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Sovjetunionen of Nanban-Ha Diplomatic Table [WIP, Open]

PostPosted: Thu Aug 18, 2016 7:30 am
by Nanban-Ha


The Sovjetunionen of Nanban-Ha is a massive multi-continental nation located in the Northern part of the Aeropia Amenasiano region. Spread around three peninsulas and more than a thousand islands, its people represent a vast collection of ethnic groups which despite their differences share strong historical, cultural, and linguistic ties.
The geography of Nanban-Ha is extremely varied. Notable are the Norrskan, Foldenerian, Kalkaryian and Nordalend fjords, the Scanianskan Mountains, the flat, low and forestry areas in Dennska, Suebia, Dania, Hibernia, Vinlandska, Thule and Helveska, the dense pine forests of Boerelia, Hibernia, Helveska, Finlenska, Finnelia, Finnia and the archipelagos of Svenska and Norrska. Havonya as much as the First Nations territories are known for their gigantic Boreal forests and their harsh mountainous plateaus. The nation has many lakes and moraines, legacies of the ice age, which ended about ten millennia ago. The southern and by far most populous regions have a temperate climate. Nanban-Ha extends north of the Arctic Circle. In its most populated part, it has relatively mild weather for its latitude due several gulf stream and micro-regional climate. Many of the Nanban-Ha mountains have an alpine tundra climate, except in the northern part of the mainland where a subarctic climate dominates.
Ruled by the Statsrådet (State Council) since the beginning of the 1920s, the nation is a union of multiple national Soviet republics. Its dominant political party is the Revolutionära Fronten (Revolutionary Front), a coalition between, among the most important ones, the Revolutionärt kommunistliga of Scanianska, the First Nations People´s Coalition, the Communist Party of Novascotia, the Federation of Autonomous Committees of the Free Communes and the People´s Front of Havonya. Every five years, election are held to fill the one thousands delegates seats of the People´s Congress which is the legislative chamber of the regime. Theoretically, Nanban-Ha is not a single-party state as the Constitution recognize political pluralism as an inalienable right. Nevertheless, until now, the Revolutionära Fronten never encountered any real opposition. Since the 1930s, the coalition started slowly to be integrated as part of the state structure itself to the point where it seems today impossible for any political force to challenge its current position, at almost every level of the Nanban society.
The relative passive attitude of the multi-ethnic population of 587 millions Nanbans (Official count as for 2019) has a lot to do with the long thirty-years period of peace that the country is going through since the Winter War that ended in 1988. After four years of hard fought battles all over the three peninsulas, the invasion force supported by Tovarya and the Tetrarchy of Arkanya that intended to restore the old monarchical order which dominated the region at the end of the 19e century was heavily defeated. Large portion of the country infrastructure was heavily damaged. Millions of inhabitants were forced to flee the combat zone and lived in refugees camp, in harsh and difficult conditions. The economy, especially most of the strategic industrial and agricultural sectors, were almost brought to a dramatic stop.
The Union and the Revolutionära Fronten were saved by the new leadership that emerged from the war, especially Hernie Handers, Ingvar Tornquist, Aske Nissen, Eldbjørg Folkestad or Atle Helgeland. They understood the necessity to launched a wide range of political, economical and social reforms that would not only meet the need of the nation but provide its people with anything everybody needed to rebuild and overcome what have been lost. A large autonomy was granted to each region. Some changes were made in the Constitution as well as in the structure of the Revolutionära Fronten and the state apparatus to really implement collective leadership, especially in area where the war had lead military or political authorities to re-establish some forms of individual mandate. A significant effort was made to build comprehensive and efficient anti-corruption services that had full responsibility over almost all part of the state apparatus as well as new and strong legal protections for unions members, workers and employees.
With retrospect, the changes that had the largest impact on the nation were not the ones that the Statsrådet implemented as soon as the Winter War was over but the new political perspective that was set toward thematic like gender equality, ecology, new energies, climate changes, minorities rights and sexual liberation. Even some of the oldest institutions of the nation were impacted by the introduction of these new policies, like the compulsory military service which was made obligatory for women as soon as 1996. The armed forces themselves change radically their respective recruitment policies opening their own ranks, including the highest ones to women. In 1998, a third of the superior officers were already women, including combat and special forces units.

From a constitutional perspective, the Sovjetunionen of Nanban-Ha is a federation of constituent Soviet Republics, which are either unitary states, such as Scanianska or the First Nations Territories; federations, such as Novascotia or the Federation of the Free Communes; or autonomous region, such as Havonya. All of them are founding republics who signed the Treaty on the Creation of the Sovjetunionen of Nanban-Ha in March 1935.
Today, the Sovjetunion of Nanban-Ha consists of four soviet republics and three autonomous territories as follow:

  • Soviet Republic of Scanianska
  • First Nations Soviet Federation
  • Federation of the Free Communes
  • Soviet Republic of Novascotia
  • Autonomous Region of Havonya
  • Autonomous Region of Skogsland
  • Autonomous Region of Noricumska

While nominally a union of equals, in practice the federation is dominated by Scanianska. Technically only one republic within the larger union, it is by far the most populated, geographically largest, most economically powerful, most developed, and the industrial center of the Soviet Union.
Nevertheless, the domination is not so absolute. For most of its existence, the country is commonly referred to as "Nanban-Ha". Above all, each republic retains a high degree of autonomy. The First Nations Territories have always refused the installation of heavy industries, with the exception of certain very delimited areas on which strict control is exercised, particularly in terms of pollution and the impact on the local population. The territorial unit formed by the Free Communes is largely dependent on other states, in particular because its decentralized character makes it an economically weak area. Almost 70% of its needs for basic necessities are met by other members of the Union. However, the Commons have never been the object of pressure to change their anarchic forms of government. On the contrary, their cultural and scientific dynamism is often hailed by the other republics as an essential contribution to the development and progress of the country.

Similarly to many "socialist states", the Sovjetunionen of Nanban-Ha has endowed itself since its creation a centralized and planned economy or "command economy", whereby production and distribution of goods were centralized and directed by the government. The first experience of command economy was implemented in Scanianska after the Revolution. It consisted mostly, as a policy of nationalization of industry, centralized distribution of output, coercive requisition of agricultural production, and attempts to eliminate money circulation, private enterprises and free trade. Similar to what happened in many other "socialist states", most notably in the USSR or the People's Republic of China, these first attempts suffered some violent and costly setbacks.
At beginning of the 1930s, encountering some severe economic difficulties, the Statsrådet replaced what was called at the time the "War Communism Economy System" by a different approach which was a compromise to avoid legalizing free trade and private ownership of small businesses, like it happened in 1921 in the USSR. Instead, the state delegated to special representatives some economical and trades power in order to achieve full central planning. In this perspective, no forced collectivization of agriculture or the necessity to enact draconian labor legislation was needed as everything happened in a transitional way, by absorbing sectors after sectors of the economy.
The economy quickly recovered from the setbacks but it took more than 20 years to achieve a satisfying level of industrialization.
This slow approach regarding the implementation of a centralized and planned economy isolated the Sovjetunionen of Nanban-Ha from the rest of the "socialist countries" as the country was often consider not really making the political effort to achieve its own political goals. At the same time, it allowed the collective leadership of the nation as well as most of the economical sectors of the country to adapt themselves to a consensus type of political decision, strengthening the union and the internal process of economical cooperation and production of essential goods.
If a conflict of the magnitude of the World War Two had exploded in the 1940s in Aeropia Amenasiano, the country would not have been able to survive it. The extensive devastation of the USSR economy and infrastructure would have brought back Nanban-Ha to the stone age. As a result, the Sovjetunionen of Nanban-Ha was transformed from a largely agrarian economy into a great industrial power, leading the way for its emergence as a superpower in the middle of the 1950s.
Relatively self-sufficient, the country could rely on domestic products from its own internal centralized market instead of being forced to acquire goods internationally. To a large degree, the influence of the world economy on the Soviet Union was limited. Due to its centralized economy, the country could fix domestic prices as well as impose state monopoly on foreign trade. But the harsh climate conditions were sometimes threatening the fragile balance of the production. Especially, grain and sophisticated consumer manufactures were often impacted. The first directly because of climatic conditions, the second because of the difficulty in maintaining access to the natural resources supposed to constitute the base.
In the late 1950s, an effort was made to reach out to several nations with similar interests. In July 1959, the signature of the International Exchange Treaty Pact (IETP) with the People's Democratic Republic of Nihon-Ha and the Secular Heterotopya Of Massayiana allowed external trade to raise rapidly and relieved pressure on certain strategic economic sector. The signing of the treaty also allowed technological transfers, the establishment of scientific, economic and later military exchange programs.
Today, the political leadership maintain its grip on the economy. All critical economic decisions are in the hands of the Statsrådet. The latter can rely on the Statlig Planeringskommission (State Planning Commission), a sprawling administrative structure which coordinates over tens of thousands of experts responsible for analyzing everything relating to the economy and proposing solutions to all types of problems that may arise. Following its advice, resources are allocated and central planning adjusted to achieve economic goals which are themselves established according to reports by the Statlig Planeringskommission.

How does the economy of Nanban-Ha look like ? All basic services are state-funded, such as education and health care. In the manufacturing sector, a strong emphasis is put into heavy industry and defence but consumer goods production continue be a very high priority.
The Statlig Planeringskommission follow carefully consumers consumption to allow change in the production, especially as growing incomes are resulting in rapid changes in demands of the population. A particular effort has been made over the last ten years to try to decentralize the production of certain primary consumer goods in order to allow the territorial confetti to be served as basic necessities as well as consumer goods. Due to the relatively unpredictable nature of consumption, this strategy of attempting to fragment part of production has led to the emergence of a massive unplanned second economy at low levels alongside the planned one. This unplanned economy is the one providing the goods and services that the planned economy can not.

Today, the Sovjetunionen of Nanban-Ha is internationally recognized for its extended social welfare system, a centralized government, a large array of state-owned companies that dominate a centralized and planned economical system. Average income is 86,674 Owleas, and evenly distributed, with the richest citizens earning only 2.9 times as much as the poorest. Crime, especially youth-related, is totally unknown, thanks to a well-funded and well-trained police force and progressive social policies in education and welfare.
The country is known for its vast national parks where Nanban-Ha's national animal, the Owl, soars majestically through the nation's famously clear skies.

On the Foreign Policy of the Soviet Union at the regional level

Disclaimer: The following information is essential for future PR. As such, some of them cannot be used directly by third parties and must be taken for informational purposes only.

In spring 2021, Nanban-Ha's possibilities for strategic choices in terms of foreign policy at the regional level are greatly reduced. To attack, or to defend, the alternative does not exist. A long defense supposes, in the long term, the possibility of a political solution with the adversary that one intends to weary. The Soviet Union, by its political radicalism, started off without this card. The Tetrarchy of Arkaniya signify this to him in Königsberg in January 2013: the purely defensive option is before the dead end of the unconditional surrender that the Tetrarchy intends to impose on the "Judeo-Bolshevik enemy".
The Soviet Union must therefore attack to retain/regain the initiative. However, in 2021, it can still align, in the offensive field, powerful means, both in quantity and in quality. Where to use them if this is not where 70% of these resources are located, that is to say on the border with Chorussia? But, when faced with a stronger opponent, it means taking more risks or preparing in a longer and more skillful way. Since the Winter War, the Statsrådet has known that it holds the bear by the ears. It clearly understands that, if it lets go, it is lost. Its situation is all the more uncomfortable as, behind, the Lusatinian hound begins to rebuild his strength. How to knock out the bear with a single blow to quickly turn the stick against the dog? The chosen solution, the one which can reverse the situation beyond the simple acceptable gain is the attack of Chorussia. It is arguably the least bad of all the options open to the Soviet Union.

The strategic dilemmas of the Soviet Union

In its classic conception, war is waged by the military; politicians define its objectives, means and limits. Such a conception, inherited from Clausewitz, was largely undermined by the conflicts which multiplied during the Twentieth Century, in particular after October 1917. During the Great War, the military, in the person of Quartermaster General Erich Ludendorff, has managed to concentrate in his hands just as well the political, the economic, the diplomatic power. The General Headquarters thus succeeded in leading the conflict from a purely military perspective, everything being subordinate to it. For example, it is he who negotiates with the parliamentary representation the budget or with the unions the increase in the wages of workers in the armaments factories. During the Second World War, or during the conflicts which set the world ablaze after the October Revolution, the opposite happened. Politics has invaded the technical sphere hitherto reserved for the military. In some cases, politics and the military have become intertwined to the point of losing sight of the immediate necessities of the moment, to the point of paralyzing the military as well as the politician.
In Nanban-Ha, it was during the Winter War that the process of political interference in the military reached its highest level. The Statsrådet is crossed by individualistic tendencies which endanger its political cohesion and the strategic direction of the war. The then President, Jorgen Malkensson, assumes the title of Head of State and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces. Indirectly, each soldier became one of his subordinates to the point of developing forms of personal obedience that threaten the cohesion of the troop as well as the relations between civilians and soldiers. In 1986, the situation lacked an outlet, in the midst of the conflict, into a major political crisis. Malkensson launches an offensive to seize power. He first tries to suppress the Ministry of War. Faced with the opposition of the other components and members of the Statsrådet, he changed his strategy and undertook to break the unity of the General Staff. He succeeds in having two competing structures set up, both coming under his sole authority in a certain way. A Försvarsmaktens Översta Ledningsråd (FÖL, Supreme Command Council of the Defense Forces) which was assigned with a large part of the functions of the Ministry of War, in particular from the point of view of the administrative and political problems which then arise. In theory, this council should have cover the commands of the three arms which had respectively authority over the army, the navy and the air force. The second structure was the Landstyrkekommandot (LSK, Land Forces Command) whose responsibility relates to the conduct of land operations, an essential task for a continental power such as Nanban-Ha.
However, the two structures quickly enter into competition and then open conflict. The FÖL never succeeded in really asserting itself, each body continuing to refer to the Statsrådet. Above all, the command of the land forces gradually loses its influence on the overall conduct of land operations and is gradually transformed into a simple executive body. At the end of 1986, he only kept the front with Chorussia under his responsibility. The FÖL retains the global vision of the war and the direct management of the other fronts. The rivalry, the resentment between the two organs reaches such a point of mistrust that the head of the LSK does not know the situation on other fronts except what the FÖL wants to communicate to him. The coalition counteroffensive in 1987 triggered a serious crisis of confidence in Malkensson's ability to "carry out his duties, in the pressing interests of the Soviet Union and its citizens," as Hernie Handers publicly stated at the time. Taking the measure of the damage inflicted on the military command, Handers obtains the setting aside of the president and the reestablishment of the chain of command of the political on the military one while again concentrating all that touches the latter in the hands of the professionals technicians of the General Staff. The FÖL and the LSK were reunited. The chairman of the Statsrådet became the direct intermediary between the political and the military, responsible for serving as a point of liaison between two fields of competences supposed to remain technically distinct while ensuring the subordination of the military to the politic.

The renewal of the political, as order-maker, over the military, complicated the strategic dilemmas of the country leadership. For nearly thirty years, the country could ignore these dilemmas by focusing on its reconstruction. This is no longer the case today. The Statsrådet must now choose not how but where to focus the Soviet Union's efforts in the years to come ?


The end of the Winter War created a geopolitical situation relatively favorable to the Soviet Union. The dissensions between the Associated States of Tovarya and the Tetrarchy Arkanya helped stabilize the balance of power in the area. The Confederation of Lusatinia no longer has a land corridor with direct access to Nanban-Ha and must now deal with a vindictive Tovarya. The Associated States have little digested the attempts of Lusatinia, the branch of the Tetrarchy of Arkanya in the region, to install a puppet regime on their soil. A large part of the population and of the Tovaryan political class is wary of the expansionist intentions of their neighbor to the south, in particular given the largely anti-democratic and racist nature of the political regime of Lusatinia.
Lusatinia itself faces internal difficulties. The white conservative Christian political class who rule the country with an iron fist faces strong social and political tensions. The economy has struggled to recover from the Winter War, especially the sectors unrelated to the arms industry. Exports failed to reach their pre-war level. Food production remains very insufficient to the point of having to resort to significant imports to maintain consumption and strategic reserves at an acceptable level.
Above all, the defeat of the expeditionary force caused internal tensions both among the supporters of the regime and among the population. Within it, the liberal and progressive fringes no longer hesitate to openly criticize the foreign policy of the Confederation. In public, the cost of these overseas military operations concentrates most of the criticism. Several commissions of inquiry have attempted to set up, on the initiative of some opposition parliamentarians, but it is unlikely that they will lead to a questioning of the policy of President Hump's government. In private, the criticisms are more virulent. The injustices and structural inequalities of the regime as well as its inability to get the country out of the economic difficulties it is going through feeds not only resentment but also opposition to the regime. The government's fear of seeing protest movements emerge in the street is not unjustified. Revolts and strikes have already broken out, particularly on the east coast of the country, on university campuses as well as in the vast plantations of the South. The government is reluctant to suppress these relatively local micro-uprisings too heavily for fear of causing a general conflagration.
For its part, the Lusatinian political class came out of the Winter War very divided. The more moderate fringes have made several attempts to restore some degree of compromise between the various extremist factions that emerged after the fall of the National Union government at the end of the war. There is little doubt that if the regime continues to weaken, some factions may begin to compete for power or at least some degree of political hegemony.
The Associated States of Tovarya were not spared the consequences of the Winter War. The defeat caused tensions between the white majority, descendants of the different waves of settlers and minorities, both the First Nations population but also the immigrant worker communities who arrived in the country from the 1950s to the 1960s. The situation is far from being revolutionary but the proximity to the Soviet Union increases the tensions between the tavoryan proletariat on one side and the bourgeoisie and the political elite on the other on the other.
The decrease in tension at the western border of Nanban-Ha, however, is only apparent. The threat of the Tetrarchy, whose contingents stationed in Lusitania are still on a high level of readiness, prevents the Soviet Union from considering reducing its military presence in the area. On the contrary, the need to invest economically and politically to strengthen its establishment seems necessary with regard to what could take the form of an offensive return of the enemy. The prospect of relaunching war with Lusatinia, and therefore the Tetrarchy, requires developing a long-term strategy. The choice of an unconventional war is openly discussed by the higher military and political spheres of Nanban-Ha. Such a form of conflict, which would precede a more conventional confrontation, presents the disadvantage of weakening Lusatinia and Tovarya at a lower cost, while the human and material weight of the Winter War still remains alive for the population.


The North constitutes a space apart insofar as the issues there are at the same time political, economic and scientific. The task is daunting: controlling the North Pole means controlling not only strategic trade routes and almost limitless resource fields. Within the Statsrådet, the question of sanctuarization is openly debated. De facto, the North Pole is almost entirely under the control of the Soviet Union. To a certain degree, the nation tolerates the presence of a few scientific bases belonging to neutral countries but prevents any form of transit or incursion.
Control of the area nevertheless requires significant means and resources due to its geography and climate. The low temperatures and the long distances to be covered between each inhabited place, the impossibility of maintaining a permanent presence over large areas, the difficulty of controlling a territory essentially made up of icy tundra and the dangerous nature of navigation in these waters constitute a major challenge. As much for the Soviet Union as for its enemies.
The policy of sanctuarization has several advantages. It makes it possible to confirm a situation which de facto exists. No other nation disputes Nanban-Ha's stranglehold on the North Pole. It opens up new strategic perspectives since the Soviet Union can consider not only to extend its influence beyond the zone of the North Pole, and why not seize the zones of the extreme North of the continent Amenasien to the detriment of Chorussia. Finally, the sanctuary also makes it possible to free up military resources, in particular financial, material and human resources to re-deploy them to other spaces where the Soviet Union is more openly contested.


The south is undoubtedly the weakest point of the Soviet Union's defense line. Covering two oceanic sector, this sub-region constitutes an area almost impossible to control effectively. It was through it that the enemy entered the heart of Nanban-Ha during the Winter War and it was undoubtedly the heart of the conflict.
One of the most strategic places is the autonomous region constituted by the mainland island of Havonya, and its archipelagos of islets. To hold Havonya is to hold the southern border. The sacrifices made by the Soviet Union during the war bear witness to this. The island is one of the territories which suffered the most from the war. Much of the most destructive and deadly fighting of the entire war took place there. The seabed which surrounds it on all sides is rich in wrecks of ships sunk or scuttled during the many naval battles that took place there.
The mainland island is not just a geo-strategic fulcrum from which Nanban-Ha maintains its influence in the region. It is also an area rich in resources. The Soviet Union derives an important part of its strategic minerals from it. Almost 100% of the chromium, 60% of the bauxite, 50% of the petroleum and 20% of the copper used by the Soviet industry come from Havonya. Potentially, the island can occupy an essential place within the economic fabric of Nanban-Ha. Its climate is relatively milder there than in the three peninsulas. Winter remains harsh there. Storms on the high seas can be dangerous for too inexperienced ship captains. But due to its position, Havonya remains an obligatory crossing point for most of the trade routes, especially towards Massayiana and Nihon-Ha.


At present, the east is the border area which receives most of the attention of the Soviet Union. This is the last land access corridor through which an invading force can directly attack Nanban-Ha territory. It is also the most direct line of contact with the almost hereditary enemy, the Tetrarchy of Arkanya, since most of the land border extends in contact with the territory of the Imperskaya Federativnaya Respublika of Chorussia. Should a conflict again arise between the Tetrarchy and the Soviet Union, there is little doubt that the Chorussio-Nanban border is where the bulk of the confrontation should take place. For the Soviet Union, a new conflict with the Tetrachy is only a matter of time. The enemy is preparing for it, without a doubt. For Nanban-Ha, it is a question of washing away the affront of the Winter War.
Despite its victorious character, its conclusion was seen as a relief by the whole country. Having come very close to a possible annihilation, the nanbans have resolutely turned towards the future to seek to overcome what was experienced by many as a catastrophe. Many families still mourn the loved ones they lost during this time. Above all, a desire for revenge has taken hold in the population. The Statsrådet and the Revolutionära Fronten are not for nothing in that they have facilitated the documentation and publicization of the numerous war crimes committed by the invading forces, in particular against the civilian population.


On the Foreign Policy of the Soviet Union at the multiverse level

Disclaimer: The following information is essential for future PR. As such, some of them cannot be used directly by third parties and must be taken for informational purposes only.

From a purely military point of view, Chorussia remains the major enemy, the one towards which the main part of the means must be concentrated insofar as it is undoubtedly the heavy weight of the Tetrarchy of Arkanya. Such an opinion is widely shared by the political leadership of the Soviet Union. However, military as well as politicians are aware that the hypothesis of a new conflict requires to initiate, as of now, painful and costly preparations, at the same time militarily, economically, politically and diplomatically. Such a prospect largely shapes the foreign policy of the Soviet Union as long as it takes place at the regional level.

Strengthen ties with historic allies, seek new support in the international arena

Attacking Chorussia is not only the dominant view within the Statsrådet and the Military High Command. Nanban-Ha's allies share the Soviet Union's fears of its powerful neighbor. They were instrumental in the military recovery of Nanban-Ha during the Winter War.
The People's Democratic Republic of Nihon-Ha [Puppet of Nanban-Ha] is the first of these historic allies. A small pugnacious and geographically isolated nation, it poses a strong threat to a large part of the east coast of Chorussia, forcing the Tetrarchy to mobilize significant resources, particularly maritime ones, to try to counter any offensive action against its lines of communication or its interests. Almost a third of Chorussia's war fleet is concentrated in this theater, along with considerable land and air forces. Nihon-Ha's determination responds primarily to a simple sense of self-preservation. The small republic is surrounded by powerful enemies. Chorussia, the Imperialist jhianxi and to a lesser extent the Federación de Advocatus del Cristo-Rey Of Mesoana will not hesitate, if Nanban-Ha falls, to transfer all their power to Nihon-Ha.
For the Soviet Union, Nihon-Ha is not just a military ally. The country is also an essential economic partner. It supplies nearly 25% of its rare metals, 60% of nickel, 20% of iron and large quantities of electronic or engineering equipment needed by the most strategic sectors of the nanban economy. The potential for a conflict with Chorussia has already been widely endorsed by the government of the People's Democratic Republic of Nihon-Ha. At the beginning of 2019, in a secret session, the Supreme Council of People's Commissars informed the parliament and the governing bodies of the Communist Party that the country must prepare for this inevitable eventuality.
The Secular Heterotopya of Massayiana [Puppet of Nanban-Ha] is in a less difficult position than the People's Democratic Republic of Nihon-Ha. Geographically, it dominates a large oceanic ensemble in the south of the Aeropia Amenasiano region. It is a less strategic economic partner than Nihon-Ha because of the restrictions it imposes on the exploitation of its natural resources as well as on the volume of its exports. The links are above all political and cultural. Festivals, music, sports competitions and transfer of knowledge are the main vectors that explain the strength of the friendship that unites Massayiana and Nanban-Ha. The contribution of the Soviet Union to the war of independence of the former and, conversely, the sacrifices made by Massayiana during the Winter War ended in binding the two nations in an almost indestructible pact of friendship.
The support given by Massayiana in the event of a conflict with the Tetrarchy is not linked to military or geographical imperatives such as those imposed on Nanban-Ha or Nihon-Ha. The choice of Secular Heterotopya to honor its obligations is above all political. The country is dominated by an openly pro-feminist regime which sees in the oppression of women in the territories under the authority of the Tetrarchy of Arkanya a casus-belli in principle.
In March 2019, as the Covid-19 pandemic was growing worldwide, diplomatic meetings took place between representatives of Nanban-Ha, Nihon-Ha and Massayiana. The content of the discussions and the agreements that were signed by these three parties remains a closely guarded secret. But there is no doubt that most of them concerned the future conflict with the Tetrarchy of Arkanya. Among the few items in the talks that have leaked, the decision appears to have been made to seek to broaden the support that Nanban-ha and its allies may have in the coming conflict. The hypothesis of forming a military pact with other nations is considered a priority diplomatic objective. The entry of the Soviet Union in the International Socialist Congress is a step in this direction.




Build up a strategic reserve

Simple data demonstrates the mass effect of the eastern border on Nanban-Ha. Almost 70% of the military potential of the Soviet Union is concentrated there. Nothing is possible elsewhere if we do not give ourselves the means to compensate for the potential reallocation of staff. The coming decade will see at its end the great confrontation with Lusatinia. The political and military governing bodies are largely convinced of this. The country must prepare for it by building up a strong strategic reserve in the west and in the south. This can only be done by withdrawing from the units present in the East, provided that the situation on the border with Chorussia is improved first. In other words, "to solve the problem of the triptych nature of the Tetrarchy appears as an imperative necessity" as Hernie Handers formulates it.
It is difficult to say which of the military or political leaders are those who are really at the origin of the will to take back the initiative in the East. Meetings at the top take place on a weekly basis and it is not excluded that the idea is taking shape, on one side as on the other simultaneously and concomitantly. Ana Isabel Merino-Ferrer, chairman of the Central Committee of the Revolutionära Fronten, is one of the most important personalities to openly displayed her determination to fully regain the initiative against Chorussia. For her, as she put it in an interview on the state channel, "keeping the initiative has become essential, because the years to come cannot fail to be the last in which we will be able to carry out operations without being embarrassed by the threat of a second or even a third front against us. All the current leadership agrees on this point. Simply, our opinions differ as to the immediate solutions to be provided to the problems facing us".
The divisions that are expressed vis-à-vis the strategy to be adopted are structural. The Revolutionära Fronten as well as the minority parties push for a politicization of the conflict. The military wish to retain control over everything that relates to their area of expertise. The Statsrådet takes a dim view of the old divisions of the Winter War reforming before their eyes, Hernie Handers, who was one of the main actors in these difficult times, pushes for a compromise. The Revolutionära Fronten like the "minorities" will have their military apparatus, namely the Populärt och Antifascistiskt Milisekommando (PAMK, Popular and Anti-Fascist Militia Command) while the military with be able to organize it own structure, the Internationella Brigaderna (IB, International Brigades).
The PAMK will have a certain latitude to form their own units, according to the political affiliations of the volunteers. The command, training and equipment will remain the responsibility of the military. They will also decide on the conditions and forms of engagement of these units in the field. Everything that arises from any political perspective will remain in the hands of the politics, under the supervision of the Statsrådet. Here again, Ana Isabel Merino-Ferrer shows herself to be one of the most passionate supporters of this compromise, stressing that such an effort can make it possible to resolve two distinct problems: guaranteeing the armed forces a reservoir of recruits beyond human capacities alone. of the Soviet Union while ensuring, as of now, the constitution of the strategic reserve necessary in the event of the opening of a second front, to see in the shorter term of relieving the weight of the eastern border on the armed forces.



Develop economic and commercial ties with foreign countries.

The political and military efforts demanded by the foreign policy choices of the Soviet Union are also based on the establishment of economic and trade relations with other nations. Economic affairs have always been a thorny subject within the governing bodies of the Soviet Union in Nanban-Ha. The fear of seeing the reintroduction of a market economy into a system that is supposed to be antagonistic to it alone generates very strong reservations. In order to allow these fears to be overcome without endangering the interests of the nation as well as its revolutionary duties, an ad-hoc structure was set up in the early 2000s: the Handelskommission för utrikeshandelsministeriet (HUM, Trade Commission Of The Foreign Trades Ministry). In the wake of the reorientation of the Soviet Union's foreign policy to prepare the country for a conflict with Chorussia, the commission was tasked with establishing an alliance treaty of an economic and commercial nature, likely to bring funds, build friendships and cooperation with other nations.

Handelskommission för Utrikeshandelsministeriet (INACTIVE)


Uppdrag Aopis (Commission Aopis) (INACTIVE)

PostPosted: Thu Aug 18, 2016 7:35 am
by Nanban-Ha

PostPosted: Thu Aug 18, 2016 7:35 am
by Nanban-Ha

This list is for RP and information purpose.

Rules of Embassies & Permanent Diplomatic Representations of the Sovjetunionen of Nanban-Ha

Before starting anything, it is necessary for any nation to apply to the competent authorities, namely the Foreign Affairs Ministry, to present a letter of credence (Lettres de créance) or credentials. This is the instrument by which a head of state or the leader of a political force on a specific territory exercises his or her power to appoint ("accredit") ambassadors and ministers to foreign countries. The letter of credence is signed by the sending head of state and is addressed to the receiving head of state. Without this credentials, no answer will be given to your requests. You must first have diplomatic representations if no contacts existed before between our two nations. The credentials that do not meet minimal diplomatic language will not be ignored, but more attention will be given to nations which will do the effort.

All requests must be send by telegram !

According to the "Art of diplomacy" of Emmanuelle Duverger, there important distinction of the type of diplomatic presence you can established in a foreign nation.
A diplomatic mission is a group of people from one state or an international inter-governmental organization present in another state to represent the sending state/organization officially in the receiving state. In practice, a diplomatic mission usually denotes the resident mission, namely the office of a country's diplomatic representatives in the capital city of another country. As well as being a diplomatic mission to the country in which it is situated, it may also be a non-resident permanent mission to one or more other countries. There are thus resident and non-resident embassies.
A permanent diplomatic mission, commonly refer by the term "embassy" is a section of a building in which the work of the diplomatic mission is carried out, but, strictly speaking, it is the diplomatic delegation itself that is the embassy, while the office space and the diplomatic work done is called the Chancellery. Therefore, the Embassy is in the Chancellery. The head of the mission is known as an Ambassador, or High Commissioner.

Feel free to build your own diplomatic representation, but for RP purposes, and commodities, I will make them fit into these different categories of diplomatic representations

Foreign Embassies & Permanent Diplomatic Representations in Nanban-Ha

Nanban-Ha Embassies & Permanent Diplomatic Representations


PostPosted: Thu Aug 18, 2016 7:36 am
by Nanban-Ha

International Exchange Treaty Pact

Uppdrag Aopis – Mission Aopis

Northeast Interstate Kombinat


Current Trade Agreements

None at the moment

PostPosted: Thu Aug 18, 2016 7:36 am
by Nanban-Ha

Storebö Pact

Internationella Brigaderna Kommando

Populärt och Antifascistiskt Milisekommando

International Socialist Volunteer Corps

International Military School


Current Defense & Security Agreements

None at the moment


Current Overseas Deployments

None at the moment

PostPosted: Fri Oct 28, 2016 12:00 am
by Nanban-Ha


Current Scientific Agreements

None at the moment

PostPosted: Fri Oct 28, 2016 12:01 am
by Nanban-Ha

PostPosted: Fri Oct 28, 2016 12:01 am
by Nanban-Ha

PostPosted: Fri Oct 28, 2016 12:02 am
by Nanban-Ha

PostPosted: Fri Oct 28, 2016 12:02 am
by Nanban-Ha