarily designed to appease vested interests in ossified trade union bodies. However it warned that the move shows a rising nativist trend in Euclean politics marked by xenophobic and protectionist rhetoric and that the government must alter its approach to the Euclean Community countries if this trend continues.

Shangea is the largest producer of steel on the planet producing 489.5 million metric tons of crude steel in 2020 with a target to increase this to 500 million per annum by 2023. It is also the world's largest exporter exporting 50.7 million metric tons in 2020.
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Postby Xiaodong » Mon Aug 16, 2021 5:26 pm

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Remembering the 1984 expellees, 37 years on.
17 August 2021

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It was on a Thursday on the 22 March 1984 that Erkaiym heard a knock on her door. It was early in the morning, still dark, when the green cladded officers of the Revolutionary Guard entered her house nestled in northern Shangea telling her in no uncertain terms that she had to immediately leave Shangea. When she began to hurriedly collect belongings for herself and her children the officers kicked her in the ribs shouting when they said immediately, they meant it. Erkaiym protested that she was a Shangean citizen, waving her identification card. The officers simply snatched it from her fingers before tearing it in half, stating as of the day before she was no longer a citizen and had to leave.

Her daughter, Dinara, was just four at the time and hardly understood what was happening. The family soon had bordered a train heading for the heavily militarised Zorasani border which had only recently been declared as a united country after its stunning victory against Irvadistan and Tsabara in 1980. The cross border station was teeming with refugees who displayed a mixture of anger and fear as steely faced Zorasani border guards were being harangued by their Shangean counterparts to accept them.

Dinara, now a 41 year old author in Gaullica, remembers the pain of moving to the refugee camp that the Zorasani government eventually set up in response to the exodus. "They barely welcomed us however" she notes "as they never understood why we were there".

The causation of this refugee crisis was not a war or famine, but a deliberate expulsion of citizens for ideological purposes. On the 13th March 1984 the Zorasani government, in a bid to assert control over minority groups and supremely self-confident in the afterglow of unification, ordered the destruction of the ancient Zohist statues at the Karkhestar pass in southern Pardaran. The destruction of the ancient statues was vigorously protested and lamented by many in the international community who saw it as proof of the Pardarian exceptionalism of the new regime.
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The Karkhestar Zohist statue, before and after its destruction

For the Shangean government however the destruction of the statues was an insult, all the more stinging by a nation considered a then informal ally (ROSPO would be signed only two years later). The Shangean dictator, Sun Yuting, had during his rule reinvigorated the role of Zohism in public life declaring Tsandau Zohism the state religion of the country and restricting the right to practice so-called "foreign religions" such as Irfan and Sotirianity on the grounds they bred "anti-Shangean and immoral behaviour". Additionally the Shangean government had increasingly begun to see itself as the protector of Zohism abroad. As such the destruction of symbols of Shangea's historic influence through faith provoked a fearsome reaction from the Shangean government with pro-government media publishing hysterical anti-Irfanic articles with Zorasanis and Irfanics presented as barbaric figures. Anti-Irfanic riots broke out across the country supported by the government and Zohist clergy.

On the 20th August, a mere week after the statues were demolished, Sun made a televised announcement that would be the zenith of this wave of Irfanophobia. He announced that 350,000 Irfanic citizens in Shangea held "extremist beliefs" and summarily stripped them of their citizenships, ordering them to leave the country "promptly within a week".

Shangea's Irfanic community was small at the time - numbering no more then 2 million people - and concentrated predominantly amongst Öroqic communities in northern Shangea near the Zorasani border. Yet the machinery of the repression finetuned under the premier Qian Xingwen went into overdrive sending security forces to clear villages en masse. The military authorities who ran Chanwa at the time where most Irfanics live were given quotas by district of people to expel. In their eagerness to implement Sun's diktat its likely they expelled far more then the 350,000 specified by Sun, with some theorising up to 500,000 were expelled.

The expulsion of Irfanics would be the last action of Sun, who was killed by an unknown assailant on the 31 March 1984 just over a week from his televised address. Yet his successor Qian kept the deportations going insisting that the government had a responsibility to ensure "terrorists" did not remain in the country. The majority fled to Zorasan - with tacit support of the government in Rongzhuo - causing somewhat of a refugee crisis for the country. For many abroad it appeared Shangea had punished Zorasan for destroying the statues by making its own citizens refugees then sending them across the border to put strain on Zorasani services. In effect, the Shangean government had purposefully destroyed the lives of its own people to save face on statues.

The expulsion would mark a nadir for Shangean-Zorasani relations that would only slowly improve over the next decade. It was only in 2007 under Yuan Xiannian, one of the most ardent supporters of the Rongzhuo-Zahedan Axis in Shangean domestic politics, that Irfan became recognised as an "ethnic religion" in what was widely seen as a sop to Zorasan. Zorasan has in turn funded the construction of new mazars in the country whilst increasingly promoting Irfanic-Zohist cultural cooperation and understanding with Shangea.

But if Irfanics in Shangea may today finally be getting the cultural and political recognition they deserve (and that remains a qualified statement) they refuse to discuss the events of 1984. Yuan has maintained the 1984 position that those expelled were predominantly terrorists and extremists, calling people like Dinara who were expelled as children liars and anti-Shangean propagandists. The Zorasanis strenuously avoid the subject so not to bring up what is a sensitive subject in Shangea in fear of stirring up any new wave of Irfanophobia.

For Dinara, this is a denial of history. "We were happy in Shangea, we had a good life, and they took that away from us for the most cynical of reasons. We have to remember that this was a crime, a crime that still is denied by Shangea's leadership. God will hold them accountable for what they have done".

The Xiaodongese Human Rights Monitor does not publish the names of its contributors for safety purposes.


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Postby Xiaodong » Thu Sep 16, 2021 7:24 am

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The leader of the new opposition alliance, Yang Weisheng.

Analysis - Shangea's opposition given ballot access for 2022 election - but does it matter?
The effect of Normalisation in Shangea means that the ability for the dangwei movement to effect government politics is limited.
Ikehara Chinami reporting from Keisi, Senria
16 September, 2021

Today the Shangean dangwei parties (anti-government parties) have announced an agreement with the Movement for National Principlism to run on their list for the 2022 election thereby clearing the way for them to return to the legislature for the first time since 2017. But with the post-normalisation Shangea having muzzled the press and cajoled the legislature into silence it seems this will be little more then window dressing.

Since 2017 the Shangean government has unleashed an all-out assault on the traditional opposition in Shangea. The "dangwei" (outside-the-party) movement represented a strong civic mobilisation against the traditional governing forces of Shangea whether through formal political parties such as the left-wing People's Party or more diffuse civic society groups. This culminated in the 2016-17 protests with the creation of the radical protest group and political party the Path of Democracy which joined with the traditional dangwei parties to form the Democratic Action Alliance (DAA).

The DAA however was unable to prevent the repressive parts of the Shangean state shamelessly rig the 2017 election and then bulldoze forward with normalisation. The Path of Democracy was banned and the majority of DAA leaders including chairwomen Hu Wenjuan were imprisoned resulting in all the DAA members resigning from the legislative council and eventually being denied the right to contest elections. Although several of the DAA parties still exist they are shells of their former selves their members having been arrested and stripped of money and the right to run in elections.

Enter the Movement for National Principlism. Led by a former university professor Yang Weisheng the MNP was formally aligned with Yuan Xiannian being one of the two "pro-regime" opposition parties alongside the far-right and much larger Association for Promoting Democracy. The MNP is an ostensibly centre-left outfit supporting a "patriotic, progressive Shangea based on the principle of national socialism" but has scant political support and is largely seen as a fringe association.

However Yang has turned sour on Yuan recently due to the government undertaking a more conservative turn economically, slashing spending and restarting the long delayed privatisation process. It is for that reason that his party has reached out to the dangwei parties to allow them to run on the MNP list in 2022, as crucially the MNP has been approved by the electoral board to run in national elections for the next two years.

Some see this as a shrewd move to put pressure on the Shangean government and perhaps reinvigorate opposition to Yuan and his government. Most aren't convinced however. The director of the Shangean Human Rights Monitor and former People's Party chairman Wu Hanzhi has called the move part of the "choreographed opposition" the Shujichu.

"I understand why the dangwei parties have done this but it won't help the opposition" Wu told me. "Yuan and his regime have basically smothered the opposition. Even if they run on the MNP list the government will restrict campaigning and ensure they are re-elected with a massive majority".

"As I see it, all it does is give an election they run a little more legitimacy".
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Postby Xiaodong » Wed Oct 20, 2021 10:04 am

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Government to ban "homosexual and other sexual deviance" representation in media outlets to improve public morality
20 October, 2021| By Fu Bingbing

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A pride parade in Baiqiao in June 2021

BAIQIAO - According to a report published by the Ministry of Public Morality the Shangean government is moving to implement a ban of "homosexual and other sexual deviance" representation on print, screen and online media in order to "combat anti-family social deviance whilst promoting national unity".

The reported endorsed by the Public Morality minister Xiang Pengfei highlighted that projections predicting that Shangea's birthrate would fall in the next decade means that "the promotion of the traditional family for the patriotic youth is urgently needed particularly from Euclean imports such as the modern conception of so-called homosexual rights that have no basis in our history and traditions".

"The Shangean government stands firmly against homosexual propaganda corrupting the mind of children and we will strive to ensure that we promote a patriotic society, not one degenerated by foreign decadence".

The new law would ban homosexuals or homosexual intent from being represented in domestic films, television, music, books and magazines whilst social media accounts promoting or supporting homosexuality will be removed or banned. Existing works representing homosexuality including foreign works will have to be submitted and approved by the Ministry of Public Morality who will exercise discretion on whether to cut or amend content that may promote homosexuality. Failure to comply will result in fines.

Although not explicitly mentioned in the initial report its likely the law will also ban various "trans" representation - the image of men and women behaving, dressing up as or pretending to be the opposite gender. The government hasn't confirmed as to whether it seeks to amend the gender reassignment law which restricts the practice to consenting adults over the age of 21.

The move comes after lobbying from parents groups, religious organisations and medical professionals to reduce the influence of foreign sexual deviances being imported into Shangea. The recent rise of effeminate men - known as niang pao (girlie guns) - has been highlighted as a key concern for parents as foreign influence has manipulated children towards decadent lifestyles. As part of the governments effort to improve public health and morality dealing with the proliferation of homosexual propaganda has therefore been imperative.

A poll released by the international pollster the Coian Centre of Political Affairs found that three quarters of respondents believed homosexuality to be "morally unacceptable" and akin to "psychological trauma".

Asked about the proposal, premier Jiang Zhongyu has stated that it "effects only a small proportion of media content" and that it is "not directed against any community in the nation, but merely intended to improve public morality."
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Politicians and activists across Shangea endorse new public morality law as Legislative Council bring it to a vote
1 November 2021| By Fu Bingbing

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Mayor of Rongzhuo Tang Shanyuan speaking to members of the League for Patriotic Families

RONGZHUO - Ahead of the Legislative Council voting on a law banning representation of homosexuality and other sexual deviancy in Shangean media various civic activist groups and politicians have endorsed the new law staging a demonstration in Rongzhuo in support of the legislation.

"Homosexuality is unconstitutional" Rongzhuo mayor Tang Shanyuan told a crowd at an event organised by the League of Patriotic Families. "Its the duty of every healthy Shangean to provide the motherland with a family. It is not natural to skirt from that right, to deny the motherland a child so you can participate in moral deviance. Our children must be protected from this immorality and taught the principles of healthy, normal relationships."

"We won't allow barbarians to engineer the decline of the great motherland. Shangea will stand strong against such degeneracy!" Tang ended his speech to cheers from the assembled.

The League is one of many grassroots civic organisations, formed often by parents and community organisers, that seek to strengthen local communities and end anti-social behaviour such as violent crime. According to League co-founder Zheng Yingjie a lack of positive male role models in some communities has been a "decisive factor" in leading to such behaviour.

"You look on television, and you see these effeminate men, often foreign pop stars or actors, who aren't a positive role model for our young men" Zheng said. "As such you see boys and young men lack the discipline or moral compass to really participate in society, and either become weak or violent. Its not right that young men aren't being steered towards positive, male role models. So getting rid of perverts and homosexuals from the media will help show boys what not to be."

Many of these activists see foreign condemnation of the law as proof that outside forces want to weaken Shangea. "Why are we being targeted for protecting ourselves from degeneracy?" Jiang Ruolan told us. "Other countries like Etruria have also fought against the homosexual agenda, yet never got criticised for it to the same extent. Its typical Senrian and Euclean double standards."

"If they do say it makes Shangea less like them - good! Modern Euclea is totally morally debased. We will never surrender to deviants like they have".

The Legislative Council is expected to endorse the new law this week. According to a poll 77% of Shangeans support the new law with 12% against and 11% undecided.
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Postby Xiaodong » Mon Nov 22, 2021 7:39 pm

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A stock photo of a LGBT+ flag being burned by homophobic activists.

Analysis - Why is Shangea cracking down on LGBT+ rights?
The ban on LGBT+ rights reflects how the Shangean government is mobilising grassroots activism to bolster its position.
Éabha Ó Huigínn reporting from Keisi, Senria
23 November, 2021

The Shangean Legislative Council has recently voted to ban all "homosexual propaganda", effectively criminalising representations of LGBT+ people in Shangea. The banning comes after months of incendiary rhetoric from Shangean politicians from all sides of the political spectrum, with the far-right leader Zhao Xiaojing even claiming the new law is to weak to be effective. Yet the mobilisation of public opinion towards homophobic rhetoric comes less from a top-down then a bottom up process, showing a new aspect to an evermore flexible regime.

During the period of "Normalisation" from January 2017 to March 2021, the Shangean government had largely ensured that LGBT+ activism was restricted alongside all forms of civil society. LGBT+ people have long campaigned against entrenched homophobia in Shangean society, but prior to 2017 the government largely ignored them with LGBT+ Shangeans being seen by state authorities as deviant but essentially harmless. This led to an albeit niche but thriving LGBT+ scene to develop mainly in Rongzhuo and Baiqiao, out of sight of government eyes but moving however incrementally and slowly towards changing societal views towards the LGBT+ community.

Even during the process of Normalisation, homophobic rhetoric by government officials did not increase, with repression of the community mainly focused on its civil activism - a cruel and degrading decision, but not one solely targeted towards the LGBT+ community.

So why now the focus of stoking up homophobia towards the LGBT+ community? Why is it that seemingly every social ill in the country is being blamed on a tiny and relatively low profile community?

For starters, Shangea is gearing up for an election - the first post Normalisation poll - and the government is scrambling for a winning issue. Whilst a victory for the Society for Restoring Benevolence and its allies are in no doubt a tepid economy and failure to improve social programmes has tempered government support. There is malaise with the current administration many of whom have been in office since the mid-2000s and have long since lost popularity. A focus on social issues will ensure stronger public support and allow the government to distract the populace from cost-of-living issues.

The strong negative reaction from Euclean countries - notably the announcement that Caldish pop group DEO would boycott Shangea in protest of the law - is probably a net positive for the regime. Yuan and his allies have drawn legitimacy from pursuing an anti-Euclean policy and fuelling claims of Shangea being "unfairly targeted" for its domestic policies appeals to Yuans nationalist supporters.

Yet the central governments role in the mobilisation of public support for the law has been secondary. It was grassroot organisations - such as the League of Patriotic Families - that were crucial in ensuring the issue gained greater prominence through tirelessly campaigning for the introduction of such a law.

These grassroots groups have only emerged since the conclusion of Normalisation and as such have developed semi-independently from government campaigns that were launched in the Normalisation period. To be clear, the primary reason these groups have gained prominence is because the government has refrained from intervening against them and has given them access to the media to push for their interests. But crucially they are apart from the government.

This indicates a shift in Shangean politics. Rather then launch political campaigns through state resources it appears that the Shangean government is rather furthering its interests through supporting actual activist groups whose goals align with the government. This points to perhaps of a model of mobilising popular support for the regime in a way that encourages sectional interests, thereby permanently preventing the emergence of a big-tent opposition.

But it is also a risky strategy. Whilst the government is confident it can control anti-LGBT+ activism, later groups may be more restive. Only time will tell.
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Finance Minister - Shangea will not deviate from its "growth first" economic strategy in the near future
Discontent within the Economic Strategy Coordination Committee around rising costs of living have been brushed aside by the Financial Ministry despite a commitment for inclusive growth
By Li Rongchung | Baiqiao, Shangea
Date: Nov. 25, 2021

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Minister of Finance and Public Credit Mao Lejiang speaking to members of the ESCC.

RONGZHUO - After a meeting with the Economic Strategy Coordination Committee (ESCC) today Finance Minister Mao Lejiang has downplayed rumours of dramatic shifts in government policy regarding taxation and spending, stating the government was committed to continue placing economic growth at the main priority in fiscal policy.

"Shangea has had the strongest growth amongst major economies for the past decade and we intend to continue that trend for the near future" Mao stated. "Contrary to some premature speculation the Shangean government does not consider itself to have developed from the point where we are ready to make the transition from an economy structured predominantly around production to one mainly based in services. Therefore the economic course we are implementing will remain in the spirit of efforts spearheaded over the last few years".

Mao's comments come after pressure being placed on the Finance Ministry to loosen the purse strings and redirect money away from infrastructure projects towards social services particularly in education and health. The pressure has come from the fact that over the last year inflation has slowly increased causing greater pressure of families regarding the cost of living, particularly those on low incomes. Additionally since 2012 the Shangean government has itself placed "inclusive growth" as one of its main economic cornerstones meaning the government has been increasingly judged on its performance in delivering social services.

Mao has remained unmoved by these arguments, with the Finance Ministry as a whole stating that restraining government spending is crucial for ensuring that growth targets can be met as well as positing that a spending spree would further increase inflation. The Finance Ministry has reiterated that for greater economic growth the government's role as a facilitator of private investment and provider of an efficient economic governance is crucial and that "reckless spending programmes" would damage that effort.

The Finance Ministry has further reiterated that it currently has several policies that seek to address reducing poverty and dealing with higher costs of living. These include a historic house building programme with 10 million new homes slated to be built by 2023 and the continued rollout of new banking schemes that significantly reduce barriers to opening a bank account as well as create local village credit banks to integrate unregulated agricultural activity into the national economy. Mao also stated that the government is on track to complete the implementation of a "non-comprehensive universal healthcare system" by the 2023 deadline, a core project of the current government.

But whilst supporters of inclusive growth may be disappointed by Mao's speech, ultra-liberals may be more disheartened by the governments continued commitment to utilise indicative planning and continue the moratorium on privatisation of significant state-owned assets in place since Mao took office in 2018. Additionally the government has announced it will seek to implement new, more stringent rules to combat tax evasion and financial fraud with the government reportedly compiling a "blacklist" of countries that if one is found to have significant assets in could result in harsher punishments. As such its likely that fiscal conservatism with a reject of market fundamentalism in favour of economic centralisation will continue throughout 2022.
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Postby Xiaodong » Wed Dec 01, 2021 4:28 pm

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Chief of staff Ren Shaokuan, Finance Minister Mao Lejiang and premier Jiang Zhongyu.

Analysis - The rise of Shangea's "scientific clique"
The old divides of reformist vs hardliner in Shangean politics has long ceased to exist - its now a question of totalitarian idealism and technocratic materialism.
Ikehara Chinami reporting from Keisi, Senria
1 December, 2021

Since the Orchid Revolution in 1988 Shangean politics has often been seen in the prism of political tendencies that support more liberal reforms in the political, social and economic spheres and those that seek to retain the authoritarian, nationalist autarky of the 1970's. Yet since the advent of the government of Yuan Xiannian and particularly following the Normalisation process began in 2017 Shangean politics has at an elite level diverged between new political divide - between those who wish to instil the "Corrective Revolutionary spirit" into the very DNA of Shangean society and those who wish to manage societal and economic problems through a materialist lense. The latter seem to have the upper hand.

Due to the opaque nature of Shangean governance, tracking political trends often leads to commentators and analysts to fall into misconceptions or rely on outdated information. It is an article of faith amongst many for example that Shangean politics since the 1980's has broadly followed the same political trend - that of a conservative political establishment wedded to an overbearing, authoritarian state and economic interventionism reluctantly following reformist modernisers who have implemented liberal reforms particularly in economic affairs following a development model that subscribes to the notion that increased industrialisation and an expanding middle class precludes the move towards a liberal democracy.

In this analysis, Shangean politicians often were contrasted between those supporting a liberal-reformist line - such as former premiers Xi Yaotang or Han Guanzheng - and those of a more nationalist line most prominently Yuan Xiannian. It was almost an article of faith that "technocrats" followed a reformist line - if the nationalist historical revisionism of Yuan was an impediment to Shangea's integration into the global economy, then surely the denunciation of such nationalist grievances indicated a more pragmatic approach to governance?

The case for Shangean politics being a divide between reformists and conservatives however flounders in the modern day. Since the rise to power of Yuan Xiannian in 2006 and particularly since the advent of Normalisation in 2017 liberal-reformists have been systematically marginalised and purged from all government bodies and indeed civil society as a whole.

Yet the idea that Shangea is run entirely by nationalist ideologues is suspect - whilst some in the government such as Foreign Minister Xu Bangguo and vice-premier Yuan Qinqin often engage in bombastic rhetoric the same cannot be said for the low-key premier Jiang Zhongyu and similarly dry finance minister Mao Lejiang. The less aggressive approach of Jiang and Mao has led to some to scratch their heads over their lack of interest in liberalisation - indeed both have been instrumental in the application of Normalisation. Yuan himself also complicates the traditional narrative - whilst Yuan is unremittingly illiberal he does not quite go as far as many of the ultranationalists in the country desire.

The differences within the government are rooted in differences in worldview - between idealists and pragmatists rather then liberals and illiberals.

The "idealistic clique" as I would term them harken back to the ideal of embedding the "Corrective Revolutionary spirit" into Shangean society - the idea of returning to the original ideological aims of National Principlism. In this they draw from the native tradition of xinxue, a philosophical movement from the mid-Tao period that teaches that on reaches the "supreme principle" through their inner self rather then external factors. In practice the idealistic clique have interpreted xinxue in being a revolutionary philosophy that gives the Shangean people a natural ability to distinguish good and evil, a trait which if harnessed by the state would allow the state to mould citizens into unquestioningly virtuous protectors of the nation. The ultimate aim of the idealistic clique is to achieve the utopian concept of "datong".

To achieve this - and indeed, realise the Corrective Revolutionary spirit - the idealistic clique support the creation of a totalitarian state that will stop at nothing short of a social revolution that will create their utopian society. The idealistic clique are the biggest supporters of "inclusive growth", seeing materialism and capitalism as corrupting, parasitic forces to be controlled by a moral state. In their dualistic world view they favour a hardline towards Senria (despite their worldview ironically mirroring that of the Senrian ideal of the kokutai) and the formation of a "harmonious world order" based around Shangea.

The idealistic clique are however more optimistic of the potential of the citizen and as such support a government "closer to the people". They don't support democracy - far from it - but rather wish to create a mass of politicised citizens that will savagely carry out the wishes of the government akin to religious zealots. It was the idealistic clique that led the recent anti-LGBT+ campaign wanting both to purge "evil influences" (in their mind, homosexuals and other sexual deviants) and using the "good people" (i/e grassroot anti-LGBT+ groups) to spearhead the move.

The idealistic clique's thought has been developed for years through the Shangean paper Global Review and the University of Kuoqing developed their thought. The public intellectual Gong Gen has been the most influential voice in articulating their ideas with his work being citied by Foreign Minister Xu and the Judicial Council President Yi Shaoqing as being the blueprint for post-Normalisation Shangea. In this they see Normalisation as an opportunity to make a clean break with the past and harken back to the "authentic application" of National Principlism.

But for all their ideological flair, the idealists have taken a backseat to another faction, ones I would call the scientific clique. Unlike the idealistic clique who borrow from traditional Zohism the scientific clique are rooted in legalism and Euclean positivism and materialism. They reject a metaphysical view of society and in its stead see the management of existing social and economic problems as the remit of the state.

In this sense, the scientific clique are pragmatic, but this belies a tendency to approach issues in a dogmatic manner that fetishises the scientific method. Finance minister Mao, considered one of the key figures in the movement, has spoken approvingly of a "scientific socialist outlook towards governance" which enlightens one of the cliques ideological inspiration. The clique are not socialists in the sense of believing in the liberation of the proletariat but rather apply socialist modes of analysis (most prominently Nemsovite dialectical materialism) to social, economic and political conditions. As such the scientific clique believe that the state should alleviate social ills as well as implement coercive moves towards its opponents to ensure total state control. Normalisation for the scientific clique thus was less a moral crusade and more a way to rid the state of disloyal elements and to strengthen its hold over society. Their aim is less to achieve the lofty heights of datong but instead to realise a "moderately prosperous society".

Unlike the idealistic clique, the scientific clique distrust radical social change. They have through control of the economic levers of state been fiscally conservative restraining spending and focusing on export-led growth - under their watch growth has been steady, tax revenue high and spending low even if this has triggered a cost of living crisis across the country. But this fiscal conservatism isn't a sign of liberalism - far from it. In fact the scientific clique support a command and control approach to the economy as well as society as a whole. For the scientific clique mass surveillance is desirable for ensuring the management of dissent and the shaping of social behaviours. This gives them a tendency to overcentralise and endorse a centralisation of power. In foreign policy it has under Jiang Zhongyu and chief of staff Ren Shaokuan spearheaded moves to apply pressure and if needed military force when the material conditions favour an action - realpolitik at its finest.

At the top of this sits Yuan Xiannian and his close supporters, who play their cards close to their chest. Ideologically the idealistic clique gets more attention, and its probable that Yuan has more sympathy towards their revolutionary conception of the state. But in practice in the gargantuan task of administrating the worlds largest country the scientific clique have slowly amassed power. In the post-Normalisation Shangea the mantra of "growth before inclusion" remains with the Finance Ministry continuing to tightly constrain spending on social programmes. In foreign policy the aggressive moves favoured by the idealistic clique have been outsourced to Zorasan with Shangea taking a more passive stance.

Of course, the idealists have their own victories - Shangean-Chistovodian relations are largely the brainchild of foreign minister Xu and Yuan attempting to overturn the liberal world order, whilst the recent anti-LGBT+ law points to the increasing strength of citizen mobilisation. But as long as they hold the ear of Yuan for now the scientific clique look set to enforce their vision on Shangea.
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Postby Xiaodong » Sun Jan 09, 2022 3:45 pm

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Negotiated solution to Tsabara requires Tsabaran government to act in good faith State Chairman declares
9 January 2022| By Fu Bingbing

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State Chairman Yuan Xiannian making an official announcement

RONGZHUO - In an official statement today the State Chairman Yuan Xiannian has declared that the Shangean government will be pushing in the Community of Nations for an "inclusive, negotiated solution" for the Tsabaran conflict but that this will be difficult if either side behaves as a "bad faith actor".

Not naming Tsabaran president Nazim al-Qutayni by name Yuan criticised the actions of the Tsabaran government as "needlessly exacerbating communal and political tensions" and that a "serious reorientation in its approach" is needed before a peace settlement can be realistically achieved.

"This conflict cannot be won through brute force, not unless the world is content with a Tsabara that will forever remain on the precipice of conflict. The Tsabaran government must approach oppositional forces as legitimate partners for peace if we are to see a stable, ordered Tsabara and by extension Rahelia".

On Zorasans recent humanitarian intervention into Dandan-ha-ye Azdar Yuan has declined to either endorse or condemn the Zorasani action but has stated that the situation has only deteriorated to this extent due to the inability of the Tsabaran government to maintain internal peace.

"The reliance on foreign troops to maintain stability robs the Tsabaran government of legitimacy whilst they are fighting their own people. Certainly, for peace to be achieved, the Tsabaran government needs to prove they can represent the entire population, not just a particular sect or group".

Yuan has additionally confirmed that the Shangean government will be bringing to the International Trade Organisation in relation for the seizure of Shangean assets two years ago.

"We have already imposed sanctions on the Tsabaran government in this matter, but we believe that we have a convincing case for the ITO to take action against Tsabara. This affair was a prime example of the Tsabaran government acting in bad faith and we believe that if Shangea and Tsabara can seriously approach and solve this dispute that it can show the world the Tsabaran government is capable of acting in good faith",
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Postby Xiaodong » Tue Mar 08, 2022 9:24 am

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Shangea gains a new top leadership - who's in, who's out
In light of Legislative Elections several members of the State Presidium have been shuffled in, and several shuffled out - and its apparent Yuan has tightened his grip on the nation.
Ikehara Chinami reporting from Keisi, Senria
8 March, 2022
With the Shangean Legislative Council having re-opened following the January elections the State Presidium has been reshuffled by State Chairman Yuan Xiannian. Under the constitutional amendments approved last year several members of the State Presidium are assigned five year terms - the presidents of the four councils (executive, examination, judicial and legislative) and the ministers of the executive council. In a bid to shore up his power Yuan has put some old faces out, reshuffled others and placed new ones in.

The most headline-grabbing change is the shift of the Executive Council President (commonly called the premier) Jiang Zhongyu to the International Relations Ministry with the head of the Bank of United Development Wen Kezhi resigning from his post to take the premiership. But other changes have occurred - key Yuan ally Xu Bangguo has been removed and Examination Council President Jin Baoshun retiring being replaced by the Mayor of Rongzhuo Tang Shanyuan. Other key figures like Legislative Council President Wang Hongzhi, Judicial Council President Yi Shaoqing, vice-premier Yuan Qinqin and Finance Minister Mao Lejiang have stayed in their posts.


Who are the newcomers.
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Current BDU President Wen Kezhi will become
Executive Council President.

The President of the Bank of United Development (BDU) Wen Kezhi has been appointed as president of the executive council, commonly known as the premier. Wen is a lifelong technocrat - he served as Governor of the National Bank from 2004 to 2016 and the deputy chairman of the national bank from 1995 to 2004. In 2016 he was elected as the BDU president. Despite having never served in the executive council Wen is respected across Shangea for his economic expertise - it was due to his prudent management as head of the National Bank that Shangea largely avoided the 2005 recession. As BDU head he continued to promote public-private partnerships in key areas of infrastructure, healthcare, education and resource development being seen as a neutral figure in disputes between memberstates. However Wen has been accused of overlooking corrupt aspects of BDU projects.

The appointment of Wen suggests a shift to a more-economy focused government over the foreign policy focus of the previous premier Jiang Zhongyu. Wen is fairly uncharismatic but is respected for his economic expertise and long record of public service. Wen's appointment as premier over more establishment candidates like Jiang, vice-premier Yuan Qinqin and Legislative Council President suggests a desire to avoid naming a successor pre-emptively. By appointing a stereotypical grey technocrat Yuan seems to hope that a more low profile figure to implement policies already decided by the State Presidium.


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Rongzhuo mayor Tang Shanyuan will become
Examination Council President.

The new Examination Council President has been announced to be the Mayor of Rongzhuo, Tang Shanyuan. Tang is somewhat of a troubleshooter for the Shangean government - in 2008 he was appointed to head Shangean State Railways which was at the time considered ill-managed with corruption leading to billions in infrastructure grants being wasted every year. Tang was credited for clearing up corruption in the organisation cutting unnecessary projects, eliminating waste and firing corrupt officials. Under his tenure Shangean State Railways became one of the most profitable government corporations and was considered to be well run mainly due to Tang's efforts. As a result in 2014 he was appointed Mayor of Rongzhuo. Such a posting may have been a bold move to combat corrupt or a cynical move to remove a man who had made many enemies. Rongzhuo is notorious for the corruption that pervades the city administration so it is highly likely Tang was sent either to clean up city administration or his opponents wanted him to sink in the enormity of attempting to do so.

Tangs tenure as Rongzhuo mayor has been mixed - whilst he has launched an anti-corruption drive Tang has been accused of focusing more on political opponents particularly during Normalisation. Nevertheless he remains popular making his appointment as Examination Council president an interesting prospect. The bureaucracy has been pruned of many dissidents through Normalisation but corruption is still prevalent. Like with his Rongzhuo mayoral appointment, Tang may have been thrown into the role to clip his wings - or to pull off the biggest success of his career.

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General Lin Weiyuan will become
Chief of General Satff.

The new chief of staff is lieutenant general Lin Weiyuan. Lin is the current commander of the Strategic Reserve Force and has been a key military planner over the last decade. Having served as a divisional commander in eastern Shangea responsible for the suppression of socialist insurgents, Lin is reportedly one of the generals who directly planned Operation Eastern Protection and has generally shaped Shangean strategic policy in eastern Coius over the last decade. As such Lin has been associated with policies that include advocating a hardline approach to Kuthina and attempting to draw Siamat and Nainan into formal military alliances with Shangea.

Lin is seen as an ally of his predecessor Ren Shaokun and likely won't engage in fundamental military reform being a safe choice for the position. The extent of Lin's influence in military policy in the past decade and his independence from Ren is uncertain and so its probable that he may be a weak personality in comparison to his peers.




Who's been reshuffled.
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Current Premier Jiang Zhongyu will move to
head the International Relations Ministry.

Current Premier Jing Zhongyu has been moved to the post of Minister of International Relations, a post he previously served in from 2007 to 2014. As the second longest serving member of the State Presidium after Yuan Jiang has been seen as the architect of Shangean foreign policy since 2007 with its shift towards a greater focus on south-south cooperation and the right to exercise a "firm hand" in south Coius. Jiang, a polyglot, is widely seen as one of Shangea's foremost diplomats and is considered one of the most influential figures in the country.

As premier however Jiang has proven a disappointment. He struggled to get to grips with domestic policy and paid little attention to economic management despite the primary responsibility of the premier being to oversee economic development. Jiang is widely seen as having an aristocratic bearing and struggled to connect with the population. During Normalisation Jiang did lead to the government to function more efficiently, enabling the purge of government departments and largely staying loyal to the Normalisation programme.

Nevertheless the move of Jiang back to International Relations is a welcome one. Jiang is still one of the most powerful men in government and considered a close confident of Yuan. With a banker appointed as premier Jiang is likely going to be given a free hand at foreign policy, a job he is well suited for and has the experience to pull off. With the situation in Siamat deteriorating, relations with Kuthina terrible, nuclear talks with Senria frozen and Euclea beginning to reassess relations with Shangea Jiang has a busy in-tray.

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Current Chief of Staff Ren Shaokun will move to
head the Defence Ministry.

The current Chief of Staff Ren Shaokun has been moved to the position of Minister of Defence and Military Planning. Ren gained prominence as the Commander of the Southeast Military District where he was the main general responsible for Operation Eastern Protection making him one of the most popular figures in Shangea. In 2010 he became the Supreme Commander of the Rongzhuo Strategic Protocol Organisation a post he held until 2017 when he was appointed Chief of Staff. During that time Ren has been closely associated with Yuan Xiannian and helped shape the Armed Forces into an organisation loyal to the State Chairman.

Described as tough and unsmiling Ren has been a dominant figure in Shangean security policy over the past decade and his move to the Defence Ministry is a sign he continues to hold influence. The fact one of his proteges has become Chief of Staff is another indication that Ren continues to dominate the army and so will continue to ensure it remains a bastion of support for Yuan Xiannian.



Who's out.
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International Relations Minister Xu Bangguo
has been appointed as Chief Propagandist.

The Minister of International Relations Xu Bangguo has been removed from the State Presidium instead being moved to the Office of Morality and Social Purity, the body responsible for censorship. Xu has served in the State Presidium since 2007 first as Defence Minister and since 2014 as International Relations Minister, making his removal somewhat of a surprise. Regarded as one of the core supporters of Yuan Xiannian, Xu has been seen as a crucial voice in support of an aggressive approach in the Normalisation process alongside a general hawkish approach to foreign policy.

Xu's appointment as International Relations Minister in 2014 was widely criticised within the ministry. Unlike previous foreign ministers Xu had not been a member of the diplomatic corps having never served as ambassador to a foreign country and reportedly had little foreign language skills. At the time Li Daohan stated that Xu's appointment was an indication from Yuan wanted "the premier will oversee foreign policy in its execution whilst Xu will be responsible for Yuan's likely strategic goal - militarising foreign policy approach through a far more ideological lens then the usual transactional view supported by bureaucrats".

Xu has as International Relations Minister underperformed. A poor diplomat who never had the trust of ministry bureaucrats the end of Normalisation has meant that Yuan has wanted to project a softer image making the prickly Xu a liability. Although his new role is important it is a demotion and shows his increasing political decline from a figure once talked about as a potential leader of Shangea.

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Examination Council President Jin Baoshun
has retired from public life.

The president of the Examination Council Jin Baoshun has been the only member of the State Presidium to decline to serve again instead announcing his retirement from public life. A career bureaucrat Jin has led the Examination Council since 2012 being a key supporter of Yuan Xiannian. During the 2016-17 protests Jin reportedly supported a firm line against the protesters siding with State Chairman Yuan Xiannian, Judicial Council President Yi Shaoqing and International Relations Minister Xu Bangguo.

Under Jin's tenure the Examination Council played an instrumental role in Normalisation being responsible for the suspension or removal of over 1 million people from their jobs. Jin praised normalisation as the "largest and most effective anti-corruption campaign in human history".

Jin at 78 is the oldest member of the State Presidium making his retirement expected.






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Defence Minister Zhao Qinghai has been
appointed to an undisclosed new post.

The incumbent Defence Minister Zhao Qinghai has been moved to an undisclosed new post. A retired admiral Zhao had previously served in Naval Intelligence and was regarded as a key ally to both Yuan Xiannian and Ren Shaokun. His tenure as Defence Minister has been largely uneventful other then his continued advocacy for Senria to return the Sunahamas islands to Shangea and criticising Estmerish violations of Zorasani waters by frigates in 2019.
Last edited by Xiaodong on Thu Mar 10, 2022 10:11 am, edited 1 time in total.
Auspicious Republic of Shangea | Weranian Confederation | Miersan Republic | Republic of Kaona | Region (Kylaris) | News and Articles on Shangea
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