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Belschaft
Minister
 
Posts: 2409
Founded: Mar 19, 2008
Civil Rights Lovefest

Postby Belschaft » Tue Apr 18, 2017 4:11 am

TSP is overjoyed that the SPSF now features in your rants Onder :hug:
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Revall
Chargé d'Affaires
 
Posts: 403
Founded: Jul 18, 2014
Ex-Nation

Postby Revall » Tue Apr 18, 2017 6:13 am

An impressive victory for the LKE.
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RiderSyl
Negotiator
 
Posts: 6309
Founded: Jan 16, 2014
Ex-Nation

Postby RiderSyl » Tue Apr 18, 2017 1:55 pm

Belschaft wrote:TSP is overjoyed that the SPSF now features in your rants Onder :hug:


Why? :blink:
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Benevolent Thomas
Ambassador
 
Posts: 1483
Founded: Jun 10, 2012
Ex-Nation

Postby Benevolent Thomas » Tue Apr 18, 2017 1:58 pm

Ridersyl wrote:
Belschaft wrote:TSP is overjoyed that the SPSF now features in your rants Onder :hug:


Why? :blink:

Why ask questions? Just congratulate him for reading further than most of us bothered to :hug:
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AkillianUK
Civil Servant
 
Posts: 8
Founded: Aug 24, 2016
Ex-Nation

Postby AkillianUK » Sat Apr 22, 2017 3:10 pm

The operation has now come to a close, thank you all for participating. The UK appreciates the partnership with the LKE and others on this op and we look forward to further collaboration.

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Theoden Sebastian
Bureaucrat
 
Posts: 50
Founded: Apr 30, 2015
Father Knows Best State

Postby Theoden Sebastian » Sun May 07, 2017 6:58 am

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The LKE Imperial Army
Imperial Command Changes
7 May 2017


I would like to follow news of the successful passing of the historic 12th Constitution of the LKE, with an important announcement concerning the higher command structure of the Imperial Army and the new composition of Imperial Command.

With the Emperor's approval, I am separating the operational and administrative chains of command of the Imperial Army. This requires the creation of a new three-star post, Commander of the Field Army, to complement the role of Adjutant-General. The Commander of the Field Army shall exercise delegated operational command of all forces and the Adjutant-General shall oversee the administration of the Imperial Army. Going forward, the Commander of the Field Army shall also function as liaison for foreign militaries on routine matters in the first instance and is designated as deputy to the Chief of the Imperial General Staff. The Quartermaster-General and the Commander of the Habsburg Infantry Division shall serve as two-star subordinate commanders for administration and operations respectively. All officers and soldiers below two-star rank shall form part of the Habsburg Infantry Division.

After considering the officers best placed to exercise the duties of the abovementioned posts, the Imperial Command is pleased to announce the promotion of Akillian Talleyrand and Linkin Talleyrand to Lieutenant-General and Major-General respectively.

Therefore, the new composition of the Imperial Command is now as follows:

Chief of the Imperial General Staff: General Theoden Sebastian
Commander of the Field Army: Lieutenant-General Akillian Talleyrand
Adjutant-General: Lieutenant-General Cornelius Talleyrand
Quartermaster-General: Major-General Linkin Talleyrand
Commander of the Habsburg Infantry Division: Major-General Valfor Talleyrand

As before, the Imperial Command remains responsible to the Emperor as Commander-in-Chief and the Lord High Steward as imperial legate in military affairs. The rank of Field Marshal will continue to be restricted to these positions.

Our congratulations to the new commanders!

General Theoden Sebastian
Chief of the Imperial General Staff
Theoden Sebastian
Retired Emperor Sequentia of The Land of Kings and Emperors
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Jakker
Retired Moderator
 
Posts: 2934
Founded: May 17, 2011
Ex-Nation

Postby Jakker » Sun May 07, 2017 8:02 am

Congrats to LKE and the new commanders!
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Cerian Quilor
Senator
 
Posts: 3841
Founded: Mar 30, 2012
Iron Fist Socialists

Postby Cerian Quilor » Tue May 09, 2017 7:29 am

Out of curiosity, apart from like, the Throne itself, what doesn't the Talleyrand family control in LKE?

That said, Congrats to the promoted.
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Akillian
Lobbyist
 
Posts: 25
Founded: Mar 07, 2013
Moralistic Democracy

Postby Akillian » Sat Jun 03, 2017 7:58 am

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Foreign Dispatch

LKE Imperial Forums | LKE NationStates Page

WA Delegate: The Republic of Aelbarrow
| Nation Count: 324 | Regional Rank: 34th |


The Monarchy

Emperor: Onder Kelkia
Crown Prince: Theoden Sebastian
Prince Imperial: Linkin Talleyrand
Archduke of The Land of Dragonia: HEM Tiberius

The Imperial Council

Lord High Steward: Wilhelm Somerset
Prime Minister: Vedant Madan
Minister of the Exterior: Akillian Talleyrand
Minister of the Interior: Edward Talleyrand
Minister of Culture: Nick Powell
Minister of Communications: Linkin Talleyrand


Emperor Onder Signs Constitution XII


After a review of past legislation by the Imperial Senate, several senators began to support the drafting of a new constitution for the realm. In close cooperation with the Monarchy, the issue quickly took precedence over the other bills on the floor, causing a surge of activity in the legislature. After receiving the approval of the Senate, Constitution XII was delivered to the Throne Room of Hedingham Palace, where it received royal assent by His Supreme Majesty.

Constitution XII establishes a fully-elected unicameral legislature, vesting the power of the Estates General into the Imperial Senate. His Supreme Majesty noted in a statement after the signing of the document that, "The abolition of the appointed seats of the Imperial Senate means that there is no direct role for the nobility in legislating, which is almost unprecedented within our regional history."

The new Constitution also revises the selection for Prime Minister and the composition of the Guardian Council. In the new system, the leaders of political parties are now considered official candidates for prime minister during general elections. The Guardian Council, the body that offers advice to the Monarchy on matters of state, is now solely composed of Peers of the Realm who are selected to serve as Guardian Counsellors. The most notable change to the council is its new responsibility for managing the accession of the Imperial Crown. The Lord High Steward Wilhelm Somerset was appointed by the Emperor to serve as Moderator of the Guardian Council.

Election Season


On 11th May, the Emperor called for the first election since the passing of Constitution XII. The election concluded with the Lion Party achieving three seats, and the newly formed Imprimis Party taking the remaining two. TheGemini of the Imprimis Party was elected President of the Imperial Senate. The remaining Senators elected, two of whom are peers, were; Kaiserholt (LP), Maple syrup (IP), Nick Powell (LP), and Edward Talleyrand (LP).

With no party leader selected as Prime Minister by the Imperial Senate, the Emperor opened nominations to all electors. On 22nd May, a rising statesman Vedant Madan (LP) was successfully confirmed by the Senate and appointed Prime Minister by the Emperor. In an address from the official residence of the LKE premiership, Number 27 Layton Street, Prime Minister Vedant Madan selected his cabinet and issued his objectives for the term.

In his first executive order, the Prime Minister focuses on strengthening cultural institutions of the region, making several appointments to the Imperial Government. Some appointments included, the Duke of Crownchester, Valfor Talleyrand, to Chancellor of the University of The Land of Kings and Emperors, and Maple syrup who was appointed Curator of the regional role-play.

Imperial Command Reforms


Following the recent round of reforms, General Theoden Sebastian announced changes to the command structure of the Imperial Army. In the General's announcement, two additional seats were created within the Imperial Command, the Commander of the Field Army and the Commander of the Habsburg Infantry Division. Lieutenant General Akillian Talleyrand was selected as the first Commander of the Field Army, deputy to the Chief of the Imperial General Staff. Major General Linkin Talleyrand was promoted to Quartermaster-General (filling the deputy CIGS former post), and Major General Valfor Talleyrand was promoted to Commander of the Habsburg Infantry Division. The incumbent Adjutant-General, Lieutenant General Cornelius Talleyrand, continues to serve in this post.

The new composition of the Imperial Command follows the recent set of initiatives issued under General Sebastian. Like the changes to the ranking and structure of the Imperial Army, the expansion of the command creates a stronger council of general officers to contribute in the advancement of the force. These senior officers will assist in administrative and operational military matters, and aid in the organization of the Imperial Army.

Other News from the Realm...

- In a recent announcement from the palace, Emperor Onder issued Letters Patent, recognizing electors for their service to the region. Former Prime Minister Edward Talleyrand was created Baron of Crescent. Longtime member of the LKE, Kaiserholt, was raised to Viscount of Hawthorne. Distinguished member Royal Penguin was created Marquess of Sicillia. Lastly, former Prince of the LKE, HEM Tiberius was created Duke of Wellington.

- Constitution XII reintroduces the position of Puisne Judge of the High Court. Appointed by the Lord Chancellor, the judges may now preside over cases of first instance and assist in the daily affairs of the judiciary.

- An amendment to the Hall of Honours Act was passed, allowing new inductees to enter the hall. Nominees may now receive the proper approval of the Imperial Senate, where the Emperor may then grant the induction. Past inductees include the Emperor, Crown Prince and former Prime Minister Valfor Talleyrand.

Brought to you by the Ministry of the Exterior

On behalf of His Supreme Majesty's Government, Peers, Electors and the Imperial Family of the LKE, wishing you all the best!
Crown Prince of the LKE

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Onderkelkia
Diplomat
 
Posts: 998
Founded: Aug 13, 2006
Corporate Police State

Postby Onderkelkia » Mon Sep 18, 2017 5:55 pm

As the response would be off-topic in the Lazarus thread, I am replying to The North Polish Union's post about the LKE here.

The North Polish Union wrote:
Onderkelkia wrote:Why is the LKE's influence reducible to the condition of TNI and Albion?

I never said it was. Those were three wholly independent statements, as shown by their separation by periods rather than commas or semicolons.

If you were not linking the condition of TNI and Albion to the LKE's position in the world, then the first two statements about TNI and Albion were entirely pointless insofar as you are trying to make an argument about the LKE's standing. What is the point of simply stating that TNI is dead and that Albion is antagonistic towards the LKE? I have previously acknowledged that the end of the UIAF - back in March 2015 - weakened the Imperialist sphere in general.

The North Polish Union wrote:
Onderkelkia wrote:The LKE has treaties with Europeia, United Kingdom, Arda en Estel, Equilism, Balder, Osiris and The West Pacific. These are all important relationships.

If anything, the demise of TNI and the abdication of Albion makes the LKE as an individual region more significant, not less. In 2008-15, TNI was generally more central to geopolitical events - even as a lone region before LKE revived in 2009 and Albion was created in 2013. While the LKE always made its own interventions and pursued its own projects, TNI was more important as the voice of Imperialism within our alliance network. The LKE has filled that role.

The loss of TNI - due to long-term structural decline in its activity - was a significant blow to Imperialism as a whole. TNI was a good and loyal ally to the LKE ever since Emperor Lucius granted it independence in September 2006. However, the LKE enjoys much the same relations that TNI had in its heyday.

All of this is just filler to say "LKE is the primary imperialist region in NS, while TNI was in the past," a mere statement of the obvious.

No, the first line concerns the strength of the LKE's alliance network and the final paragraph reflects on the impact of losing TNI's support for the LKE.

The second paragraph of the quoted segment does discuss the implications from the LKE replacing TNI as the pre-eminent voice of Imperialism within our alliance network. This issue is entirely relevant to assessing the LKE's position following the UIAF's demise. You are arguing that the LKE is less powerful now than it was during the era of the UIAF. In assessing the LKE's power and influence, surely it is in fact relevant if the LKE's allies now turn to the LKE in situations where they previously would have turned to TNI as the voice of Imperialism? Surely it is relevant if it means that the LKE is no longer constrained to follow TNI leadership in its engagement with the wider world? If people now speak of LKE instead of 'TNI' or 'TNI-LKE'? That is what they do now.

The North Polish Union wrote:
Onderkelkia wrote:Our last significant occupation was The Union of Red Nations in April 2017. In the previous year, we undertook three major occupations (Belgium, South Pacific and The International Kingdom). All in all, our major occupations are indeed less frequent than those of the UIAF in 2013-15 or TNI in 2011-12.

Relative to TNI, it should be noted that the LKE has always been more orientated to diplomacy and intelligence than military affairs. TNI was mostly the lead military partner. While there have been periods where the LKE was the lead military partner in our relationship with TNI - in 2006-7, in late 2009 and the first half of 2010, and in mid-2013, before Albion was admitted to the UIAF - our model has generally been less orientated towards regular occupations.

We retain the capability to organise large and successful occupations, as The Union of Red Nations showed, but we have other focuses at the moment.

First off, you defend my arguments against the LKE's military relevance by saying "Look, the LKE conducted three major operations in 2016 and one in April" effectively making large-scale operations your benchmark by which you've attempted to measure military strength but in the next paragraph contradict yourself by saying that your "model has generally been less orientated towards regular occupations."

So you've used large-scale occupations as evidence of meaningful military operations while simultaneously holding that such large scale operations are not a benchmark for success because your model isn't as oriented to them. You can't have it both ways. Pick one.

Unsurprisingly, this is a ludicrous misreading of my post. Nowhere in the first paragraph of the quoted segment is it stated or implied that large-scale occupations are the benchmark by which military strength should be judged. It was in fact you who made the assertion that regular occupations matter:
The North Polish Union wrote:To claim that the LKE is as powerful as it used to be is nothing but a delusional overstatement, the LKE is militarily a shadow of its former self; were they not, we would see them conducting meaningful operations, something that I have not seen recently.

In responding to this, I began with a factual overview about the LKE's most recent occupations (because, as per usual, you failed to reference any specific contextual information in the course of making your presumptuous arguments). I made no claims whatsoever about what was or wasn't important.

The point that I explicitly made was that the LKE has always, going back before the UIAF, put less emphasis on regular occupations than TNI did.

The North Polish Union wrote:
Onderkelkia wrote:Our last significant occupation was The Union of Red Nations in April 2017. In the previous year, we undertook three major occupations (Belgium, South Pacific and The International Kingdom). All in all, our major occupations are indeed less frequent than those of the UIAF in 2013-15 or TNI in 2011-12.

Relative to TNI, it should be noted that the LKE has always been more orientated to diplomacy and intelligence than military affairs. TNI was mostly the lead military partner. While there have been periods where the LKE was the lead military partner in our relationship with TNI - in 2006-7, in late 2009 and the first half of 2010, and in mid-2013, before Albion was admitted to the UIAF - our model has generally been less orientated towards regular occupations.

We retain the capability to organise large and successful occupations, as The Union of Red Nations showed, but we have other focuses at the moment.

[...]

Secondly, and I've underlined the most important bits relevant to this, you claim that the LKE as achieved some sort of parity with TNI in it's heyday but then immediately admit that the scale of the LKE's military operations are less than that of TNI's. Of course, this would be fine had you not used such operations as a sort of benchmark for military success in the same paragraph.

Remarkably, you have managed to construct an argument which rests on not one but two ludicrous misreadings of my previous post.

Not in this section on military operations - but in the previous more general section - I stated that "the LKE enjoys much the same relations that TNI had in its heyday." The key word being "relations", i.e. the quality and range of its external relationships. I was not talking about 2015-17 LKE obtaining parity with TNI's military might during 2011-12. Instead, I was talking about the extent of the LKE's diplomatic ties (on the basis of the the treaties that I listed).

The North Polish Union wrote:Thirdly, you note that the LKE undertook three major operations in 2016, an average of one every four months. Unfortunately, the LKE's last major operation was in April of this year, nearly six months ago. While the LKE is certainly not obligated to conduct their operations on a regular schedule (and I am not claiming they have to), this would still appear to show a falloff in meaningful military activity and does not help your argument in any way.

The operations in 2016 were not evenly spread out. One occurred in January 2016 (Belgium). The others, South Pacific and TIK, occurred in June and July. Despite the extensive gap between the last operation in 2016 and the occupation in April 2017, the LKE's capability was in no way diminished. We had the same number of troops- not least because they had been regularly deployed supporting allied operations - and the same allies deployed on our request.

The LKE doesn't do raids for the sake of raiding. We raid when it serves our interests to do so. That means conducting sufficient operations to maintain the confidence of our partners in our capability, but our allies and partners know and trust the LKE's abilities. You are also overlooking the context to the LKE's military activity - the war with the Founderless Regions Alliance, which ended in October 2016. For both the LKE and TNI historically, regular occupations - even outside FRA regions - were a way of demonstrating superiority over FRA forces. With the end of the FRA war, we have re-focused elsewhere.

The North Polish Union wrote:Perhaps I do overestimate the importance of this forum, but even if I do, drowning your opponents in a sea of words hardly serves the interests of your regions when it frustrates and alienates even those that would be amenable to your position were that position to be presented in a more concise way.

My posts are no longer than is necessary to reply substantively to the material that I am presented with.

I have not seen any evidence that my posts frustrate "those that would be amenable to my position". They largely seem to frustrate my enemies.

The North Polish Union wrote:As for Slavia, it would appear that you and not me has little appreciation of context. Slavia has nothing to do with the decline of imperialism in any way and your arguments would be better served if they did not include attempts to discredit me through strawmen and speculation over my motives.

Anyone familiar with the Gameplay forum since January 2014 will be well aware that your sole reason for intervening across numerous discussions - with whatever incredible arguments you seem to think might damage me - is a personal vendetta stemming back to the UIAF invasion of Slavia.

The invasion of Slavia has everything to do with why you are posting here.

The North Polish Union wrote:However, as its clear from your last sentence that you think that my perceived distaste for you due to your affiliation with the UIAF is ironic, I will address it insofar as it is necessary to do so. Slavia and the UIAF signed a treaty of non-aggression after the events of early 2014 and by not attempting to refound Slavia, the UIAF was only fulfilling its legally binding treaty obligations. The fact that the UIAF followed such obligations does not and should not change the attitude of myself or any individual member of Slavia towards those in the UIAF at that time. If what you say is true and you were the only voice that supported upholding your organization's legal obligations all that that shows me is that the entire remainder of the UIAF's 2014 leadership was completely and utterly morally bankrupt and that the majority of the UIAF's leadership agreed to the non-aggression treaty in bad faith without ever intending to uphold the treaty. If your claims are true, all you did was uphold your organization's treaty obligations, which is not in itself an action worthy of any sort of merit.

Neither Slavia or its successor region of Imperium Slavicum has violated the non-aggression pact with the UIAF since that pact was signed, nor has there been any push to do so from anyone in the regional leadership. We uphold our treaty obligations and we expect the same from those that the treaty was signed with. The revelation that there was a substantial amount of support in the UIAF to break that treaty only highlights the fact that many imperialists are willing to violate such obligations to serve their own ends. This should serve as a serious wakeup call to any non-imperialist regions that either have treaties with imperialist regions or have high-ranking officials who are imperialists.

For someone who is so fixated with the invasion of Slavia, you do not seem to remember what actually happened.

When I said that I was the lone advocate of accepting the deal I negotiated with you instead of re-founding Slavia, I was not talking about the actual treaty signed following SCOP's thwarted invasion of Anzia and the UIAF's retaliatory invasion of Slavija in April 2014. That was after the invasion of Slavia.

Rather, I was talking about the potential deal that you and I discussed over telegram during the actual invasion of Slavia in January/February 2014. The deal we discussed had similar terms to the eventual deal that I struck with Bolkania over Slavija in April 2014, but the UIAF opted not to take the deal on the table and instead proceeded with attempting a re-found. A nation slipped into the region as the re-found was attempted and the natives re-took it.

The UIAF never once considered going back on the April 2014 treaty - it delighted us - so your insinuations about imperialists are unwarranted.
Last edited by Onderkelkia on Mon Sep 18, 2017 6:04 pm, edited 2 times in total.
Emperor Emeritus of The Land of Kings and Emperors
King Emeritus of Norwood, etc.

Duke of Roskilde, of Balder

Archduke of Niso, of the LKE
Archduke, of The New Inquisition
Viscount, of Great Britain and Ireland
Honoured Citizen of Europeia
Emperor of the LKE
LKE Prime Minister
LKE Chief of the Imperial General Staff

Crown Prince of TNI
Commander of TNI Armed Forces
Director General of TNI Intelligence

Vice Delegate and Crown Prince of Balder
Prince of Jomsborg
Balder Statsminister
Balder Chief of Defence

GB&I Home Secretary
GB&I First Sea Lord

Chief Justice of Europeia

Member, Imperial Military Council, UIAF
Supreme Allied Commander, SRATO

WA Delegate of The Rejected Realms

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Pozezdrze
Civilian
 
Posts: 1
Founded: Sep 09, 2017
Ex-Nation

Postby Pozezdrze » Mon Sep 18, 2017 7:35 pm

Onderkelkia wrote:As the response would be off-topic in the Lazarus thread, I am replying to The North Polish Union's post about the LKE here.

The North Polish Union wrote:I never said it was. Those were three wholly independent statements, as shown by their separation by periods rather than commas or semicolons.

If you were not linking the condition of TNI and Albion to the LKE's position in the world, then the first two statements about TNI and Albion were entirely pointless insofar as you are trying to make an argument about the LKE's standing. What is the point of simply stating that TNI is dead and that Albion is antagonistic towards the LKE? I have previously acknowledged that the end of the UIAF - back in March 2015 - weakened the Imperialist sphere in general.

My point was not to say that LKE's influence as a region was dependent on TNI and Albion, but with the collapse of the UIAF and the withdrawal of TNI and Albion from the active imperialist sphere, imperialism as a whole was weakened; a point which we seem to be in agreement on.

Had the UIAF merely disbanded without the collapse of TNI and the ideological shift of Albion (or even if these things had happened, but to a lesser extent) the imperialist sphere as a whole would be in much better shape.

Onderkelkia wrote:
The North Polish Union wrote:All of this is just filler to say "LKE is the primary imperialist region in NS, while TNI was in the past," a mere statement of the obvious.

No, the first line concerns the strength of the LKE's alliance network and the final paragraph reflects on the impact of losing TNI's support for the LKE.

The second paragraph of the quoted segment does discuss the implications from the LKE replacing TNI as the pre-eminent voice of Imperialism within our alliance network. This issue is entirely relevant to assessing the LKE's position following the UIAF's demise. You are arguing that the LKE is less powerful now than it was during the era of the UIAF. In assessing the LKE's power and influence, surely it is in fact relevant if the LKE's allies now turn to the LKE in situations where they previously would have turned to TNI as the voice of Imperialism? Surely it is relevant if it means that the LKE is no longer constrained to follow TNI leadership in its engagement with the wider world? If people now speak of LKE instead of 'TNI' or 'TNI-LKE'? That is what they do now.

You've again merely stated the obvious. Of course the LKE has a network of alliances and it's influence as an imperialist region increased as TNI's decreased. However, I have all along been evaluating the strength of the imperialist sphere as a whole, rather than just that of the LKE. You, on the other hand are merely evaluating that of the LKE. As the LKE is the standard-bearer for imperialism this makes sense, but it does not adequately address my arguments.

Onderkelkia wrote:
The North Polish Union wrote:First off, you defend my arguments against the LKE's military relevance by saying "Look, the LKE conducted three major operations in 2016 and one in April" effectively making large-scale operations your benchmark by which you've attempted to measure military strength but in the next paragraph contradict yourself by saying that your "model has generally been less orientated towards regular occupations."

So you've used large-scale occupations as evidence of meaningful military operations while simultaneously holding that such large scale operations are not a benchmark for success because your model isn't as oriented to them. You can't have it both ways. Pick one.

Unsurprisingly, this is a ludicrous misreading of my post. Nowhere in the first paragraph of the quoted segment is it stated or implied that large-scale occupations are the benchmark by which military strength should be judged. It was in fact you who made the assertion that regular occupations matter:
The North Polish Union wrote:To claim that the LKE is as powerful as it used to be is nothing but a delusional overstatement, the LKE is militarily a shadow of its former self; were they not, we would see them conducting meaningful operations, something that I have not seen recently.

In responding to this, I began with a factual overview about the LKE's most recent occupations (because, as per usual, you failed to reference any specific contextual information in the course of making your presumptuous arguments). I made no claims whatsoever about what was or wasn't important.

The point that I explicitly made was that the LKE has always, going back before the UIAF, put less emphasis on regular occupations than TNI did.

And you have also misinterpreted my initial post. I said that the LKE has not been "conducting meaningful operations," to which you replied with a brief list of the LKE's "meaningful operations" that exclusively focused on large-scale occupations. Of course, a region is free to decide for itself what it wants to conduct as "meaningful operations" and had you responded that some sort of activity outside of large-scale occupations was what LKE considers "meaningful" we wouldn't be having this discussion.

However, you chose not to do this and instead responded with a list of occupations as examples of the LKE's "meaningful operations," thereby making that kind of activity the benchmark. LKE may put less of an emphasis on these operations than TNI did, but by referring to such operations exclusively when asked about the LKE's military action, you made such actions the standard by which you wished LKE to be judged in this regard. If you're unhappy about the conclusions that standard leads to you could have and ought to have chosen a different standard.
Onderkelkia wrote:
The North Polish Union wrote:[...]

Secondly, and I've underlined the most important bits relevant to this, you claim that the LKE as achieved some sort of parity with TNI in it's heyday but then immediately admit that the scale of the LKE's military operations are less than that of TNI's. Of course, this would be fine had you not used such operations as a sort of benchmark for military success in the same paragraph.

Remarkably, you have managed to construct an argument which rests on not one but two ludicrous misreadings of my previous post.

Not in this section on military operations - but in the previous more general section - I stated that "the LKE enjoys much the same relations that TNI had in its heyday." The key word being "relations", i.e. the quality and range of its external relationships. I was not talking about 2015-17 LKE obtaining parity with TNI's military might during 2011-12. Instead, I was talking about the extent of the LKE's diplomatic ties (on the basis of the the treaties that I listed).

Fair enough. I see now that you were referring to two different aspects of regional influence.

The question remains though, how does one measure the relative influence of an ideology? Is it by the quality and quantity of their external relations? By the success of their regional military? Or some combination of the two? I would argue that its the third. Nonetheless, you still haven't shown that imperialism's relative influence is even the same as it was a few years ago; it would even appear that you are in agreement with me that it has decreased.

Onderkelkia wrote:
The North Polish Union wrote:Thirdly, you note that the LKE undertook three major operations in 2016, an average of one every four months. Unfortunately, the LKE's last major operation was in April of this year, nearly six months ago. While the LKE is certainly not obligated to conduct their operations on a regular schedule (and I am not claiming they have to), this would still appear to show a falloff in meaningful military activity and does not help your argument in any way.

The operations in 2016 were not evenly spread out. One occurred in January 2016 (Belgium). The others, South Pacific and TIK, occurred in June and July. Despite the extensive gap between the last operation in 2016 and the occupation in April 2017, the LKE's capability was in no way diminished. We had the same number of troops- not least because they had been regularly deployed supporting allied operations - and the same allies deployed on our request.

The LKE doesn't do raids for the sake of raiding. We raid when it serves our interests to do so. That means conducting sufficient operations to maintain the confidence of our partners in our capability, but our allies and partners know and trust the LKE's abilities. You are also overlooking the context to the LKE's military activity - the war with the Founderless Regions Alliance, which ended in October 2016. For both the LKE and TNI historically, regular occupations - even outside FRA regions - were a way of demonstrating superiority over FRA forces. With the end of the FRA war, we have re-focused elsewhere.

This, again, is a fair point, but many of the arguments I have used above in this post still apply to it.
Onderkelkia wrote:
The North Polish Union wrote:Perhaps I do overestimate the importance of this forum, but even if I do, drowning your opponents in a sea of words hardly serves the interests of your regions when it frustrates and alienates even those that would be amenable to your position were that position to be presented in a more concise way.

My posts are no longer than is necessary to reply substantively to the material that I am presented with.

I have not seen any evidence that my posts frustrate "those that would be amenable to my position". They largely seem to frustrate my enemies.

To provide just one example, earlier this month, in Albion's embassy thread Kylia Quilor made a post in which she told you that "you're not helping yourself or Imperialism across NS like this."
Onderkelkia wrote:
The North Polish Union wrote:As for Slavia, it would appear that you and not me has little appreciation of context. Slavia has nothing to do with the decline of imperialism in any way and your arguments would be better served if they did not include attempts to discredit me through strawmen and speculation over my motives.

Anyone familiar with the Gameplay forum since January 2014 will be well aware that your sole reason for intervening across numerous discussions - with whatever incredible arguments you seem to think might damage me - is a personal vendetta stemming back to the UIAF invasion of Slavia.

The invasion of Slavia has everything to do with why you are posting here.

This is an absurd accusation to make. Nearly the only time since 2014 that the events surrounding Slavia had any influence on my posting decisions was when I questioned the motivations for Balder's support for the Undead Dominion of Lazarus. On that occasion, my concerns were adequately addressed by officials of both Lazarus and Balder and I have not raised them since, rather I have supported Balder's continued presence in Lazarus (albeit with some reservations). Your habit of assuming that any and all of my posts have something to do with Slavia is either entirely ungrounded in reality or a brazen attempt to discredit my arguments offhand.
Onderkelkia wrote:
The North Polish Union wrote:However, as its clear from your last sentence that you think that my perceived distaste for you due to your affiliation with the UIAF is ironic, I will address it insofar as it is necessary to do so. Slavia and the UIAF signed a treaty of non-aggression after the events of early 2014 and by not attempting to refound Slavia, the UIAF was only fulfilling its legally binding treaty obligations. The fact that the UIAF followed such obligations does not and should not change the attitude of myself or any individual member of Slavia towards those in the UIAF at that time. If what you say is true and you were the only voice that supported upholding your organization's legal obligations all that that shows me is that the entire remainder of the UIAF's 2014 leadership was completely and utterly morally bankrupt and that the majority of the UIAF's leadership agreed to the non-aggression treaty in bad faith without ever intending to uphold the treaty. If your claims are true, all you did was uphold your organization's treaty obligations, which is not in itself an action worthy of any sort of merit.

Neither Slavia or its successor region of Imperium Slavicum has violated the non-aggression pact with the UIAF since that pact was signed, nor has there been any push to do so from anyone in the regional leadership. We uphold our treaty obligations and we expect the same from those that the treaty was signed with. The revelation that there was a substantial amount of support in the UIAF to break that treaty only highlights the fact that many imperialists are willing to violate such obligations to serve their own ends. This should serve as a serious wakeup call to any non-imperialist regions that either have treaties with imperialist regions or have high-ranking officials who are imperialists.

For someone who is so fixated with the invasion of Slavia, you do not seem to remember what actually happened.

When I said that I was the lone advocate of accepting the deal I negotiated with you instead of re-founding Slavia, I was not talking about the actual treaty signed following SCOP's thwarted invasion of Anzia and the UIAF's retaliatory invasion of Slavija in April 2014. That was after the invasion of Slavia.

Rather, I was talking about the potential deal that you and I discussed over telegram during the actual invasion of Slavia in January/February 2014. The deal we discussed had similar terms to the eventual deal that I struck with Bolkania over Slavija in April 2014, but the UIAF opted not to take the deal on the table and instead proceeded with attempting a re-found. A nation slipped into the region as the re-found was attempted and the natives re-took it.

The UIAF never once considered going back on the April 2014 treaty - it delighted us - so your insinuations about imperialists are unwarranted.

Then you should have been more clear. When you refer to being an advocate of "taking the deal [you] negotiated with [me]" my natural assumption was that you were referring to a deal that was public knowledge. I was not expecting you to, in a public context, refer to a deal that not only never came to fruition, but to the best of my knowledge was never public knowledge. Our posts on this forum are read by more people than the two of us, and when referring to private negotiations it is best to specify that one is doing so, especially when similar negotiations yielded a published treaty while the one's being referenced did not.

-NPU
Last edited by Pozezdrze on Mon Sep 18, 2017 7:36 pm, edited 1 time in total.

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Postby Onderkelkia » Tue Sep 19, 2017 2:38 am

Pozezdrze wrote:My point was not to say that LKE's influence as a region was dependent on TNI and Albion, but with the collapse of the UIAF and the withdrawal of TNI and Albion from the active imperialist sphere, imperialism as a whole was weakened; a point which we seem to be in agreement on.

Of course we are in agreement that the position of the Imperialist sphere as a whole is not as positive as before the end of the UIAF. I have been expressly acknowledging such on the record for over two years now. Including in my initial response to your attempt to insert this into the Lazarus-TSP discussion:
Onderkelkia wrote:
The North Polish Union wrote:And if it stopped with Onder it would force him to admit that his overbearing attitude is at least partly responsible for the decline of imperialism as a relevant ideology.

That is a rather strange interpretation of this discussion. The decline of "imperialism" from its heights in 2012-15 had nothing to do with the mid-2014 dissolution of the TNI-TSP Treaty and everything to do with the end of the United Imperial Armed Forces and the structural decline of The New Inquisition. The dissolution of the TNI-TSP Treaty was the outcome that TSP's Foreign Minister contrived to obtain by forming an alliance with The Rejected Realms.

As an individual region, the LKE is as powerful and relevant now as it was when UIAF existed - if not more so.

If your argument was only about the Imperialist sphere as a whole, rather than the LKE specifically, then there was little point to your post.

Pozezdrze wrote:Had the UIAF merely disbanded without the collapse of TNI and the ideological shift of Albion (or even if these things had happened, but to a lesser extent) the imperialist sphere as a whole would be in much better shape.

Without TNI's long-term internal decline and Albion's desire to forge their own ideological destiny, the UIAF would not have disbanded.

TNI contributed something distinct from the UIAF, but Albion's contribution to the Imperialist sphere was as a source of additional military units for the UIAF from August 2013 to March 2015. Its departure was of little consequence beyond the loss of the UIAF as an instrument and the demoralising effect on TNI.

Pozezdrze wrote:
Onderkelkia wrote:No, the first line concerns the strength of the LKE's alliance network and the final paragraph reflects on the impact of losing TNI's support for the LKE.

The second paragraph of the quoted segment does discuss the implications from the LKE replacing TNI as the pre-eminent voice of Imperialism within our alliance network. This issue is entirely relevant to assessing the LKE's position following the UIAF's demise. You are arguing that the LKE is less powerful now than it was during the era of the UIAF. In assessing the LKE's power and influence, surely it is in fact relevant if the LKE's allies now turn to the LKE in situations where they previously would have turned to TNI as the voice of Imperialism? Surely it is relevant if it means that the LKE is no longer constrained to follow TNI leadership in its engagement with the wider world? If people now speak of LKE instead of 'TNI' or 'TNI-LKE'? That is what they do now.

You've again merely stated the obvious. Of course the LKE has a network of alliances and it's influence as an imperialist region increased as TNI's decreased. However, I have all along been evaluating the strength of the imperialist sphere as a whole, rather than just that of the LKE. You, on the other hand are merely evaluating that of the LKE. As the LKE is the standard-bearer for imperialism this makes sense, but it does not adequately address my arguments.

As shown above, my initial response was to draw a distinction between the Imperialist sphere as a whole and the LKE specifically.

If you were in agreement with that position - as you now claim to be - then the discussion could have ended there and then. Instead, your own reply to that post stated that "To claim that the LKE is as powerful as it used to be is nothing but a delusional overstatement", hence why I continued to discuss LKE.

Pozezdrze wrote:And you have also misinterpreted my initial post. I said that the LKE has not been "conducting meaningful operations," to which you replied with a brief list of the LKE's "meaningful operations" that exclusively focused on large-scale occupations. Of course, a region is free to decide for itself what it wants to conduct as "meaningful operations" and had you responded that some sort of activity outside of large-scale occupations was what LKE considers "meaningful" we wouldn't be having this discussion.

However, you chose not to do this and instead responded with a list of occupations as examples of the LKE's "meaningful operations," thereby making that kind of activity the benchmark. LKE may put less of an emphasis on these operations than TNI did, but by referring to such operations exclusively when asked about the LKE's military action, you made such actions the standard by which you wished LKE to be judged in this regard. If you're unhappy about the conclusions that standard leads to you could have and ought to have chosen a different standard.

When you a raise a question about the LKE's military activity, then it is reasonable to respond first by briefly noting the LKE's most recent occupations. Nowhere did I make any statement which expressed or implied that occupations were the benchmark by which military activity should be judged.

That is something that you have read into the discussion on the basis of this alone:
Our last significant occupation was The Union of Red Nations in April 2017. In the previous year, we undertook three major occupations (Belgium, South Pacific and The International Kingdom). All in all, our major occupations are indeed less frequent than those of the UIAF in 2013-15 or TNI in 2011-12.

From the outset, in those very two sentences, I made clear that the LKE conducted such occupations less frequently than TNI didd. If my purpose had been establishing that occupations are the main criterion for judging a region's value, then I would hardly start by pointing that difference out.

In any case, beyond our own occupations, the LKE's most recent military deployments were Ankh Mauta in July and Ebola Quarantine Zone in August.

Pozezdrze wrote:The question remains though, how does one measure the relative influence of an ideology? Is it by the quality and quantity of their external relations? By the success of their regional military? Or some combination of the two? I would argue that its the third.

The LKE has always maintained that the purpose of having a regional military is improving a region's overall relationships with other regions (its external position). The military is a subordinate instrument of foreign policy. Focusing on military activity as a co-equal factor is judging means rather than ends.

Pozezdrze wrote:
Onderkelkia wrote:The operations in 2016 were not evenly spread out. One occurred in January 2016 (Belgium). The others, South Pacific and TIK, occurred in June and July. Despite the extensive gap between the last operation in 2016 and the occupation in April 2017, the LKE's capability was in no way diminished. We had the same number of troops- not least because they had been regularly deployed supporting allied operations - and the same allies deployed on our request.

The LKE doesn't do raids for the sake of raiding. We raid when it serves our interests to do so. That means conducting sufficient operations to maintain the confidence of our partners in our capability, but our allies and partners know and trust the LKE's abilities. You are also overlooking the context to the LKE's military activity - the war with the Founderless Regions Alliance, which ended in October 2016. For both the LKE and TNI historically, regular occupations - even outside FRA regions - were a way of demonstrating superiority over FRA forces. With the end of the FRA war, we have re-focused elsewhere.

This, again, is a fair point, but many of the arguments I have used above in this post still apply to it.

Which arguments, exactly, counter the points in my quoted segment?

Pozezdrze wrote:To provide just one example, earlier this month, in Albion's embassy thread Kylia Quilor made a post in which she told you that "you're not helping yourself or Imperialism across NS like this."

That was not a post in which she was saying her own opinion on anything was changed as a result; it was a post in which she was saying, like you, that she perceived that it might be detrimental as regards the opinion of others. Both of you are misunderstanding how the Gameplay forum works. It is not mainly a place where relatively unaligned observers can be swayed to one side. It is primarily a place where players on different sides confirm existing prejudices.

Pozezdrze wrote:This is an absurd accusation to make. Nearly the only time since 2014 that the events surrounding Slavia had any influence on my posting decisions was when I questioned the motivations for Balder's support for the Undead Dominion of Lazarus. On that occasion, my concerns were adequately addressed by officials of both Lazarus and Balder and I have not raised them since, rather I have supported Balder's continued presence in Lazarus (albeit with some reservations). Your habit of assuming that any and all of my posts have something to do with Slavia is either entirely ungrounded in reality or a brazen attempt to discredit my arguments offhand.

So you are admitting to forming an initial view about Balder's intervention in Lazarus based on an entirely unrelated incident in January 2014?

Why would you form a view based on Slavia in relation to that and none anything else? More likely you are merely conceding that point immediately because you have already admitted on the record to being influenced by Slavia when someone else raised the topic (as others have noticed your personal vendetta).

It seems fairly odd and unconvincing that Slavia would influence your view on that and not anything else in these past three years. It seems far more likely that all your various attempts to discredit the Imperialist sphere, the LKE and me individually can be traced back to animosity from that invasion.

Pozezdrze wrote:Then you should have been more clear. When you refer to being an advocate of "taking the deal [you] negotiated with [me]" my natural assumption was that you were referring to a deal that was public knowledge. I was not expecting you to, in a public context, refer to a deal that not only never came to fruition, but to the best of my knowledge was never public knowledge. Our posts on this forum are read by more people than the two of us, and when referring to private negotiations it is best to specify that one is doing so, especially when similar negotiations yielded a published treaty while the one's being referenced did not.

I doubt anyone other than you has the slightest interest today in the UIAF invasion of Slavia. I addressed my remarks to you.

My remarks referred to a potential deal discussed in the context of the UIAF invasion of Slavia and the UIAF considering whether or not to attempt to re-found Slavia as part of that invasion (the option which it chose). Why would you read this as referring to an actual treaty which was formed well after the invasion of Slavia and the UIAF's attempted re-founding? The Slavija treaty was discussed later than that, as a settlement to the UIAF's subsequent retaliatory invasion of Slavija in April 2014. Whereas I discussed the potential Slavia agreement with you, I negotiated the later Slavija treaty with Bolkania. Furthermore, given that I was the "lone advocate" of the agreement, it hardly makes sense to believe I was talking about a treaty that the UIAF accepted.

Perhaps I erred in assuming that you remembered what actually happened in the incident that you are so aggrieved by. Either that or you immediately rushed for an opportunity to adopt the worst possible conclusion, without checking, based on your long-standing prejudices against the UIAF.
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Postby Kylia Quilor » Tue Sep 19, 2017 5:15 am

If this is all about confirming existing prejudices, what on earth are you even doing here, Onder?
Unfocused populism is just as dangerous, if not more so, to an elected government's wellbeing as creeping authoritarianism.
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Postby Onderkelkia » Tue Sep 19, 2017 5:50 am

Kylia Quilor wrote:If this is all about confirming existing prejudices, what on earth are you even doing here, Onder?

I do sometimes consider whether a policy of complete abstention from the Gameplay forum, beyond posting official regional statements and other notices, would be a superior approach. The upper leadership of TNI occasionally debated the merits of such a strategy, as opposed to engaging with the enemy - and that is what the overwhelming majority of our opposing interlocutors in the Gameplay forum are, as opposed to mere opponents. They are the enemy.

The clinching argument for continuing to post isn't persuading waverers about the merits of our position on specific issues. There are very few genuine waverers, most of them will be unmoved by arguments in lengthy discussions and most of them are irrelevant to the interests of our regions in any case. Persuasion is far more effectively carried out on regional off-site forums and one-on-one conversations, where subversive influences are not present and the target audience can be tailored according to the policy objectives of one's region/s. The Gameplay forum is most unsuitable for such a task.

The key argument for continuing to engage is to avoid conceding ground to the enemy. If we were to completely ignore the Gameplay forum, it would be monopolised by hostile forces who could use it as a platform for projecting their views unchallenged. Our failure to challenge their positions would be interpreted as a sign of weakness by (already-aligned) gameplayers - not weakness in terms of the substantive merits of our specific arguments, but of our confidence in our overall position. A Gameplay forum which is a site of contestation is not much use to either side, as no one is ever genuinely persuaded by the back and forth to think further than the pre-existing perspectives they favour due to regional or friendship ties. A hypothetical Gameplay forum in which one side reigned exclusively would be a different matter, especially now there is an established culture of key players following Gameplay debates.

Deciding whether to engage the enemy on this particular front is a relatively close call and the calculus might shift depending on the dynamics of the Gameplay forum in the future, but my general inclination is not to concede any ground to the enemy. It's a question of confrontation; not persuasion.
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Postby Kylia Quilor » Tue Sep 19, 2017 11:05 am

Onderkelkia wrote:
Kylia Quilor wrote:If this is all about confirming existing prejudices, what on earth are you even doing here, Onder?

I do sometimes consider whether a policy of complete abstention from the Gameplay forum, beyond posting official regional statements and other notices, would be a superior approach. The upper leadership of TNI occasionally debated the merits of such a strategy, as opposed to engaging with the enemy - and that is what the overwhelming majority of our opposing interlocutors in the Gameplay forum are, as opposed to mere opponents. They are the enemy.

The clinching argument for continuing to post isn't persuading waverers about the merits of our position on specific issues. There are very few genuine waverers, most of them will be unmoved by arguments in lengthy discussions and most of them are irrelevant to the interests of our regions in any case. Persuasion is far more effectively carried out on regional off-site forums and one-on-one conversations, where subversive influences are not present and the target audience can be tailored according to the policy objectives of one's region/s. The Gameplay forum is most unsuitable for such a task.

The key argument for continuing to engage is to avoid conceding ground to the enemy. If we were to completely ignore the Gameplay forum, it would be monopolised by hostile forces who could use it as a platform for projecting their views unchallenged. Our failure to challenge their positions would be interpreted as a sign of weakness by (already-aligned) gameplayers - not weakness in terms of the substantive merits of our specific arguments, but of our confidence in our overall position. A Gameplay forum which is a site of contestation is not much use to either side, as no one is ever genuinely persuaded by the back and forth to think further than the pre-existing perspectives they favour due to regional or friendship ties. A hypothetical Gameplay forum in which one side reigned exclusively would be a different matter, especially now there is an established culture of key players following Gameplay debates.

Deciding whether to engage the enemy on this particular front is a relatively close call and the calculus might shift depending on the dynamics of the Gameplay forum in the future, but my general inclination is not to concede any ground to the enemy. It's a question of confrontation; not persuasion.

I think you're understating the possibilities of persuadability quite significantly. While many people in GP are entrenched in a view, there's nothing that dictates what those views are, or how they relate to a specific context. There are many cases where, going into an incident in GP, a persons starting position is neutral, and thus, persuadable. Moreover, the optics matter, as you seem to agree.

Ceding the narrative entirely is a problem (I can completely agree with your argument there), but the specific rhetoric used can also create its own problems - a narrative of overbearing arrogance (which is often spun about you and the LKE, even among people who are on your side) is not that much optically better.
Unfocused populism is just as dangerous, if not more so, to an elected government's wellbeing as creeping authoritarianism.
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Postby Aelbarrow » Tue Sep 19, 2017 11:20 am

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Foreign Dispatch

Volume IX, Issue III
LKE Imperial Forums | LKE NationStates Page

WA Delegate: The Republic of Aelbarrow
| Nation Count: 292 | Regional Rank: 40th |


The Monarchy

Emperor: Onder Kelkia
Crown Prince: Theoden Sebastian
Prince Imperial: Linkin Talleyrand

The Imperial Council

Prime Minister: Edward Talleyrand
Minister of the Exterior: Nick Powell
Minister of the Interior: Thomas Insaniac
Minister of Culture: Valfor LeGrand
Minister of Communications: Chiranjeev Singh


The Executive Reshuffles


On 18 July, Vedant Madan was elected to his second term as Prime Minister by the Imperial Senate. Through executive order, the Prime Minister issued reforms to internal and foreign policy. One order introduced the change to an embassy-consulate system. Other orders saw the establishment of the Mentor Corps, as well as numerous government appoints. Most recently, having concluded an official visit to United Kingdom, the Argyll Conference was organized by Prime Minister Madan and ranking UK officials for discussions on strengthening the friendship between both regions.

On 5 September, owing to personal reasons, Vedant Madan resigned from office, opening up candidacies for Prime Minister. The Imperial Senate convened where the Baron of Crescent, Edward Talleyrand was elected to serve the remainder of the term. In the Emperor's speech from Hedingham Palace he stated,
"Edward Talleyrand is a highly respected and competent politician who has previously served well in the office of Prime Minister."

In a recent peerage ceremony, Emperor Onder created Vedant Madan to Baron of Shaftesbury for his successful terms in office.


Senate Debates Loyalty Act Amendment


Hedingham Palace announced the termination of embassy relations with KGB. In addition to terminating diplomatic relations, the Emperor requested that the Imperial Senate take action to proscribe membership of The Kingdom of Great Britain, under the Loyalty Act of 2016. This announcement followed the discovery of evidence that high-ranking regional leaders of KGB had planned to overthrow the government of The West Pacific and sabotage Europeia's internal politics. Previously, in October 2015, the LKE had dissolved our treaty with KGB in response to dishonest and unprofessional conduct towards the LKE on the part of KGB's monarch. KGB subsequently submitted an apology to the LKE to obtain the restoration of embassies, but it is clear from their conspiracy against Europeia and TWP that KGB's promise to change their behaviour was insincere.

The President of the Imperial Senate, elder statesman and Peer, Nick Powell, called the Senate to session with an amendment to the Loyalty Act in light of the Crown's request. Under the Loyalty Act, a list of proscribed regions was created to actively identify organisations against the interests of the LKE, such as the Grey Wardens and The Rejected Realms. Following a debate where support for the move was expressed by all members, the Imperial Senate voted unanimously to proscribe KGB. It is expected that the Emperor will sign the amendment into law within the next few days.


Imperial Command Changes


In a recent announcement from the Imperial Authority for War, General Theoden Sebastian appointed Lieutenant-General Linkin Talleyrand as Adjutant-General of the Imperial Army. In his new position, Linkin Talleyrand will now serve as the principal deputy of the Chief of the Imperial General Staff for administrative matters. In the announcement General Sebastian stated,
"As Prince Imperial and a senior member of our region, he is eminently well placed to help craft and execute strategic military objectives, an advantage that will certainly be beneficial to him, and the service at large, with his increased responsibilities."

Lieutenant-General Linkin Talleyrand, who previously held the position of Quartermaster-General and is a former Minister of Defence, is responsible for managing the membership and training of the force. The Lieutenant-General has expressed keen interest in establishing military education programs, coordinating training operations with the Commander of the Field Army, Lieutenant-General Akillian Talleyrand, chief deputy to the CIGS.



Other News Of The Realm...

  • Minister of the Exterior, Nick Powell, ordered the closure of Albion's embassy and announced the termination of the Treaty of Pendragon between the LKE and Albion. The Imperial Government took these steps after it was discovered that Albion provided support to military operations against The New Inquisition, a treaty ally of both the LKE and Albion.
  • The Duke of Mornington, Akillian Talleyrand, was appointed as the 20th Lord Chancellor of the region.
  • Sean Ingram, former Prime Minister and distinguished statesman, was created Earl of Beckettford by the Emperor.

Brought to you by the Ministry of the Exterior

On behalf of His Supreme Majesty's Government, Peers, Electors and the Imperial Family of the LKE, wishing you all the best!
Last edited by Aelbarrow on Tue Dec 19, 2017 10:38 am, edited 2 times in total.
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Postby New Rogernomics » Tue Sep 19, 2017 11:31 am

Kylia Quilor wrote:
Onderkelkia wrote:I do sometimes consider whether a policy of complete abstention from the Gameplay forum, beyond posting official regional statements and other notices, would be a superior approach. The upper leadership of TNI occasionally debated the merits of such a strategy, as opposed to engaging with the enemy - and that is what the overwhelming majority of our opposing interlocutors in the Gameplay forum are, as opposed to mere opponents. They are the enemy.

The clinching argument for continuing to post isn't persuading waverers about the merits of our position on specific issues. There are very few genuine waverers, most of them will be unmoved by arguments in lengthy discussions and most of them are irrelevant to the interests of our regions in any case. Persuasion is far more effectively carried out on regional off-site forums and one-on-one conversations, where subversive influences are not present and the target audience can be tailored according to the policy objectives of one's region/s. The Gameplay forum is most unsuitable for such a task.

The key argument for continuing to engage is to avoid conceding ground to the enemy. If we were to completely ignore the Gameplay forum, it would be monopolised by hostile forces who could use it as a platform for projecting their views unchallenged. Our failure to challenge their positions would be interpreted as a sign of weakness by (already-aligned) gameplayers - not weakness in terms of the substantive merits of our specific arguments, but of our confidence in our overall position. A Gameplay forum which is a site of contestation is not much use to either side, as no one is ever genuinely persuaded by the back and forth to think further than the pre-existing perspectives they favour due to regional or friendship ties. A hypothetical Gameplay forum in which one side reigned exclusively would be a different matter, especially now there is an established culture of key players following Gameplay debates.

Deciding whether to engage the enemy on this particular front is a relatively close call and the calculus might shift depending on the dynamics of the Gameplay forum in the future, but my general inclination is not to concede any ground to the enemy. It's a question of confrontation; not persuasion.

I think you're understating the possibilities of persuadability quite significantly. While many people in GP are entrenched in a view, there's nothing that dictates what those views are, or how they relate to a specific context. There are many cases where, going into an incident in GP, a persons starting position is neutral, and thus, persuadable. Moreover, the optics matter, as you seem to agree.

Ceding the narrative entirely is a problem (I can completely agree with your argument there), but the specific rhetoric used can also create its own problems - a narrative of overbearing arrogance (which is often spun about you and the LKE, even among people who are on your side) is not that much optically better.
Sometimes conceding ground is necessary, as to not make a debate tense, and to have a clear discussion on the issue in question. Points conceded in a debate however, do not have to imply that you don't still adhere to those points, but that for purpose of that debate, you are prepared to put them aside to discuss the central issue at hand, which yourself and your opponent want to debate. Within a basic sense, staying in an entrenched position might hold your position, in the eyes of those already agreed to your point of view, but it won't move that discussion forward, and instead would stall it along semantic points of the discussion.
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Corporate Police State

Postby Onderkelkia » Tue Sep 19, 2017 1:09 pm

Kylia Quilor wrote:I think you're understating the possibilities of persuadability quite significantly. While many people in GP are entrenched in a view, there's nothing that dictates what those views are, or how they relate to a specific context.

On the one hand, you agree that "many people in GP are entrenched in a view", before then specifying that "there's nothing that dictates what those views are". In fact, there fundamentals - unrelated to this forum - which predetermine the views of every gameplayer. The most important factors are the views of a person's region/s and the views of a person's friendship group. Once an ideological perspective becomes the official or consensus position of region, no one of any significance in its politics is going to go outside of it, unless there is a region-wide policy change arising from that region's own political debates (most often because of an influx of members from a region with a different perspective, who then form friendships with existing residents of the region). To the extent that any single individual's views change, it is usually because social connections have led them away from their region's official stance.

The Gampelay forum is a place mainly used by established gameplayers, who are already well-versed in their own region's perspective, to debate topical issues of controversy, with clear-cut ideological and regional divides, without any expectation of seriously persuading the other participants. This forum is not used by unaligned players seeking to decide their own political identity. The overwhelming majority of players acquire their views from their regional and social affiliations. By and large, no one becomes Raider, Imperialist, Independent or Defender based on what they read in the Gampelay forum. A person's alignment comes from their region and, if it changes, it is usually because a person has grown closer to friends with players based elsewhere.

You will of course find experienced individuals with highly quixotic views, either unaffiliated to a gameplay power or from a small region which is of little relevance. Such people usually have their own highly individualistic take on gameplay, even if it is distinct from those of the main factions. In any case, they are mostly irrelevant to geopolitical outcomes and can be safely ignored, no matter how vocal they may seem within the confines of this forum.

As regards "specific contexts" or political crises, the Gameplay forum is even less useful for persuading the elites who decide the policies of their regions towards particular issues. When there has been an attempted coup in a game-created region, no major region will decide its stance based on who is "winning" in gameplay; they will decide their stance based on pre-conceived ideological and political factors. The class of players who determine policy are among the least persuadable in the game. Members of a region's upper leadership are not going to change their mind because a political opponent produced a beautiful essay. They will keep pushing their own agenda, whatever that is, or sit out if their agenda is not at stake. The players outside their region's decision-making apparatus are essentially irrelevant; they can speak in this forum (and only a minute proportion of them even do that), but otherwise they have no means of making any impact. Some may speak as part of their own region's political debates, but is far more likely that such debates will be driven by domestic politics than the arguments presented in this forum. We are deceiving ourselves if we can think our posts here can sway specific outcomes. To the extent there is any impact, it is largely on the morale of the participants in these discussions. Hence the importance of projecting strength and unity.

Kylia Quilor wrote:There are many cases where, going into an incident in GP, a persons starting position is neutral, and thus, persuadable.

Very few established gameplayers - particularly those in positions of political importance - are genuinely neutral about the outcome of any fresh political dispute. Some may find the arguments advanced by their side to be unconvincing, but it is far more likely that they will overlook or ignore weaknesses in their side's position than actually acknowledge them. Perhaps you individually are an exception to this rule, but that is not how most gameplayers work.

There may be a small number of unaligned people who are not established gameplayers who regularly or occasionally read this forum, forming views as they do. They constitute such a small proportion of overall public opinion - across all regions in NationStates - that they are largely irrelevant. The people who need to be persuaded are the senior leaders and opinion-formers of the regions who you want to act in a particular way. You don't persuade them here.

Kylia Quilor wrote:Moreover, the optics matter, as you seem to agree.

It depends what you mean by "the optics". The most important perceptions to avoid are weakness and disunity within your region and its ideological sphere. Once you have accepted that no one who matters is going to change their mind about geopolitical issue based on whose side they find more convincing, then it it is obvious that presenting an overall impression of strength and unity is far more important than the specific arguments advanced. As long as your region is able to articulate its own views as a coherent position, and has allies who will loyally support its position, persuading additional people doesn't really matter. You simply need to avoid your enemies' propaganda being accepted as gospel to the point that your views are unrepresented.

Kylia Quilor wrote:Ceding the narrative entirely is a problem (I can completely agree with your argument there), but the specific rhetoric used can also create its own problems - a narrative of overbearing arrogance (which is often spun about you and the LKE, even among people who are on your side) is not that much optically better.

If you accept the premise that the Gameplay forum is not a conducive environment for persuading regional policy-makers to change their stance, then compromising your own rhetoric (which inevitably determines your own actual policy) in order to appease opinion here is the height of foolishness. It basically means that you are a letting a hostile audience - which can never be ultimately satisfied - shape your own thinking in exchange for nothing. There is no quicker path to surrendering a region's foreign policy autonomy and therefore its Independence than worrying about whether your determined political opponents will applaud you. For any region with such a foolish approach, posting here is not merely useless; it is actively counter-productive.

Better to stay well away from the Gameplay forum than take that approach.
Last edited by Onderkelkia on Tue Sep 19, 2017 3:15 pm, edited 2 times in total.
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Moralistic Democracy

Postby The North Polish Union » Tue Sep 19, 2017 1:13 pm

Onderkelkia wrote:
Pozezdrze wrote:My point was not to say that LKE's influence as a region was dependent on TNI and Albion, but with the collapse of the UIAF and the withdrawal of TNI and Albion from the active imperialist sphere, imperialism as a whole was weakened; a point which we seem to be in agreement on.

Of course we are in agreement that the position of the Imperialist sphere as a whole is not as positive as before the end of the UIAF. I have been expressly acknowledging such on the record for over two years now. Including in my initial response to your attempt to insert this into the Lazarus-TSP discussion:
Onderkelkia wrote:That is a rather strange interpretation of this discussion. The decline of "imperialism" from its heights in 2012-15 had nothing to do with the mid-2014 dissolution of the TNI-TSP Treaty and everything to do with the end of the United Imperial Armed Forces and the structural decline of The New Inquisition. The dissolution of the TNI-TSP Treaty was the outcome that TSP's Foreign Minister contrived to obtain by forming an alliance with The Rejected Realms.

As an individual region, the LKE is as powerful and relevant now as it was when UIAF existed - if not more so.

If your argument was only about the Imperialist sphere as a whole, rather than the LKE specifically, then there was little point to your post.

In my initial post, I spoke of "the decline of imperialism as a relevant ideology" and from there proceeded to demonstrate why this is the case using examples. How you got the idea that this is somehow about the LKE and the LKE alone is beyond me.
Onderkelkia wrote:
Pozezdrze wrote:Had the UIAF merely disbanded without the collapse of TNI and the ideological shift of Albion (or even if these things had happened, but to a lesser extent) the imperialist sphere as a whole would be in much better shape.

Without TNI's long-term internal decline and Albion's desire to forge their own ideological destiny, the UIAF would not have disbanded.

TNI contributed something distinct from the UIAF, but Albion's contribution to the Imperialist sphere was as a source of additional military units for the UIAF from August 2013 to March 2015. Its departure was of little consequence beyond the loss of the UIAF as an instrument and the demoralising effect on TNI.

So Albion's departure was "of little consequence" even though it resulted in "the loss of the UIAF and the demorali[zation] of TNI?" Explain how this can possibly be the case.

Onderkelkia wrote:
Pozezdrze wrote:You've again merely stated the obvious. Of course the LKE has a network of alliances and it's influence as an imperialist region increased as TNI's decreased. However, I have all along been evaluating the strength of the imperialist sphere as a whole, rather than just that of the LKE. You, on the other hand are merely evaluating that of the LKE. As the LKE is the standard-bearer for imperialism this makes sense, but it does not adequately address my arguments.

As shown above, my initial response was to draw a distinction between the Imperialist sphere as a whole and the LKE specifically.

If you were in agreement with that position - as you now claim to be - then the discussion could have ended there and then. Instead, your own reply to that post stated that "To claim that the LKE is as powerful as it used to be is nothing but a delusional overstatement", hence why I continued to discuss LKE.

As I showed above, my initial post referenced "the decline of imperialism as a relevant ideology" to which your response was "the LKE is as powerful and relevant now as it was when UIAF existed." If you were indeed in agreement with me as you claim to be (i.e. that the imperialist sphere as a whole has been weakened) the "discussion" would have ended without you even posting.

Onderkelkia wrote:
Pozezdrze wrote:And you have also misinterpreted my initial post. I said that the LKE has not been "conducting meaningful operations," to which you replied with a brief list of the LKE's "meaningful operations" that exclusively focused on large-scale occupations. Of course, a region is free to decide for itself what it wants to conduct as "meaningful operations" and had you responded that some sort of activity outside of large-scale occupations was what LKE considers "meaningful" we wouldn't be having this discussion.

However, you chose not to do this and instead responded with a list of occupations as examples of the LKE's "meaningful operations," thereby making that kind of activity the benchmark. LKE may put less of an emphasis on these operations than TNI did, but by referring to such operations exclusively when asked about the LKE's military action, you made such actions the standard by which you wished LKE to be judged in this regard. If you're unhappy about the conclusions that standard leads to you could have and ought to have chosen a different standard.

When you a raise a question about the LKE's military activity, then it is reasonable to respond first by briefly noting the LKE's most recent occupations. Nowhere did I make any statement which expressed or implied that occupations were the benchmark by which military activity should be judged.

That is something that you have read into the discussion on the basis of this alone:
Our last significant occupation was The Union of Red Nations in April 2017. In the previous year, we undertook three major occupations (Belgium, South Pacific and The International Kingdom). All in all, our major occupations are indeed less frequent than those of the UIAF in 2013-15 or TNI in 2011-12.

From the outset, in those very two sentences, I made clear that the LKE conducted such occupations less frequently than TNI didd. If my purpose had been establishing that occupations are the main criterion for judging a region's value, then I would hardly start by pointing that difference out.

In any case, beyond our own occupations, the LKE's most recent military deployments were Ankh Mauta in July and Ebola Quarantine Zone in August.

I mentioned "meaningful operations" to which you responded with a list of long-term occupations and solely long-term operations. I even later admitted that it is well within the LKE's right to determine for themselves what constitutes a "meaningful operation." I have nowhere insisted that the LKE's military be judged by their long-term operations, rather, by choosing such operations as the sole example of meaningful military activity you created that metric for yourself and it would appear that your unwillingness to accept that now stems from the fact that your claim that the LKE is as or more powerful than it was when the UIAF existed is completely indefensible by that metric.

Onderkelkia wrote:
Pozezdrze wrote:The question remains though, how does one measure the relative influence of an ideology? Is it by the quality and quantity of their external relations? By the success of their regional military? Or some combination of the two? I would argue that its the third.

The LKE has always maintained that the purpose of having a regional military is improving a region's overall relationships with other regions (its external position). The military is a subordinate instrument of foreign policy. Focusing on military activity as a co-equal factor is judging means rather than ends.

Fair enough, and its well within the LKE's right to decide that for themselves. I have never claimed otherwise.

Onderkelkia wrote:
Pozezdrze wrote:To provide just one example, earlier this month, in Albion's embassy thread Kylia Quilor made a post in which she told you that "you're not helping yourself or Imperialism across NS like this."

That was not a post in which she was saying her own opinion on anything was changed as a result; it was a post in which she was saying, like you, that she perceived that it might be detrimental as regards the opinion of others. Both of you are misunderstanding how the Gameplay forum works. It is not mainly a place where relatively unaligned observers can be swayed to one side. It is primarily a place where players on different sides confirm existing prejudices.

When those ideologically aligned with you believe that your rhetoric does not "hel[p] yourself or Imperialism across NS" you can draw your own conclusions about how anyone not ideologically aligned with you must feel about said rhetoric

Onderkelkia wrote:
Pozezdrze wrote:This is an absurd accusation to make. Nearly the only time since 2014 that the events surrounding Slavia had any influence on my posting decisions was when I questioned the motivations for Balder's support for the Undead Dominion of Lazarus. On that occasion, my concerns were adequately addressed by officials of both Lazarus and Balder and I have not raised them since, rather I have supported Balder's continued presence in Lazarus (albeit with some reservations). Your habit of assuming that any and all of my posts have something to do with Slavia is either entirely ungrounded in reality or a brazen attempt to discredit my arguments offhand.

So you are admitting to forming an initial view about Balder's intervention in Lazarus based on an entirely unrelated incident in January 2014?

Why would you form a view based on Slavia in relation to that and none anything else? More likely you are merely conceding that point immediately because you have already admitted on the record to being influenced by Slavia when someone else raised the topic (as others have noticed your personal vendetta).

It seems fairly odd and unconvincing that Slavia would influence your view on that and not anything else in these past three years. It seems far more likely that all your various attempts to discredit the Imperialist sphere, the LKE and me individually can be traced back to animosity from that invasion.

Again, unsubstantiated conspiracy theorizing. When something is about Slavia I will say its about Slavia (and I have done so when it is necessary).

Onderkelkia wrote:
Pozezdrze wrote:Then you should have been more clear. When you refer to being an advocate of "taking the deal [you] negotiated with [me]" my natural assumption was that you were referring to a deal that was public knowledge. I was not expecting you to, in a public context, refer to a deal that not only never came to fruition, but to the best of my knowledge was never public knowledge. Our posts on this forum are read by more people than the two of us, and when referring to private negotiations it is best to specify that one is doing so, especially when similar negotiations yielded a published treaty while the one's being referenced did not.

I doubt anyone other than you has the slightest interest today in the UIAF invasion of Slavia. I addressed my remarks to you.

My remarks referred to a potential deal discussed in the context of the UIAF invasion of Slavia and the UIAF considering whether or not to attempt to re-found Slavia as part of that invasion (the option which it chose). Why would you read this as referring to an actual treaty which was formed well after the invasion of Slavia and the UIAF's attempted re-founding? The Slavija treaty was discussed later than that, as a settlement to the UIAF's subsequent retaliatory invasion of Slavija in April 2014. Whereas I discussed the potential Slavia agreement with you, I negotiated the later Slavija treaty with Bolkania. Furthermore, given that I was the "lone advocate" of the agreement, it hardly makes sense to believe I was talking about a treaty that the UIAF accepted.

Perhaps I erred in assuming that you remembered what actually happened in the incident that you are so aggrieved by. Either that or you immediately rushed for an opportunity to adopt the worst possible conclusion, without checking, based on your long-standing prejudices against the UIAF.

Your initial post was unclear about what negotiations you were referring to, as I have explained previously. When you attempt to discredit my memory to avoid accepting responsibility for your lack of clarity the only individual whose reputation is damaged is you.
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Corporate Police State

Postby Onderkelkia » Tue Sep 19, 2017 2:32 pm

The sheer number of points that have arisen in this discussion solely due to your absurd and possibly deliberate misreadings is notable.

The North Polish Union wrote:
Onderkelkia wrote:Of course we are in agreement that the position of the Imperialist sphere as a whole is not as positive as before the end of the UIAF. I have been expressly acknowledging such on the record for over two years now. Including in my initial response to your attempt to insert this into the Lazarus-TSP discussion:

If your argument was only about the Imperialist sphere as a whole, rather than the LKE specifically, then there was little point to your post.

In my initial post, I spoke of "the decline of imperialism as a relevant ideology" and from there proceeded to demonstrate why this is the case using examples. How you got the idea that
this is somehow about the LKE and the LKE alone is beyond me.

You are ignoring my initial response, in which I acknowledged "the decline of Imperialism" relative to the era of the 2013-15 UIAF, and your own reply to that response, which expressly disputed my claim that the LKE's position today is as strong as it was during the UIAF. That is why we are talking about LKE.

For reference, this was the relevant section of your reply:
The North Polish Union wrote:To claim that the LKE is as powerful as it used to be is nothing but a delusional overstatement, the LKE is militarily a shadow of its former self; were they not, we would see them conducting meaningful operations, something that I have not seen recently.

Having said that, you can hardly claim that you were only ever talking about the Imperialist sphere being weaker than it at the start of 2015. If that was the case, then the discussion could have ended with my initial post. Instead, you opened a new line of discussion by disputing the point regarding LKE.

You seem to think that the end of the UIAF weakening Imperialism is a new insight. It has been readily acknowledged for years. It was also entirely unrelated to the topic of the original thread - Lazarus/TSP. One would almost think you were looking for an opportunity to make a cheap shot.

The North Polish Union wrote:
Onderkelkia wrote:Without TNI's long-term internal decline and Albion's desire to forge their own ideological destiny, the UIAF would not have disbanded.

TNI contributed something distinct from the UIAF, but Albion's contribution to the Imperialist sphere was as a source of additional military units for the UIAF from August 2013 to March 2015. Its departure was of little consequence beyond the loss of the UIAF as an instrument and the demoralising effect on TNI.

So Albion's departure was "of little consequence" even though it resulted in "the loss of the UIAF and the demorali[zation] of TNI?" Explain how this can possibly be the case.

Once again, you are indulging yourself in a ludicrous misreading.

I stated that Ablion's departure "was of little consequence beyond the loss of the UIAF as an instrument and the demoralising effect on TNI." I was not saying that it was of little consequence if those factors are included in the analysis. I stated it was little consequence if those factors are excluded.

Why did I seek to separate the end of the UIAF from the other implications of Albion's departure? I separated out the end of the UIAF because I was replying to your point that "the imperialist sphere as a whole would be in much better shape" if the UIAF had ended without Albion's ideological shift.

This discussion is so ridiculous that, at this stage, I can only assume you are engaging in deliberately misreadings to prolong our conversation.

The North Polish Union wrote:As I showed above, my initial post referenced "the decline of imperialism as a relevant ideology" to which your response was "the LKE is as powerful and relevant now as it was when UIAF existed." If you were indeed in agreement with me as you claim to be (i.e. that the imperialist sphere as a whole has been weakened) the "discussion" would have ended without you even posting.

Your original claim wasn't simply that Imperialism had declined relative to 2015. Rather, it was that I was responsible for this outcome.

To demonstrate, this is the relevant section of your original post and my reply to it:
Onderkelkia wrote:
The North Polish Union wrote:And if it stopped with Onder it would force him to admit that his overbearing attitude is at least partly responsible for the decline of imperialism as a relevant ideology.

That is a rather strange interpretation of this discussion. The decline of "imperialism" from its heights in 2012-15 had nothing to do with the mid-2014 dissolution of the TNI-TSP Treaty and everything to do with the end of the United Imperial Armed Forces and the structural decline of The New Inquisition. The dissolution of the TNI-TSP Treaty was the outcome that TSP's Foreign Minister contrived to obtain by forming an alliance with The Rejected Realms.

As an individual region, the LKE is as powerful and relevant now as it was when UIAF existed - if not more so.


The North Polish Union wrote:I mentioned "meaningful operations" to which you responded with a list of long-term occupations and solely long-term operations. I even later admitted that it is well within the LKE's right to determine for themselves what constitutes a "meaningful operation." I have nowhere insisted that the LKE's military be judged by their long-term operations, rather, by choosing such operations as the sole example of meaningful military activity you created that metric for yourself and it would appear that your unwillingness to accept that now stems from the fact that your claim that the LKE is as or more powerful than it was when the UIAF existed is completely indefensible by that metric.

You have no basis for claiming that I selected occupations as the sole indicator of meaningful military activity or the LKE's power.

Merely because I began my remarks by referencing the most recent LKE-led occupations does not mean I was claiming that they are the only thing that mattered. That is a claim that you have read into my comments merely because I mentioned such occupations as part of a wider response.

This is the entirety of my original response on this point:
Onderkelkia wrote:
The North Polish Union wrote:the LKE is militarily a shadow of its former self; were they not, we would see them conducting meaningful operations, something that I have not seen recently.

Our last significant occupation was The Union of Red Nations in April 2017. In the previous year, we undertook three major occupations (Belgium, South Pacific and The International Kingdom). All in all, our major occupations are indeed less frequent than those of the UIAF in 2013-15 or TNI in 2011-12.

Relative to TNI, it should be noted that the LKE has always been more orientated to diplomacy and intelligence than military affairs. TNI was mostly the lead military partner. While there have been periods where the LKE was the lead military partner in our relationship with TNI - in 2006-7, in late 2009 and the first half of 2010, and in mid-2013, before Albion was admitted to the UIAF - our model has generally been less orientated towards regular occupations.

We retain the capability to organise large and successful occupations, as The Union of Red Nations showed, but we have other focuses at the moment.

Rather than engaging with the substance of this response or my subsequent posts on this topic, you have instead opted to misread the first paragraph as an assertion that only occupations matter and insisted on conducting all subsequent discussion within that framework. That is highly unreasonable. on large-scale occupations. Of course, a region is free to decide for itself what it wants to conduct as "meaningful operations" and had you responded that some sort of activity outside of large-scale occupations was what LKE considers "meaningful" we wouldn't be having this discussion.

The North Polish Union wrote:When those ideologically aligned with you believe that your rhetoric does not "hel[p] yourself or Imperialism across NS" you can draw your own conclusions about how anyone not ideologically aligned with you must feel about said rhetoric

There were always be disagreements over tactics among those with a similar ideological disposition. The existence of such disagreements is not evidence about what tactics are most effective. In any case, I would not say that Kylia Quilor is that aligned with me. We each regularly espouse views that the other never would. Independence and Imperialism are about advancing the interests/power of specific regions; there is no firm assumption of similar views on policy issues among everyone who subscribes to Independence or Imperialism as a theoretical framework. The LKE and Kantrias are very different places.

The North Polish Union wrote:
Onderkelkia wrote:So you are admitting to forming an initial view about Balder's intervention in Lazarus based on an entirely unrelated incident in January 2014?

Why would you form a view based on Slavia in relation to that and none anything else? More likely you are merely conceding that point immediately because you have already admitted on the record to being influenced by Slavia when someone else raised the topic (as others have noticed your personal vendetta).

It seems fairly odd and unconvincing that Slavia would influence your view on that and not anything else in these past three years. It seems far more likely that all your various attempts to discredit the Imperialist sphere, the LKE and me individually can be traced back to animosity from that invasion.

Again, unsubstantiated conspiracy theorizing. When something is about Slavia I will say its about Slavia (and I have done so when it is necessary).

I am sure that others familiar with your posting pattern since the January 2014 invasion of Slavia will see that it is a fair assessment.

The North Polish Union wrote:Your initial post was unclear about what negotiations you were referring to, as I have explained previously. When you attempt to discredit my memory to avoid accepting responsibility for your lack of clarity the only individual whose reputation is damaged is you.

Whereas I have explained why my initial post referred to a potential deal, and one which was not actually taken, in the context of the January/February 2014 invasion of Slavia, when the UIAF had the chance to re-found Slavia. On the facts presented in my post - that it arose during the invasion of Slavia, that the UIAF had the option of re-founding Slavia and I was the lone advocate for the deal in the UIAF - that it could not have possibly been a reference to the treaty that the UIAf actually signed in April 2014 following the invasion of Slavija. Either due to a failure of recollection surrounding the specific details or deliberately due to your long-standing animus against the UIAF, you misinterpreted the post to enter into an unjustified monologue against the UIAF. It is not my responsibility that you (once again) misread my post to reach an unsupportable conclusion tied to an argument that supports your vendetta.
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Ex-Nation

Postby Coniuncti » Tue Sep 19, 2017 10:18 pm

;)
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Postby Consular » Tue Sep 19, 2017 10:50 pm

Aelbarrow wrote:Minister of the Exterior, Nick Powell, ordered the closure of Albion's embassy and announced the termination of the Treaty of Pendragon between the LKE and Albion. The Imperial Government took these steps after it was discovered that Albion provided support to military operations against The New Inquisition, a treaty ally of both the LKE and Albion.

I needed a laugh today. Thanks

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Moralistic Democracy

Postby The North Polish Union » Wed Sep 20, 2017 12:06 am

Onderkelkia wrote:The sheer number of points that have arisen in this discussion solely due to your absurd and possibly deliberate misreadings is notable.

The North Polish Union wrote:In my initial post, I spoke of "the decline of imperialism as a relevant ideology" and from there proceeded to demonstrate why this is the case using examples. How you got the idea that
this is somehow about the LKE and the LKE alone is beyond me.

You are ignoring my initial response, in which I acknowledged "the decline of Imperialism" relative to the era of the 2013-15 UIAF, and your own reply to that response, which expressly disputed my claim that the LKE's position today is as strong as it was during the UIAF. That is why we are talking about LKE.

For reference, this was the relevant section of your reply:
The North Polish Union wrote:To claim that the LKE is as powerful as it used to be is nothing but a delusional overstatement, the LKE is militarily a shadow of its former self; were they not, we would see them conducting meaningful operations, something that I have not seen recently.

Having said that, you can hardly claim that you were only ever talking about the Imperialist sphere being weaker than it at the start of 2015. If that was the case, then the discussion could have ended with my initial post. Instead, you opened a new line of discussion by disputing the point regarding LKE.

You seem to think that the end of the UIAF weakening Imperialism is a new insight. It has been readily acknowledged for years. It was also entirely unrelated to the topic of the original thread - Lazarus/TSP. One would almost think you were looking for an opportunity to make a cheap shot.

You brought up the LKE before I did. Since you admit that imperialism as a whole has declined why is it then necessary to bring up LKE at all? Again, your post agreed that imperialism has declined before going of on a tangent in the last sentence that "As an individual region, the LKE is as powerful and relevant now as it was when UIAF existed - if not more so." It is difficult to see what this has to do with the imperialist sphere as a whole

Onderkelkia wrote:
The North Polish Union wrote:So Albion's departure was "of little consequence" even though it resulted in "the loss of the UIAF and the demorali[zation] of TNI?" Explain how this can possibly be the case.

Once again, you are indulging yourself in a ludicrous misreading.

I stated that Ablion's departure "was of little consequence beyond the loss of the UIAF as an instrument and the demoralising effect on TNI." I was not saying that it was of little consequence if those factors are included in the analysis. I stated it was little consequence if those factors are excluded.

Why did I seek to separate the end of the UIAF from the other implications of Albion's departure? I separated out the end of the UIAF because I was replying to your point that "the imperialist sphere as a whole would be in much better shape" if the UIAF had ended without Albion's ideological shift.

This discussion is so ridiculous that, at this stage, I can only assume you are engaging in deliberately misreadings to prolong our conversation.

Of course Albion's departure did little beyond dissolving the UIAF and demoralizing TNI. It is again difficult to see what other effects it could have had. Your argument essentially says "this action had serious consequences, but beyond these serious consequences there are few consequences," its essentially a tautology and contributes nothing to your argument.
Onderkelkia wrote:
The North Polish Union wrote:As I showed above, my initial post referenced "the decline of imperialism as a relevant ideology" to which your response was "the LKE is as powerful and relevant now as it was when UIAF existed." If you were indeed in agreement with me as you claim to be (i.e. that the imperialist sphere as a whole has been weakened) the "discussion" would have ended without you even posting.

Your original claim wasn't simply that Imperialism had declined relative to 2015. Rather, it was that I was responsible for this outcome.

To demonstrate, this is the relevant section of your original post and my reply to it:
Onderkelkia wrote:That is a rather strange interpretation of this discussion. The decline of "imperialism" from its heights in 2012-15 had nothing to do with the mid-2014 dissolution of the TNI-TSP Treaty and everything to do with the end of the United Imperial Armed Forces and the structural decline of The New Inquisition. The dissolution of the TNI-TSP Treaty was the outcome that TSP's Foreign Minister contrived to obtain by forming an alliance with The Rejected Realms.

As an individual region, the LKE is as powerful and relevant now as it was when UIAF existed - if not more so.

And you never actually challenged my initial assertion, instead dragging the discussion off to other venues. I still hold that your overbearing attitude is likely to drive away would-be imperialists, feel free to challenge the assertion if you like.
Onderkelkia wrote:
The North Polish Union wrote:I mentioned "meaningful operations" to which you responded with a list of long-term occupations and solely long-term operations. I even later admitted that it is well within the LKE's right to determine for themselves what constitutes a "meaningful operation." I have nowhere insisted that the LKE's military be judged by their long-term operations, rather, by choosing such operations as the sole example of meaningful military activity you created that metric for yourself and it would appear that your unwillingness to accept that now stems from the fact that your claim that the LKE is as or more powerful than it was when the UIAF existed is completely indefensible by that metric.

You have no basis for claiming that I selected occupations as the sole indicator of meaningful military activity or the LKE's power.

Merely because I began my remarks by referencing the most recent LKE-led occupations does not mean I was claiming that they are the only thing that mattered. That is a claim that you have read into my comments merely because I mentioned such occupations as part of a wider response.

This is the entirety of my original response on this point:
Onderkelkia wrote:Our last significant occupation was The Union of Red Nations in April 2017. In the previous year, we undertook three major occupations (Belgium, South Pacific and The International Kingdom). All in all, our major occupations are indeed less frequent than those of the UIAF in 2013-15 or TNI in 2011-12.

Relative to TNI, it should be noted that the LKE has always been more orientated to diplomacy and intelligence than military affairs. TNI was mostly the lead military partner. While there have been periods where the LKE was the lead military partner in our relationship with TNI - in 2006-7, in late 2009 and the first half of 2010, and in mid-2013, before Albion was admitted to the UIAF - our model has generally been less orientated towards regular occupations.

We retain the capability to organise large and successful occupations, as The Union of Red Nations showed, but we have other focuses at the moment.

Rather than engaging with the substance of this response or my subsequent posts on this topic, you have instead opted to misread the first paragraph as an assertion that only occupations matter and insisted on conducting all subsequent discussion within that framework. That is highly unreasonable. on large-scale occupations. Of course, a region is free to decide for itself what it wants to conduct as "meaningful operations" and had you responded that some sort of activity outside of large-scale occupations was what LKE considers "meaningful" we wouldn't be having this discussion.

All I stated was that I had not seen the LKE conduction meaningful operations. You chose to respond to that with a list of occupations the LKE has engaged in recently. I did not force you to provide only occupations as examples of meaningful operations, you chose that yourself. You and you alone inflicted the metric of occupations as meaningful operations on the LKE and your desperate and repeated attempts to disown the metric that you set for yourself now that you've realized your arguments are indefensible from that metric are telling.
Onderkelkia wrote:
The North Polish Union wrote:When those ideologically aligned with you believe that your rhetoric does not "hel[p] yourself or Imperialism across NS" you can draw your own conclusions about how anyone not ideologically aligned with you must feel about said rhetoric

There were always be disagreements over tactics among those with a similar ideological disposition. The existence of such disagreements is not evidence about what tactics are most effective. In any case, I would not say that Kylia Quilor is that aligned with me. We each regularly espouse views that the other never would. Independence and Imperialism are about advancing the interests/power of specific regions; there is no firm assumption of similar views on policy issues among everyone who subscribes to Independence or Imperialism as a theoretical framework. The LKE and Kantrias are very different places.

I never claimed that there was any sort of enforced ideological homogeneity among imperialists, that would be absurd. For someone that insists that I misread your posts as frequently as you have been doing you've just yourself committed a rather egregious act of such a misreading.

The fact is, Kylia is much more ideologically aligned with you than you are with the overwhelming majority of posters on this forum, and when she feels (as someone espousing a similar but not identical ideological standpoint) that your rhetoric does more harm than good that speaks volumes about the impact your rhetoric must have on those not so similarly aligned.

Further, as an example, if a defender were to tell Unibot that his rhetoric does more harm to defending than good (despite this hypothetical defender not sharing the exact ideological tenets as Unibot) that criticism ought to be more meaningful than if a raider told Unibot the same thing. The above analogy applies just as well to this situation, albeit with different actors.
Onderkelkia wrote:
The North Polish Union wrote:Again, unsubstantiated conspiracy theorizing. When something is about Slavia I will say its about Slavia (and I have done so when it is necessary).

I am sure that others familiar with your posting pattern since the January 2014 invasion of Slavia will see that it is a fair assessment.

And they are free to assess it in any way they choose. Their assessment can be either right or wrong and the veracity of that assessment has no impact on the actual reasons I post what I post.

Onderkelkia wrote:
The North Polish Union wrote:Your initial post was unclear about what negotiations you were referring to, as I have explained previously. When you attempt to discredit my memory to avoid accepting responsibility for your lack of clarity the only individual whose reputation is damaged is you.

Whereas I have explained why my initial post referred to a potential deal, and one which was not actually taken, in the context of the January/February 2014 invasion of Slavia, when the UIAF had the chance to re-found Slavia. On the facts presented in my post - that it arose during the invasion of Slavia, that the UIAF had the option of re-founding Slavia and I was the lone advocate for the deal in the UIAF - that it could not have possibly been a reference to the treaty that the UIAf actually signed in April 2014 following the invasion of Slavija. Either due to a failure of recollection surrounding the specific details or deliberately due to your long-standing animus against the UIAF, you misinterpreted the post to enter into an unjustified monologue against the UIAF. It is not my responsibility that you (once again) misread my post to reach an unsupportable conclusion tied to an argument that supports your vendetta.

Indeed, you explained that the post was not about the deal that was put in place in April 2014, and I have not since challenged that that explanation is correct, nor have I continued down the line of reasoning I had been following prior to your explanation. However, had you worded your initial post in such a way that your prior explanation would not have been necessary we would not be having this discussion.

As it is, the only reason we still are having the discussion is because of your unwillingness to admit that the initial post's wording was unclear. Of course you believe it is clear, had you not I am sure you would not have posted it; but the fact that you believe it is clear has no bearing on whether or not other readers will find it as clear as you found it when writing it.
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Onderkelkia
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Corporate Police State

Postby Onderkelkia » Wed Sep 20, 2017 1:58 am

The North Polish Union wrote:
Onderkelkia wrote:The sheer number of points that have arisen in this discussion solely due to your absurd and possibly deliberate misreadings is notable.


You are ignoring my initial response, in which I acknowledged "the decline of Imperialism" relative to the era of the 2013-15 UIAF, and your own reply to that response, which expressly disputed my claim that the LKE's position today is as strong as it was during the UIAF. That is why we are talking about LKE.

For reference, this was the relevant section of your reply:
Having said that, you can hardly claim that you were only ever talking about the Imperialist sphere being weaker than it at the start of 2015. If that was the case, then the discussion could have ended with my initial post. Instead, you opened a new line of discussion by disputing the point regarding LKE.

You seem to think that the end of the UIAF weakening Imperialism is a new insight. It has been readily acknowledged for years. It was also entirely unrelated to the topic of the original thread - Lazarus/TSP. One would almost think you were looking for an opportunity to make a cheap shot.

You brought up the LKE before I did. Since you admit that imperialism as a whole has declined why is it then necessary to bring up LKE at all? Again, your post agreed that imperialism has declined before going of on a tangent in the last sentence that "As an individual region, the LKE is as powerful and relevant now as it was when UIAF existed - if not more so." It is difficult to see what this has to do with the imperialist sphere as a whole.

The LKE was mentioned initially because your original argument was not merely that the Imperialist sphere had declined. Rather, it was that I was responsible for causing this. As Emperor, I have specific responsibility for the welfare of the LKE which I do not have for Imperialist regions in the abstract. Given my personal responsibility for the LKE, I felt it appropriate to highlight that the LKE's overall external relationships are as strong as ever, to illustrate that my personal role is not as harmful as you alleged. You may feel this is unimportant, but if you had provided any evidence or even just specific points to support your initial claim about my role, then I could naturally have tailored my own response to whatever aspect you feel is more important.

Furthermore, if you had wanted to claim that the question of the LKE's standing was irrelevant, you could have either said so or ignored the point. Instead, you responded that "To claim that the LKE is as powerful as it used to be is nothing but a delusional overstatement", showing disagreement.

That is why the subsequent discussion was framed around the LKE, as that was the issue that was disputed between us - until you apparently decided that was an unwinnable argument and instead embarked upon pretending that you had never said the words I have quoted in the above paragraph.

The North Polish Union wrote:
Onderkelkia wrote:Once again, you are indulging yourself in a ludicrous misreading.

I stated that Ablion's departure "was of little consequence beyond the loss of the UIAF as an instrument and the demoralising effect on TNI." I was not saying that it was of little consequence if those factors are included in the analysis. I stated it was little consequence if those factors are excluded.

Why did I seek to separate the end of the UIAF from the other implications of Albion's departure? I separated out the end of the UIAF because I was replying to your point that "the imperialist sphere as a whole would be in much better shape" if the UIAF had ended without Albion's ideological shift.

This discussion is so ridiculous that, at this stage, I can only assume you are engaging in deliberately misreadings to prolong our conversation.

Of course Albion's departure did little beyond dissolving the UIAF and demoralizing TNI. It is again difficult to see what other effects it could have had. Your argument essentially says "this action had serious consequences, but beyond these serious consequences there are few consequences," its essentially a tautology and contributes nothing to your argument.

As I clearly explained in the very section of my post to which you are replying, the reason for characterising the consequences of Albion's departure from the Imperialist sphere, beyond the end of the UIAF (and the resulting effect on TNI), was because you advanced the following argument previously:
Pozezdrze wrote:Had the UIAF merely disbanded without the collapse of TNI and the ideological shift of Albion (or even if these things had happened, but to a lesser extent) the imperialist sphere as a whole would be in much better shape.

If the only major consequence of Albion ceasing to be Imperialist was the end of the UIAF (with the resulting loss of military units and demoralisation of TNI), then your argument as regards Albion here falls apart. As regards TNI's demise, I covered that separately in my initial response to this point.

The North Polish Union wrote:And you never actually challenged my initial assertion, instead dragging the discussion off to other venues. I still hold that your overbearing attitude is likely to drive away would-be imperialists, feel free to challenge the assertion if you like.

I challenged your assertion - which you made without providing any examples which could be disputed - with my original response:
Onderkelkia wrote:
The North Polish Union wrote:And if it stopped with Onder it would force him to admit that his overbearing attitude is at least partly responsible for the decline of imperialism as a relevant ideology.

That is a rather strange interpretation of this discussion. The decline of "imperialism" from its heights in 2012-15 had nothing to do with the mid-2014 dissolution of the TNI-TSP Treaty and everything to do with the end of the United Imperial Armed Forces and the structural decline of The New Inquisition. The dissolution of the TNI-TSP Treaty was the outcome that TSP's Foreign Minister contrived to obtain by forming an alliance with The Rejected Realms.

As an individual region, the LKE is as powerful and relevant now as it was when UIAF existed - if not more so.

You made your point as part of the discussion surrounding The South Pacific that arose within the Lazarus thread, claiming that your unsupported assertion was an inevitable conclusion from that discussion. As you provided no specific examples, I assumed you were seeking to argue that the termination of the TNI-TSP treaty resulted from my "overbearing attitude" (when the outcome was actually an intended consequence of Glen-Rhodes's foreign policy). TNI's decision to terminate the treaty was proposed not by me but by Charles Cerebella, who was in complete agreement with my perspective on the issue. In addition that, I challenged your implication that the termination of this treaty had anything to do with the wider "decline of imperialism". If TNI-TSP relations had nothing to do with the end of the UIAF, then your point had no relevance to the discussion. So I did address your substantive argument.

A TSP-focused response was appropriate when you chose to make this argument within a discussion concerning TSP/Lazarus.

If you did not have issues relating to TSP in mind, then what was the point of your initial post? What relevance did it have to that discussion?

I also raised the LKE for the reasons outlined earlier in this post - namely, my responsibility for its welfare unlike Imperialist regions in the abstract.

The North Polish Union wrote:All I stated was that I had not seen the LKE conduction meaningful operations. You chose to respond to that with a list of occupations the LKE has engaged in recently. I did not force you to provide only occupations as examples of meaningful operations, you chose that yourself. You and you alone inflicted the metric of occupations as meaningful operations on the LKE and your desperate and repeated attempts to disown the metric that you set for yourself now that you've realized your arguments are indefensible from that metric are telling.

Once again, you are conflating providing a list of recent LKE occupations with making a claim that this is the only metric that matters.

You are deliberately distorting the fact that I referenced these occupations into something that I did not say or imply. You have apparently latched onto this distortion as a way of avoiding the fact that you are unable to defend the argument you made that the LKE's power had declined.

For demonstration once again, I will repeat the relevant section of my post to show it included no claim that only occupations mattered:
Onderkelkia wrote:
The North Polish Union wrote:the LKE is militarily a shadow of its former self; were they not, we would see them conducting meaningful operations, something that I have not seen recently.

Our last significant occupation was The Union of Red Nations in April 2017. In the previous year, we undertook three major occupations (Belgium, South Pacific and The International Kingdom). All in all, our major occupations are indeed less frequent than those of the UIAF in 2013-15 or TNI in 2011-12.

Relative to TNI, it should be noted that the LKE has always been more orientated to diplomacy and intelligence than military affairs. TNI was mostly the lead military partner. While there have been periods where the LKE was the lead military partner in our relationship with TNI - in 2006-7, in late 2009 and the first half of 2010, and in mid-2013, before Albion was admitted to the UIAF - our model has generally been less orientated towards regular occupations.

We retain the capability to organise large and successful occupations, as The Union of Red Nations showed, but we have other focuses at the moment.
As you have already conceded all the specific points arising from the second and third paragraphs in the ensuing discussion, you have no actual argument beyond distorting the first paragraph to claim it says something it did not. I am not sure what you hope to achieve through such dis-ingenuousness.

The North Polish Union wrote:I never claimed that there was any sort of enforced ideological homogeneity among imperialists, that would be absurd. For someone that insists that I misread your posts as frequently as you have been doing you've just yourself committed a rather egregious act of such a misreading.

I did not say you claimed there was ideological homogeneity among Imperialists. Rather, I highlighted the fact that there is no such homogeneity to explain why I am not particularly aligned with Kylia Quilor in terms of our views on foreign policy or the regions whose interests we seek to promote.

Those substantive differences have a major effect on the arguments we are likely to advance and prefer within this forum. On some issues, I have much more in common with non-Imperialists than I do with Kylia Quilor, particularly other members of the Independent regions where I am a member.

The North Polish Union wrote:The fact is, Kylia is much more ideologically aligned with you than you are with the overwhelming majority of posters on this forum, and when she feels (as someone espousing a similar but not identical ideological standpoint) that your rhetoric does more harm than good that speaks volumes about the impact your rhetoric must have on those not so similarly aligned.

Further, as an example, if a defender were to tell Unibot that his rhetoric does more harm to defending than good (despite this hypothetical defender not sharing the exact ideological tenets as Unibot) that criticism ought to be more meaningful than if a raider told Unibot the same
thing. The above analogy applies just as well to this situation, albeit with different actors.

What Kylia Quilor feels is tactically correct for arguing in the Gameplay forum is not evidence about what is actually tactically correct. She is not an example of someone whose opinion has changed as a result of my posts; she is an example of someone who thinks others may have changed their view. That is nothing more than supposition. I would say the same in an equivalent case involving members of a broadly defined defender sphere.

There is a fundamental difference of opinion between Kylia Quilor and me regarding the Gameplay forum, which you can read about here. That she has a different opinion to me is not an argument (or at least not a good argument) that you can use to demonstrate that my underlyinng view is wrong.

The North Polish Union wrote:
Onderkelkia wrote:Whereas I have explained why my initial post referred to a potential deal, and one which was not actually taken, in the context of the January/February 2014 invasion of Slavia, when the UIAF had the chance to re-found Slavia. On the facts presented in my post - that it arose during the invasion of Slavia, that the UIAF had the option of re-founding Slavia and I was the lone advocate for the deal in the UIAF - that it could not have possibly been a reference to the treaty that the UIAf actually signed in April 2014 following the invasion of Slavija. Either due to a failure of recollection surrounding the specific details or deliberately due to your long-standing animus against the UIAF, you misinterpreted the post to enter into an unjustified monologue against the UIAF. It is not my responsibility that you (once again) misread my post to reach an unsupportable conclusion tied to an argument that supports your vendetta.

Indeed, you explained that the post was not about the deal that was put in place in April 2014, and I have not since challenged that that explanation is correct, nor have I continued down the line of reasoning I had been following prior to your explanation. However, had you worded your initial post in such a way that your prior explanation would not have been necessary we would not be having this discussion.

As it is, the only reason we still are having the discussion is because of your unwillingness to admit that the initial post's wording was unclear. Of course you believe it is clear, had you not I am sure you would not have posted it; but the fact that you believe it is clear has no bearing on whether or not other readers will find it as clear as you found it when writing it.

If you actually remembered the details of what happened in the January 2014 invasion, then there was sufficient information in my previous post for you to understand the negotiations to which I was referring. Certainly, there was no basis for assuming it was about the post-Slavija April 2014 peace treaty.
Last edited by Onderkelkia on Wed Sep 20, 2017 4:46 am, edited 24 times in total.
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Kylia Quilor
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Ex-Nation

Postby Kylia Quilor » Wed Sep 20, 2017 8:12 am

Further, as an example, if a defender were to tell Unibot that his rhetoric does more harm to defending than good (despite this hypothetical defender not sharing the exact ideological tenets as Unibot) that criticism ought to be more meaningful than if a raider told Unibot the same
thing. The above analogy applies just as well to this situation, albeit with different actors.


This is a true point, but that doesn't mean Onder is obliged to agree with me just because we happen to be both Imperialists. As Onder explains, we have different ideas about the merits of the Gameplay forum. He essentially (correct me if I'm misrepresenting your view) views it as a place for just posturing, and I view it as a place where posturing is common, but some substantive debate does in fact happen (albeit admits a lot of other nonsense).

Given how I view GP, then I'm going to view Onder's posts here through that lens, while Onder views GP his way, so his actions are viewed that way.

Given that all either of us would be able to provide is anecdotal evidence, I don't think either of us will convince the other on this one, wherever we discuss this.
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