War Plan Red (IC thread)

by **SUNTHREIT** » Mon Jun 27, 2016 7:54 pm

THREAD THEME EUROPA / THREAD THEME BRITTANIA / THREAD THEME AMERICA

Welcome to the IC Thread for "War Plan Red"
You can find the OOC Thread HERE

by **Western Pacific Territories** » Mon Jun 27, 2016 9:03 pm

Tokyo, Japanese Empire.
Tokyo, Nihon No Teikoku.
0735AM, March 10, 1938.

Introduction:

Nihon. The land of the Rising Sun. As the sun arrives from beyond the horizon over Japan, a culture preserved virtually untouched for hundreds of years continues to prosper. Even as the nations of the West bicker over petty squabbles, The Industrial Giant of America meets the Empire of the United Kingdom, our ally. Canada is under invasion by American troops. In Europe, Germany, our friend, marches on the path of war, towards a hoped domination of Europe. No longer. Japan will forge it's own path. Japan has learned from the masters, and has now surpassed them. We and Europe are on par in terms of strength, but we have a spirit that they will never have. May the Empire last 10,000 years!

In Tokyo, the Imperial Japanese Army General Staff Office (IJAGSO) met, the meeting would consist of Emperor Hirohito himself, along with several other notable generals and high-ranking officers:

Chief of the Army General Staff - Field Marshal Prince Kan'in Kotohito.
Vice Chief of the Army General Staff - General Tada Hayao.
- General Affairs - General Kazuki Yamada.
- G-1 (Operations):
  - Strategy and Tactics Department.
  - Land Survey Department.
- G-2 (Intelligence):
  - Russia Department.
  - Europe & North America Department.
  - China Department.
  - Others Department.
- G-3 (Transport & Communications):
- G-4 (Historical & Maps):
- General Staff College:

After the entire general staff, consisting of over a hundred members, was converged in the large, brightly lit room, Hirohito began the meeting, saying "The assembly of the General Staff Office may now begin. Prince Kan'in Kotohito, how goes our naval landing in Weihai?" Prince Kan'in replied "My Emperor, our troops have just taken the city of Weihai only hours ago. We have drafted plans to advance to move to Yantai, capture that city, then move to capture Qingdao and Weifang before a organized response can be assembled and re-unite with the rest of our front in the North. The peninsula our forces in Weihai are situated are under the banner of a warlord. A organized Chinese response is unlikely."

Hirohito responded simply "Excellent... our forces in Shanghai?" Prince Kan'in looked down at a map of China. "Emperor, we are posed and are almost ready to capture Nanking, the capital of the Kuomintang. It will be a extremely decisive victory, both in terms of strategic value and morale. The KMT will have lost their capital, and suffer a severe morale blow, whereas our forces will be bolstered in confidence."

Hirohito replied, saying "It appears things are going very well in China, currently. Do you have anything of further comment?" Prince Kan'in said "Oh, of course! I have been drafting plans in my spare time of a invasion of the Chinese island of Hainan, it would make in my eyes a excellent base for future operations in the southern regions of China."

Kan'in continued. "As well, I have plans to send troops stationed in Korea through the Gobi desert region, in the far north of China and conquer the warlords of that region, they, during the course of this operation, would be referred to as the 'Western Expedition'. They will conquer any territory north of the KMT's northernmost controlled region." Hirohito replied "I would like to give my approval, Prince Kan'in..."

by **The Federation of Democratic Regions** » Mon Jun 27, 2016 10:59 pm

Stockholm, Sweden-Norway
Stockholm Palace
2:14 PM Central European Time, March 10, 1938

Prime Minister Per Albin Hansson ducked his head as he stepped into the motorcar. He had just departed the Parliament House where he had met with several key air force officials, including a procurement officer who stressed the need for a high performance pursuit fighter and had presented several foreign options: the German Bf-109, the British Hawker Hurricane, or the P-36. After comparison of the specifications, he had agreed upon a request to the British government for an order of twenty-four Mk. 1 Hawker Hurricanes. Shortly afterwards, an orderly rushed into the room with a wild look on his face and a telegram in hand. The telegram, marked urgent, was from the Foreign Ministry and contained word of an American declaration of war on the United Kingdom and her dominions.

He had left the meeting in a hurry and had called King Gustaf V ahead of time to arrange an emergency meeting at Stockholm Palace with the cabinet. Two minutes later, he stepped out of the car and hurried past the two Royal Guards clothed in the iconic bright blue and carrying Gevär m/96 rifles. Rushing through the palace with a briefcase of documents in his hands, he brushed past several aides and servants without so much as an apology. Stepping into the offices of the King, he placed the briefcase down on the large table around which representatives of every ministry and armed forces sat, along with the king at the other end of the table. Turning to a servant hurrying to leave the room, he ordered him to close the blinds over the windows and to turn on the electrical lights.

Unlatching the case, he rifled through the papers before pulling out the telegram and pausing to read it aloud. The reactions around the table were a strange mixture of passiveness, shock, anger, and fear. After he had placed the telegram back down, he sat for a minute to let the news sink in to the rest of the room. Finally, the king spoke from the other end of the room. "A huge development no doubt, but not one that has been completely unexpected. How many exactly died in the Fundy Bay incident? No doubt that inflamed tensions. We have already increased our military spending is already over 500 million of their dollars, and I don't see many other actions we can take following this." He said, his expression one of regret. Hansson had to agree with him, as the military budget had already increased eightfold since 1930. Exports of iron from the northern mines had almost doubled, with the majority going to Germany, while a major ball bearing plant was scheduled to open in the US within four months. The construction of oil platforms in the north sea to exploit the sizeable natural deposits there was already well underway, with the first scheduled to begin operations by the 23rd.

The army represenative was the first to speak, suggesting that the home guard be called into active service along with the creation of four battalions of tanks and a single division of motorized infantry. He had quickly approved all three suggestions, along with the suggestion from the air force represenative that the previous request for twenty-four hurricanes be doubled to forty-eight. Finally, the navy represenative had suggest scrapping the antiquated coastal battleships in favor of two modern battlecruisers, two more destroyers, and a new class of light cruisers. The navy of Sweden-Norway was well lacking with over a dozen coastal battleships dating back to the turn of the century with poor sea attributes and armament.

Finally, he also suggested that the creation of a submarine force should be enacted with several ships based on the German Type VII design. When all was said and done, the army had increased by nearly 10% while the navy was set to receive its first light cruisers and modern battlecruisers. The air force fighter pool was to double if the British approved the request for the Hurricanes. For several more hours, the meeting stretched on discussing things such as wartime trade with both warring powers to ensure an uninterrupted flow of commerce for the economy along with a flow of manufactured goods, a plan which was dismissed by the younger officers present as naive. When he left, it was several minutes from midnight. He couldn't wait to get his six hours of sleep and wake up to deal with it again.

by **Pomontanium** » Tue Jun 28, 2016 1:01 am

Bucharest,the Kingdom of Romania
Palace of the Parliament
4:43 Eastern European Time,March 10, 1938-

News of the American declaration of war upon the British Empire and her allies had finally arrived at the ear of the Romanian Prime Minister,Miron Cristea. Although he believed such a distant conflict would not cause much trouble,the Speaker of the Parliament launched and emergency session to discuss this problem.The MP's thought that Romania shouldn't take any side
just yet,and Romania had to solve its' internal problems first,too. Corneliu Zelea Codreanu,the leader of the far-right party "the Iron Guard" had already caused too much trouble and it has gained much support in the Parliament and the minds of the population in very few years. Even worse,the elections will be on the 23rd of September 1938,and if he wins,democracy will be gone in Romania. The emergency session was over.

Miron Cristea rushed out of the Parliament building for his weekly meeting with the King Carol II,this time for talks on matter on foreign policy. He didn't like the King much,but he has his only ally in the fight against the Iron Guard. After a while,they had agreed on two important things. Firstly,to fusion their parties into the National Renaissance Front,which will be secretly dissolved after the fascist menace will be over,and,secondly,to form the Romanian Foreign Intelligence Service (RFIS),to gather information from the only supposed ally of the Iron Guard,the infamous Third Reich.

Both of them knew that sending spies to Germany is very risky during these tense moments,and that it could evolve into a much worse situation,but Romania's sovereignty was as stake,and strong men were needed to defend it. Hours later,Armand Calinescu was named Director of the RFIS,and the Parliament passed a law regarding its' functioning.\
On the other side,at the Ministry of War,General Ion Antonescu began the first phase of reforming the Romanian Armed Forces into a stronger,more organized institution.

by **The Greater Aryan Race** » Tue Jun 28, 2016 8:47 am

"We are living, but can’t feel the land where we stay,
More than ten steps away you can’t hear what we say.
But if people would talk on occasion,
They should mention the Kremlin Caucasian."

The Kremlin Highlander

He was in Gori again, this time in his room in what passed for their ramshackle hut of a house in Tsarist Russia. For some reason, though he retained full control of his senses, he could not seem to move his body at the appropriate pace, as if somehow he was drunk and his limbs refused to respond to his mental prompts and commands.

He could hear voices from through the door of his room, loud and angry in the Georgian language of his native region; one voice growing steadily louder and angrier by the minute, the other no less fierce but steadily losing the verbal struggle. Then, heavy blows and cries of pain. His father, that useless drunk, was beating his mother again. Though every nerve in his mind strained to charge out and protect his mother, his body was uselessly refusing to comply. It was almost as if he was occupying the role of some detached outsider, separated from his physical body likewise and only present to bear witness to what was happening around him.

The beating continued for a while, his mother still crying out in pain. Then suddenly, as soon as it started, the beating stopped and he could now hear the footsteps of his father getting steadily louder. As if on cue, the door was flung open to reveal his father, face red with drunkenness, beard thick and filthy and those evil pig-eyes. His father was shouting at the top of his voice now, hurling all the invectives he could muster at him in Georgian, berating him for refusing to follow the family trade of being a cobbler, for enrolling in the Orthodox priesthood instead, for being a useless son and so on and so forth. He was powerless to speak and attempted to raise his arms against his father but to no avail. The face now changed. Instead of his father, it was Lenin, Hero of the Revolution, now berating him in the same angry tones for destroying the fruits of the Revolution, for destroying the Marxist and revolutionary principles on which Russia stood on and transforming Russia into a one-man dictatorship. More faces were appearing out of the blue, many of them familiar to him, wartime comrades from the old days and newer associates from more recent years. He could see the faces of Kamenev and Zinoviev, equally harsh and furious in their denunciations, as the heated chorus continued to rise in volume, and more and more such faces began appearing like pantomimes. Desperate to do something, anything to stop the madness, he was now flailing and thrashing wildly at these spectres, these ghosts of dead men, who continued to close in on him now, their arms outstretched-

With a start, Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin awoke from his alcohol-induced slumber to find himself lying on the couch of his study in his Kuntsevo dacha, situated on the outskirts of Moscow. Seemingly, the exertions of last night's dinner party had left him none the worse for the wear, save for the massive headache that now pounded his head thanks to generous portions of Georgian wine. Stalin eased himself off the bed and paused for a moment to scan the room around him, if only to be certain that he was no longer in Gori. Even in Kuntsevo, with all the men and anti-aircraft guns of the NKVD, one could never be certain if there weren't any assassins plotting to do away with Stalin, for there were always traitors and counter-revolutionaries lurking everywhere.

Stalin's attention was now distracted by the ringing of the telephone on his study desk. Without hesitation, he walked to the table and picked up the receiver. On the other end of the line, the operator, an NKVD officer, began to speak.

"Good morning Comrade General-Secretary, Sir, I have the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs Comrade Litvinov on the line from Moscow."

"Tell him I'm not present. I don't want to be disturbed." the diminutive Georgian snapped. To be bothered in the early morning by the little Jew...Stalin silently swore that he would do away with Litvinov when the situation was more suitable.

"He insists, Comrade General-Secretary, that he be put through. He says that the purpose of his call is of the utmost importance with regards to matters pertaining to state security." the NKVD operator half-nervously replied, unsure as he was as to what his nominal boss's reaction would be.

After a few minutes pause, Stalin finally relented and instructed the operator to put Commissar Litvinov through to him. If Litvinov dared to be so persistent in trying to get his attention, then perhaps something of grave importance had indeed taken place. It was almost always the case whenever his subordinates tried to contact him. Finally, Stalin could hear the familiar click indicating that he was now connected to the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs.

"Well, what's happened this time?"

Moscow, Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
10th March, 1938

The small motorcade of Soviet-made and American Ford cars sped through the main highways leading into Moscow City, not bothering to follow the standard road regulations regarding the speed limit. Whereas any car travelling towards Moscow would be stopped at the numerous border posts and checkpoints so as to allow the Militsya to verify the identity of the occupants, no such security checks were needed for this fleet of cars. Normally-bored sentries now hurriedly waved the motorcade through while telephoning to notify their colleagues up ahead that the General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was on his way.

Inside the ZIS-101, the man who was the de facto head of the Soviet Government sat staring as the forests of Kuntsevo now gave way to the little villages and small concrete houses of Moscow's outlying suburbs, which in then gave way to the distinctive concrete apartment blocks that lined the streets of the capital. Several Ford Model A vehicles, filled with NKVD officers as part of Stalin's security detail, surrounded the ZIS protectively, while a few motorcycle riders helped clear the streets up ahead of any civilian traffic. Onlookers stopped and stared with a mixture of excitement and curiosity, for they rarely got to see the Vozhd up close. Others however ignored the motorcade, engrossed as they were in heading to their work stations early in order to beat the morning crowds that were steadily forming along the streets of Moscow.

While surveying the scenery in front of him, Stalin's mind wandered back towards the telephone exchange he had with Litvinov previously. The Foreign Affairs Commissar had notified him of the declaration of war against Great Britain by the United States, or rather the administration of President Huey Long. News of the sudden declaration had caught the Vozhd and the Soviet Government off-guard, for no one had expected tensions between the two powers to escalate into open war. Not even the Fundy Incident appeared significant enough to merit a sufficient casus-belli for the United States to wage war on the UK. With this, two of the world's largest capitalist states were now at each other's throats. It remained to be seen what the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics would do in response. For now though, Stalin had instructed Litvinov to summon the Politburo for an immediate emergency session. He would confer with his subordinates as to the appropriate course of action to be taken by the USSR.

Traversing along Kutuzovsky Prospekt, the Soviet motorcade crossed over the Moskva River before heading towards New Arbat Avenue and Comintern Street where the Kremlin complex lay up ahead. After several turns through Red Square, the convoy passed through a final border post into the interior of the inner complex of the Kremlin where the Government buildings and offices were situated. Stopping in front of one of the white-stoned buildings housing the office of the General-Secretary, Stalin was ushered out of the ZIS and promptly headed towards his office without bothering to wait for the rest of his entourage. As he reached the wood-panelled entrance doors, attentive aides quickly opened them and ushered the General-Secretary inside, where the rest of the Soviet Politburo were already inside awaiting the arrival of their leader. After the customary exchange of pleasantries, Stalin went straight to business and opened the meeting by speaking first.

"So, as you are all no doubt aware, the United States has just declared war on Great Britain. Comrade Litinov tells me that the United States Congress only just recently passed the resolution declaring war several hours ago, and the British Government is expected to deliver their official response soon. What I want to know is why no one, especially our esteemed diplomats in the Foreign Affairs Commissariat, appeared to have predicted this outcome. Comrade Litvinov, since you are in charge of Narkomindel, I should like to hear your explanation."

Maxim Litvinov, People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs and old-time revolutionary, took the sarcasm in his stride and promptly replied.

"Comrade General-Secretary, for as long as it has been made known to me, Ambassador Troyanovsky himself was unable to obtain any clear information from members of the United States Department of State that President Long was intending to pursue a course of war with Great Britain. In fact, the declaration of war appears to have kept so secretively by the Long Administration that Ambassador Troyanovsky reports that the other foreign powers have been equally surprised and stunned by the sudden commencement of hostilities between the two nations."

"It seems that Narkomindel officials have been grossly sloppy in their diplomacy efforts recently. With the failure of Narkomindel to elicit any support from the rest of Europe in stopping the Hitlerite Fascists in Germany, I wonder how our diplomats can continue to claim that they represent the interests of the USSR best?" Nikolai Yezhov, People's Commissar for Internal Affairs and chief of the Soviet secret police, sneered. No one liked Yezhov, but he was Stalin's headhunter and responsible for organising the mass purges of Soviet society that had only recently been set in motion since 1937.

"The NKVD under Comrade Yezhov appears not to have been able to obtain any diplomatic intelligence regarding the American war declaration despite all their boasts of penetrating and infiltrating the capitalist states with their intelligence agents. Surely the Organs are as capable as they say they are?" Litvinov retorted, oblivious that he was playing with fire.

Yezhov, temporarily stung by the response, said nothing. Stalin interjected by stressing that with war now a reality in the capitalist camp, it was in the interests of the Soviet Union to remain steadfastly neutral, lest she find herself drawn unwillingly into supporting either party at the risk of war with the other. While Soviet merchant vessels travelling around the Pacific and the Atlantic were instructed to undertake defensive precautions, the Soviet Government would ostensibly continue to maintain a policy of non-intervention. The main priority was to continue the Soviet Union's extensive industrialisation policy under the Third Five-Year Plan in line with Stalin's own formulated theory of "Socialism in One Country". No one else in the Politburo bothered (or dared) to mention the other main priority of the Soviet Government, which was the continued purge of the "enemies of the people", both real and imagined. The wheels of the Great Terror were still spinning and had yet to run their bloody course.

by **Trotza** » Tue Jun 28, 2016 10:25 am

Rome, Italy

The year was 1938. Italy had risen from the ashes of a fractured and occupied country for the first time in centuries. They could not waste this opportunity. Fascism had brought them even more strength, and the country's people were ready to reclaim their rightful place in the world. A new Roman empire, that would once again gloriously stretch from both sides of the Mediterranean. And Mussolini would be the man to lead them there, but he was not alone, and neither would Italy, if all went according to plan.

Despite all the Nationalist's boasting about a return to Roman glory, to the country's more practical military minds Africa and the Balkans were increasingly looking like the better targets. They'd already established footholds there in the form of Libya, Ethiopia, and Albania. But there were still significant powers in these regions, and Italy could only pretend they didn't lack modern equipment, a substantial military doctrine, and available natural resources when not on the battlefield. The French and British were their main concern in their regions of imperialist interest.

But they were looking to fix that. There wasn't a global power in existence without enemies, all you had to do was find them and explain why you'd make such good friends. That is what the job of Galeazzo Ciano was, son-in-law of Mussolini and Foreign Minister of Fascist Italy. He knew how ill prepared the nation was for war, but since he couldn't convince anyone of that, he'd have to do his best to save Italy a different way. And that was by getting allies, even if he wasn't personally fond of them himself. He was charged with reaching out to other nations for diplomatic contact.

by **Pomontanium** » Tue Jun 28, 2016 12:45 pm

Bucharest,the Kingdom of Romania
Residence of the Premier
11:04 Eastern European Time,March 10, 1938

Exhausted,tired and deep in thought about the events that had occurred on that day,Miron Cristea believed he was going to enjoy a well-deserved sleep,however,he was wrong.Seconds after he lied on his bed,an officer of the Royal Guard notified him of a telegram coming from Italy."What do those fascist scum want now?",he must have said in his mind,but in reality he ordered for the Foreign Affairs Minister,Gheorghe Tătărescu,to come for a meeting right now,at the Prime Minister's residence.A quarter of an hour later,he arrived,and they began reading the telegram.

Both of them were fanatic democrats,and a communique from a fanatic fascist was not exactly something they would be fond of. In the telegram, the Italian leader, Benito Mussolini,proposed Romania to create mutual diplomatic relations and better communication,on the promise that Romania shall not be dragged in another war.Thinking about it,they decided to accept, even if at the first opportunity they would shot Benito Mussolini and all those like him.

In a matter of minutes the response to the Italian Government was written,sent and signed by them.The King will probably be nervous that his Majesty wasn't consulted on a matter of foreign policy,and Miron Cristea will need a very good explanation tomorrow at the meeting with his Majesty.

OOC:It's Miron Cristea,not Octavian Goga

OOC:Thanks for the communique template

by **Soviet Chernarus** » Tue Jun 28, 2016 1:21 pm

Republic of China

Nanjing
Republic of China

Defending Nanjing, the capital of the Republic of China against the Japanese menace, were around 200,000 troops, organized into twenty two divisions. This force would also include four elite German-trained Chinese divisions; however, while formidable on paper, they had been badly mauled in the fierce fighting in Shanghai, the so-called Verdun of the East, where Chinese and Japanese soldiers were forced into a meat- grinder. Whether or not to defend the capital had been the previous subject of fierce debate among the members of the Supreme National Defense Council of the Military Affairs Commission; despite opposition from many of his generals and advisors, who claimed that the forces needed to recover after Shanghai, and that the city was indefensible topographically, the generalissimo pressed forward with his belief that the city must be defended. The hasty formation of an army under General Tang Shengzi would confirm his decision to defend Nanjing from the Japanese invader.

With orders to defend the city "to the last man", Tang set about preparing defenses and bolstering his own forces. Villagers and civilians that were of age were conscripted into the army, barely receiving any training. Machine gun emplacements and sandbags were placed at strategic locations, in an attempt to establish a multi-layered, flexible defense as envisioned by Chiang. Makeshift bunkers and pillboxes would be cobbled together by laborers. Stone walls, having existed since the Ming dynasty, would be reinforced with concrete. The gates to the city would be closed and blocked off, preventing the escape of civilians in the upcoming battle. These defensive preparations would continue under the fierce bombardment from Japanese planes, who had begun to target the city with increasing frequency as the IJA advanced towards the Chinese capital.

The time bought by Chinese forces, having delayed the Japanese at Shanghai and elsewhere, had ensured that Nanjing would remain in Kuomintang hands by early 1938, allowing reinforcements to move in and defenses to be constructed. However, time was rapidly running out, and the situation seemed bleak for the Nanjing army. Depleted and exhausted, they were also experiencing shortages of weapons and ammunition, with unarmed soldiers scrounging for replacements. Chiang Kai-shek, well aware of the situation, still clung onto the hope that a bloody stand at Nanjing could result in foreign intervention against Japan, made last-minute visits to the soldiers on the front line in an effort to boost morale, urging them not to retreat and fight. Before retreating to safety, Chiang issued his last order to the Nanjing army:

"The soldiers of the Nanjing Defense Garrison are not permitted to retreat under any circumstance. All units should, to the best of their abilities, resist the invader to their last breath. Soldiers should defend their assigned posts, without complaint, with the resources and supplies they have available. The final battle for Nanjing - and, ultimately, the fate of your country - rests with you."

Liaodong Peninsula

The leader of the army resisting the Japanese on the Liaodong Peninsula was none other than Song Zheyuan; consisting of some 80,000 troops, while it was a somewhat sizable force, it was poorly equipped and trained. Most of the supplies and equipment that would have been otherwise diverted here were instead sent to assist in the defense of Nanjing. With this in mind, Zheyuan's army was forced to fight delaying actions against the Japanese, unable to face them in open battle. Without the necessary troops to contest the Weihai landing, Zheyuan continued to retreat, offering only scattered, disorganized resistance against advancing Japanese forces. Badly outnumbered and outgunned, Zheyuan's long-term goals would be to retreat across the Yellow River - a risky crossing, especially with Japanese troops behind him, and continue his resistance in the mountains near the Shandong border.

Northern China

Any Japanese offensive in Northern China would be contested by the forces of the Ma clique - a family of Hui warlords loyal to Chiang Kai-shek. Predominately Muslim, the Ma clique was not to be underestimated - it's troops were fierce and determined, preferring to fight to the death rather than surrender. It had defeated Japanese forces on numerous occasions, oftentimes by using elite cavalry to outflank and outmaneuver Japanese forces. The cavalry would take advantage of Japan's lack of tanks and mobility, by encircling before slaughtering them. As a result, the soldiers of the Ma clique would gain a fearful reputation amongst the Japanese.

To: President Huey Long of the United States of America
From: Generalissimo Jiang Jieshi of the Republic of China

It has come to our attention that the United States of America has officially declared a state of war with your former oppressors, the British empire. At this critical juncture, the government of the Republic of China has deemed it necessary to pursue further relations with the United States, and the creation of a defensive alliance that will benefit both of our mutual interests. The Empire of Japan, which has continued to wage a war of aggression in China in order to fulfill its own insatiable hunger for conquest and domination, poses a threat to both of our countries. There is a significant risk of a Japanese attack on American possessions on the Pacific, in order to assist their ally, as a means of expanding its empire and achieving its imperialistic ambitions. Should you agree with our proposal for a Sino-American alliance, any Japanese attack would result in a coordination of military efforts and cooperation against them, severely hampering their ambitions and providing a basis from where we can ultimately strive to defeat them and restore peace and stability in the Pacific region.

The main conditions for such an alliance - which I hope you will find fair and reasonable - are as follows:
Both nations are to commit to a defensive military alliance, and are required to aid each other in the event of an attack from a foreign power.
Both nations are prohibited to enter separate agreements or treaties to the detriment of this alliance.
Both nations are to resolve any conflict and tension between the two with diplomacy, as well as to communicate clearly regarding possible concerns.

Alongside with this alliance, I would like to make another proposal. Our current war with Japan has lead to the occupation of many of our industrial regions, crippling our ability to mount an effective defense. The Chinese military is in dire need of weaponry, equipment, supplies, and other materials. Given America's industrial capabilities, I formally request the authorization of an assistance program which will seek to bolster our forces, and strengthen our position against the Japanese. In exchange, I am willing to allow the United States greater access to our vast markets of raw materials, which will fuel your production in the war with the British empire. I hope you will take the time to consider my proposals, and the benefits that I strongly believe will result from them.

Signed,
Jiang Jieshi

by **Western Pacific Territories** » Tue Jun 28, 2016 6:00 pm

Outskirts of Nanjing.
0952AM, March 13, 1938.

After the victory at Shanghai, General Iwane Matsui and his Central China Area Army, bolstered to 160,000 equipped men since Shanghai, had been ordered to march for Nanjing immediately. Chinese resistance meant he couldn't move to Nanjing until early March, but now that was out of the way. He had been force marching his army for the last two days. They had encountered resistance from the fortifications around Nanjing, and were still fighting for Zijinshan. However, they'd break through very soon.

Due to Matsui being tied up for months, the Chinese had assembled 200,000 troops to defend Nanjing, but Matsui knew that many of these soldiers were unwilling conscripts, with very little training, and would likely flee or attempt to blend into the civilian population once the Japanese had made inroads on Nanjing itself. Whereas he did not doubt his troops eagerness to take the capital.

General Matsui was predicting that it would take 4 days for his troops to prepare for any Chinese moves and in preparation a group of river boats, armed to the teeth from Shanghai were to travel downstream, and at the General Staff Office meeting three days ago, it was agreed that infrastructure had to be upgraded and repaired before a serious attack could be made. In the meantime, they would encircle the city.

Meanwhile in the Liaodong Peninsula, the forces there were making significant headway and would soon reconnect with the front lines. This had pleased the General Staff Office, since they would no longer have to ship the majority of their supplies from Port Arthur and through Manchukuo, now they could send supplies from mainland Japan to Weihai, so long as there was no organized resistance in the area.

As for the Western Expedition, Prince Kan'in's plans for the army there were, after several minutes of heated debate, put on indefinite hold until the G-3 department could improve the infrastructure and logistics situation there without worry of sabotage. The answer was that a large amount of new divisions would have to be sent north to re-enforce the border to protect the engineers building new rail-lines.

by **Free Asian Ports** » Tue Jun 28, 2016 7:45 pm

Amsterdam, Netherlands
March 13, 1938

The docks of Amsterdam were bustling with activity as a number of warships of the Royal Dutch Navy prepared to leave port. The Netherlands stayed neutral in the First World War and benefited from its neutrality. However, the people were restless. The Great Depression put a dent in the pride of nations everywhere, and many Dutch were worried that should another war happen the Netherlands would not be fortunate again. Instead, nationalism began to spread throughout the country as right-wing politicians preached national unity and strength as a beacon of hope. No dictator ever came to power as a result, but the government of the Netherlands was firmly rooted into the camp of Fascist Europe.

Throughout the 20s and early 30s, the Dutch Empire grew ever closer to the Japanese Empire. The Dutch were quite fond of Japanese culture, and many politicians espoused the Samurai code of honor. Indeed, the arsenals of the KNIL, the army that occupied the East Indies for the Dutch, more closely resembled the Imperial Japanese Army than any European equivalent. The Dutch Navy was also one of the most powerful in Europe, boasting six battleships and two carriers.

It is these two carriers that are now about to leave Amsterdam for the East Indies. Sumatra and Holland were supposed to be Tosa class battleships, but in 1923 they were converted to aircraft carriers to avoid being scrapped under the Washington Naval Treaty. In the 1930s, they were modernized and rebuilt to handle more advanced aircraft. Like their half-sister Kaga, the two carriers are some of the best in the world and are symbols of Dutch might. Both would join the Dutch fleet in Batavia to further strengthen KNIL forces there.

As the two carriers and their accompanying escorts left port, thousands of patriotic supporters cheered them on. The Dutch will prove today that they are still a major power in the world.

by **SUNTHREIT** » Tue Jun 28, 2016 10:15 pm

The Dominion of Canada
A Mari usque ad Mare

Langevin Block, Ottawa, Ontario
13th of March, 1938
Mackenzie King sat in his office. Visibly stressed and with black bags under his eyes from a lack of sleep over the past few days, he sat at his desk waiting for the phone to ring. Freshly pieces of paper, still smelling slightly of ink, were filed into fat stacks all over his desk. The Prime Minister idly toyed with his paperweights as he awaited the next piece of news.

Suddenly, the door opened. King almost jumped out of his seat at the surprise, but was quick to sternly focus his blue eyes upon the man in the room. It was one of his assistants from 24 Sussex Drive- Mackenzie didn't really know any of them, being a less that sociable person, but he did recognise them and respect them. "Good Morning", he said ,"What news do you have to tell me?". The servant caught his breath (it was safe to assume he'd ran to Langevin Block from the Prime Minister's Residency), stepped forward and laid out a newspaper before Mackenzie. Massive hoards of American troops were moving North, and it was clear that this war would be defensive.

At this point an idea popped into King's head. He would need to hold a conference with the best and brightest of his generals, discussing not offensive but defensive strategies. King went to pick up his phone, but he realised his assistant was still in the room. "Thank you for the paper", he said ,"And have a good day." The assistant saluted King and left the office.

The Prime Minister wrapped his thick fingers around his glossy black telephone and picked it up. He began hastily dialing some of his top generals.

Seattle, Washington, United States
13th of March, 2016
A huge swarm of Canadian aeroplanes, seventy strong, neared the city of Seattle. Having passed a massive American army heading north for Vancouver, everyone aboard this aerial armada had received a very stark reminder that this was an urgent mission. Perhaps, if worst came to worst, even a suicide mission. However, it was an absolute necessity if the Canadians wished to bide their time and allow British reinforcements to arrive on the continent. It was common knowledge already that thousands of men were on the way from the home islands, but it was also known that the journey would take a good few days and in that time the Americans would launch their first offensives on the Canadian homeland. There was no choice but to strike back, and strike hard.

The skyline of Seattle was one of American industry and the last traces of morning fog. Big grey buildings towered into the sky, casting long shadows over nearby housing districts. So much about to be lost...

The planes at the front of the formation created a long arc and began descending towards the city. American tanks rolled through the streets below and patchy gunfire greeted the aircraft. However, nothing was enough to stop them from all dropping big, round metal bombs from their hulls.

Massive fireballs erupted in the streets of Seattle. The locals, like little ants, fled from the bombs, taking refuge in buildings (presumably under tables and in cellars). As the second series of bombs were dropped fires were starting in residential areas, sending plumes of smoke into the aircraft-filled skies. As the Americans grew more aware of what was going on, a few planes here and there was plucked out of the sky, slamming into roadsides and houses as they fell.

It was not long before a swarm of American planes came to address these unwelcome visitors. Like great metal locusts, they buzzed towards their adversaries in formations dense enough to blot out the sun. They likely outnumbered the Canadians, too- nobody was able to count in the moment, but one could estimate perhaps ninety or maybe even a hundred fighter planes had been sent to deal with the RCAF. As soon as they were within firing range of the enemy, a stream of machine-gun fire assaulted the Canadian planes. Many fell out of the sky, while others evaded the gunfire and began attempting to assault the Americans back. After twenty minutes of vigorous air combat, the Canadians retreated, satisfied with the losses they had inflicted upon the Americans. Perhaps they had been too bold, but they would have to make do with what had just transpired.

Sarnia, Ontario
13th of March, 1938
A massive bang echoed through the air not long before a great cloud of smoke, fire and debris rose above the US-Canadian border. The Blue Water Bridge, only half-built before the explosion, broke into pieces and toppled into the Saint Clair River. Armoured trucks lined the banks of the river, their passengers watching as a heavy concoction of military explosives went to work. Construction worker also watched, in horror that their work of the past few months had been destroyed so quickly. It was all, however, necessary in the name of war.

Across the Great Lakes region, bridges were being assaulted. Often the areas were already in control of American troops, so bomber planes were sent on hit-and-run missions to destroy every possible link between the two nations they could. Within three days most bridges, with one notable exclusion being the zealously-guarded Niagara Falls (now in firm American hands), had been destroyed or at least badly damaged. Patrols ships from the maritime would be sent up the Saint Lawrence and launch skirmishes on these sites, too- it was not uncommon to be able to see a few in transit if one was sitting in friendly territory. No true warships would be sent into the lakes just yet, though- they were all guarding the Saint Lawrence, where militias amassed in the cities of Quebec and riverside Ontario. Halifax had only two warships guarding it, although it did have seven tanks and a great number of soldiers (ten thousand men to be precise) in case the US navy decided to launch an amphibious assault.

OOC: BTW, US, you don't know so much about my positions, especially the Saint Lawrence and Halifax ones, just yet. These are still the first days of the war and the first offensives are being made, so don't metagame. This is more about the story than competition. Plus, I have a feeling you'll win anyway...

by **The Greater Aryan Race** » Tue Jun 28, 2016 10:20 pm

Moscow, Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
11th March, 1938

The Vozhd listened attentively as People's Commissar for Agriculture, Robert Eikhe, began reeling off rolls of statistics concerning the latest figures for Soviet agricultural production. Though the Third Five-Year Plan was only in its first year, Stalin remained eager to be kept updated constantly on the state and progress of Soviet agriculture. After all, it was he who set in place the great process of collectivisation, grouping individual farms and landholdings into large collective farms in the hope that it would unleash the great economic potential of the Soviet Union. What had followed instead however was near-anarchy, as peasants tried to protest through peaceful means by speaking out at collectivization meetings and writing letters to the central authorities. When their strategies failed, villagers turned to violence: committing arson, and lynching and murdering local authorities, kolkhoz leaders, and activists. Others responded with acts of sabotage, including the burning of crops and the slaughter of draught animals. The State responded with tighter crackdowns on these recalcitrant peasants, blaming so-called "Kulaks" for hoarding food supplies and deporting those troublesome peasants and Kulaks to labour camps in Siberia. Food supplies were reduced to areas where peasant resistance was the greatest, to break the will of these trouble-doers and to convince them of the folly of resisting the inexorable advance of Socialism.

"As can be seen in the following charts, Comrade General Secretary, 93.5% of all farms have been effectively grouped into collective farms, an increase from 93% in 1937. I am pleased to say that under your leadership Comrade Stalin, that the total collectivisation of agriculture is close to becoming a reality in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics."

"Production of grain and wheat has also risen considerably, as has meat and livestock production. Unfortunately however, there still exist pockets of resistance towards our efforts at collectivising as well as increasing labour productivity from the peasantry. As a result, the overall increases in production have not been as significant as we'd hoped. We are however, taking steps together with the Organs to rectify these anomalies." Comrade Eikhe continued, carefully phrasing his words in the appropriate jargon and tact to ensure he did not incur the wrath of the Vozhd. Four months ago, his predecessor, Mikhail Chernov, had been purged and was currently languishing in prison awaiting trial for "wrecking" and anti-Soviet activity. Comrade Eikhe had no intention of becoming another illustrious cadaver.

Stalin grunted in approval, and with a wave of his pipe, signified that the meeting was over. A grateful Comrade Eikhe quickly took his leave from Stalin's office in the Kremlin. Several minutes later, a group of men, some in military uniform and others in civilian attire, entered the office of the Boss. At the head of the group was Marshal Kliment Voroshilov, People's Commissar for Defence and another crony of Stalin, followed by Army Commander Semyon Timoshenko, GRU Chairman Semyon Gendin, Army Commander Boris Shaposhnikov, also doubling as Chief of the General Staff, and Air Force Chief Aleksandr Loktionov. The five men took their seats and without further delay, the meeting of the People's Commissariat for Defence (NKO) commenced. GRU Chairman Gendin opened the meeting by first drawing up several maps of China and the East Asian area.

"Our border units and front-line formations in the Special Red Banner Far Eastern Army report that the main border with Manchukuo remains quiet for the time being. However, forward elements of the Manchukuo army in conjunction with Kwantung Army units have been spotted conducting tactical manoeuvres in the Harbin area in greater numbers than previously before. Marshal Blyukher has instructed the 18th and 19th Rifle Corps to increase their defence preparedness, just in case Manchukuo and Japan decide to cross the border."

As he spoke, Gendin pointed towards the appropriate geographical locations on a large map detailing the Manchurian area. Red Army formations were illustrated by red pins and flags strung along the Mongolian and Soviet borders adjacent to western Manchukuo. IJA and Manchukuo units, at least those whom Red Army reconnaissance had been able to identify, were delineated by blue pins and flags.

"Other than that, the Special Red Banner Far Eastern Army together with GRU have detected that the majority of Japanese formations and ships are being diverted southwards towards the China theatre. The Soviet military attache to the KMT regime in China reports that Japanese forces, fresh from their conquest of Shanghai are steadily concentrating in the Nanjing area. All evidence points towards a Japanese assault on the Chinese capital. The Ma Clique in Northern China is busily preoccupied with fending off the Japanese incursion over there, which gives us more time to consolidate our control over Xinjiang province."

"What is the current state of the KMT military? And the KMT regime? Can they hold Nanjing?" Stalin queried.

"Since the battle of Shanghai, the NRA has effectively lost the cream of it's crop of effective soldiers. The remaining divisions at Generalissimo Chiang's disposal are second-rate and poorly-equipped. Our attache reports that the KMT are resorting to conscripting all available manpower that they can get their hands on. Equipment shortages are rampant, as is the lack of supplies. I think it's a foregone conclusion that Nanjing will fall in the next few weeks." Commander Timoshenko spoke. Though he too was a close friend of Stalin and owed his survival of the Great Purge to his friendship with the Vozhd, Timoshenko did not allow such ties to cloud his professional mind and remained a competent, if somewhat capable, Red Army commander, one of the few professional soldiers remaining that set him out from useless toadies such as Voroshilov and Budyonny.

Stalin nodded. With Chiang's government fighting for its very life against Japan, hopefully the militarist, reactionary band in Tokyo would be forced to commit all their efforts towards China, thereby bleeding themselves dry. If Britain called upon Japan to fulfil her obligations under the Anglo-Japanese Alliance against the United States, so much the better. However, the abysmal state of the NRA meant that there was the very real danger of a Chinese collapse and a swift Japanese victory. That would not do. A functioning and unified KMT-led China was necessary to preserve the balance of power in East Asia, or at the very least to tie down the Japanese and remove the meddlesome, Maoist revisionists of the CCP. Shifting in his chair, Stalin reached for another match to light his pipe, which had gone out amidst the discussion. As he did so, he posed several more questions to the NKO functionaries.

"I'm considering extending and beefing up our military assistance and delivery of supplies to Generalissimo Chiang, specifically with the provision of tanks, aircraft as well as proper artillery to the KMT, as well as Soviet troops and advisors to assist their Chinese counterparts. With greater Soviet arms and expertise, the KMT has a better chance of standing up to the Japanese."

"But Chiang's anti-communist-" Marshal Voroshilov began.

"He is still preferable to Japanese hegemony. If we can keep the Chinese in the fight as long as possible, that gives us time to prepare our Western defences against Hitlerite Germany. Hopefully, the war will be prolonged, forcing the Japanese into a bitter fight of attrition that they cannot win. Chiang is diplomatically isolated, and bereft of any real allies. He will have no choice but to rely on us for support. And that means we will have free reign in Xinjiang as well." Stalin replied, cutting off the Defence Commissar.

"But Comrade General Secretary, we run the risk of upsetting the British and the French. And we need their support if we ever find ourselves at war with Hitlerite Germany." Air Force Commander Loktionov protested.

"Which is why, Comrade Loktionov, if you bothered to use your brains a bit more, our military assistance to Chiang will remain covert. Britain and France will be too preoccupied with America to care about what goes on in East Asia." Stalin continued, as he turned to face Comrade Loktionov. Really, sometimes he wondered as to what ran through the minds of his commanders.

"So that settles it," Stalin remarked, "I shall instruct Comrade Litvinov to convey our offer of further Soviet assistance to the Nationalist Government. You, Comrade Shaposhnikov, will work with Comrades Voroshilov and Timoshenko to work out the details of this programme of assistance. Any questions? No? Good, now what other items on the agenda do you all have for me?"

On cue, Marshal Voroshilov began his presentation on the latest figures on Red Army manpower, the result of recently-introduced conscription laws from 1936, along with additional reports on the state of Red Army automobile production.

Official Communique of The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics

To: Generalissimo Jiang Jieshi, Government of the Republic of China
From: People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs, Council of People's Commissars, Government of the U.S.S.R.

Subject: Offers of Military Assistance

Encryption: TOP SECRET

Sir,

The Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics has watched with alarm as the steady encroachment of the Japanese militarist and imperialist forces continues unhindered into Chinese territory. Recognising that it is in the interests of the Soviet Union to maintain a stable, functioning and prosperous China for the preservation of regional peace and stability, and that the Empire of Japan has embarked on a campaign of imperialist warmongering, the Government of the U.S.S.R. is willing to offer further military and economic assistance to the Republic of China in it's heroic struggle against the imperialist Japanese invaders.

As Your Excellency would have been aware, the Soviet Union has already embarked on a covert campaign of supplying military equipment and weapons to Chinese military forces since the Japanese invasion of China from 1937. However, in light of the changing military and socio-political situation that is taking place in China now, the Soviet Government believes that an increase in military assistance to China would be in the best interests of both parties.

To that end, and in the spirit of the Sino-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact, the Soviet Government is prepared to offer the following terms for your consideration:
The Soviet Government will increase deliveries of tanks and aircraft to the Republic of China, at the volume of two hundred machines on a monthly basis. The Soviet Government also offers to deliver three hundred trucks on a monthly basis.
The Soviet Government will dispatch a high-level contingent of Soviet military officers to assist the Chinese military in the organisation of it's anti-imperialist struggle against Japan.
The Soviet Government will increase the number of volunteer pilots, technicians and assorted personnel currently deployed in China.
The Republic of China will agree to respect and recognise the present Xinjiang Government as well as the legitimate interests of the Soviet Union in Xinjiang, Inner and Outer Mongolia.
The Government of the Republic of China must take further steps to integrate the military forces of the Chinese Communist Party into the NRA in accordance with the recently-established United Front.
The Soviet Government is prepared to deliver a loan of 300,000,000.00 roubles to the Republic of China, to be repaid upon the successful conclusion of the war against Japan.

You will find that the terms of the Soviet Government are most generous, and that it will be in the best interests of the Republic of China to accept them. Should Your Excellency consent, the Soviet Government will immediately undertake all necessary preparations to ensure that the above-mentioned provisions will be implemented as soon as possible.

I have the honour to remain, with high consideration,

Maxim Litvinov
People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs
People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs

by **Legionary United States** » Wed Jun 29, 2016 1:15 am

White House, Washington DC
Meeting of high command

The White House, surrounded by unusually high security, falls silent. The reason for the high security? The three most important people in the United States are sitting in the same room, during a time of when the most stress is put on the people inside the White House, President Huey Long, General Dwight David Eisenhower, and the vice president. They prepare for what many military experts say will be the bloodiest war the US has ever seen.

"General," states Huey Long, "it's official. War is declared. We are making history, for good or bad, it is to be seen. We must plan the attack as soon as possible." "Yes sir" replies Eisenhower, "in fact I have the beginnings of a plan already. We have two fronts to fight on, Alaska and the main front. I say we begin high altitude bombing campaigns of Ottawa, followed by a quick capture of the city, and artillery strikes on Dawson. That would also be followed by the quick capture of Dawson. Toronto will also take the same bombing campaigns as Ottawa." Long replies, "I see you're taking advantage of the close proximity of some of there major cities, smart. But I have one question. What about the rest of the damn country?" Eisenhower says, "that also is taken advantage of, many major cities are within artillery or bombing range, we do that, take the cities, and before you know it, they are begging for peace, and with minimal American casualties." Long smiles, saying "You are a smart man, Eisenhower." "Thank you, Mr. President." "Execute the plan. This won't be an easy war, but I'm confident that we will win."

by **Western Pacific Territories** » Wed Jun 29, 2016 8:40 am

Tokyo, Japanese Empire.
Tokyo, Nihon no Teikoku.
1123AM, March 14, 1938.

While a general staff meeting was supposed to be held only every two weeks according to tradition, in this case Hirohito and the IJAGSO were forced to meet and resolve the Manchukuo-Soviet border crisis. The Soviets were, according to the very limited amounts of soldiers Manchukuo had on the border, fortifying their side of the border even deeper. Hirohito, upon being informed of this, was mostly confused. While the Soviets were inevitably going to notice all the activity near the border, why would they dig in if the border garrison was still light?

Before the meeting had began, the Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs was ordered to send a message to Britain informing them that Japan would not be taking sides in the Anglo-American War, and would actually break the Japanese-Anglo alliance established since before WWI.

Official Communique of the Japanese Empire

TO: Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain.
FROM: Office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

CLASSIFICATION: Public - Uncoded.

SUBJECT: Anglo-Japanese Alliance.

Sir,

As of lately the Office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as well as the Emperor himself, have been watching the conflict between your respective nation and the United States of America. However, our Emperor has decided that from here on out we feel that it is no longer wanted for us to have an alliance with your nation, so therefore we will be ending our alliance with Britain.

Signed,
Office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

(OOC: Military meeting will be in the next post.)

by **Legionary United States** » Wed Jun 29, 2016 10:06 am

Alaskan-Canadian border
Artillery position Charlie

Soldiers and officers fall quiet. The beginning of the greatest war in US history is within a few moments. The phone is surrounded by five nervous officers, waiting for the go to open fire on Dawson.

Meanwhile, the fighter pilots and bomber pilots wait for the same order in New York state to begin the bombing of Montreal, Ottawa, and Toronto.

Also, in DC, General Douglas MacArthur, being called back from the Philippines to fight on the mainland, goes to President Huey Long to request an alliance between us and Germany, n alliance no one would expect.

"Mr. President," MacArthur states, "I do believe it is in our best interest to send an alliance invitation to the Germans, I mean, a powerful ally in Europe would be of great benefit to us." "No" replies Long, immediately after MacArthur finishes his sentence. "I will not do it." "May I ask why, Mr. President" questions MacArthur. "I feel they are not trustworthy. They may attack us when we get to the British mainland." "Well sir," MacArthur says, quietly, "at least think more about it, okay?" "Alright, just don't expect it to happen."

Meanwhile, General Eisenhower sits in his tent, staring at the phone. One of his lower officers asks, "Sir, what's wrong?" Eisenhower replies, "I am about to kill a lot of people. Soldier and civilian, American and Canadian. Oh I'll just get it over with." He picks up the phone. "Soldiers, open fire." So began the artillery strikes of Dawson, Vancouver, and Thunder Bay, with over a hundred artillery per target, and the fighters and bombers of New York began there flights to Ottawa, Montreal, and Toronto, with one hundred bombers and one hundred and ten fighters per each city.

by **The Greater Aryan Race** » Wed Jun 29, 2016 11:11 am

Moscow, Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
13th March, 1938

The Trial of the Twenty-One, the third of the Moscow Trials, had commenced and was in open session at the Supreme Court of the USSR. Already in it's second year, Stalin's Great Purge was now reaching its very bloody climax, this time with the further arrest and indictment of dozens of prominent senior Communist party members and government officials. A public trial awaited them, just as it was so for the co-conspirators from the Trial of the Sixteen and the Trial of the Anti-Soviet Trotskyist Center. After two weeks of short deliberations and interrogations of the accused, today was to be the final session and verdict of the Trial. And no one familiar with the workings of Stalinist Russia was left in any doubt what the final verdict of the Supreme Court would be.

The origins of the Great Purge, or the Ежовщина/Yezhovshchina (English: "Times of Yezhov") as Soviet citizens referred to it as such, lay in the aftermath of the disastrous collectivisation campaigns of the early 1930s and the resulting famines that gripped the Soviet Union and Ukraine in particular. Opposition to Stalin's rule began to grow within the Party and outside, from the left-wing which viewed his mounting autocratic rule and bureaucratic tendencies with alarm, and from the right-wing which viewed his collectivisation and forceful industrialisation programmes as tantamount to economic suicide. Though the Vozhd still enjoyed great personal support from the rank and file of the Party and wider Soviet society, the first cracks began to appear in the edifice as scores of cadres and senior party leaders began openly referencing the terrible human and economic costs of the Five-Year Plans and the collectivisation process in intra-Party debates and elsewhere from 1934 onwards, much to the chagrin of the General Secretary, for whom all was well and should appear well in the Soviet Union, the most developed of nations. Those opposing the dictatorship of Stalin began seeking a more moderate course of governance, which the youthful and bright Leningrad Party leader Sergei Kirov rapidly became the face of. In debates and speeches to party members and the masses, he preached a relaxation of the collectivisation process directed at the peasantry and urged the Party to adopt a reconciliatory approach towards those dissidents of the CPSU. For many, sick of NKVD trials and the nonstop purges of "enemies of the people", they were welcome words. And this was reflected in the 1934 party congress which elected Kirov to the central committee with only three votes against, the fewest of any candidate, while Stalin received 292 votes against. Nevertheless Kirov remained committed and loyal towards the Stalinist programme. It mattered little, for Kirov was shot dead on 1 December 1934 in his Leningrad office.

Stalin took advantage of the death of Kirov to launch the Great Purge, by pinning the blame of his death on the opposition, those who dared to question the Vozhd's policies or simply failed to demonstrate ample enthusiasm for them. After the initial wave of arrests and expulsions of those accused of plotting Kirov's death in 1934 and 1935, Stalin decided to ratchet matters up a bit by having the first major show trials staged in July 1936. The so-called Trial of the Sixteen, or the First Moscow Trial, saw the conviction of such old Bolshevik leaders as Grigory Zinoviev and Lev Kamenev, two of the most prominent former party leaders. Among other accusations, they were incriminated with the assassination of Sergey Kirov and plotting to kill Stalin. They were all found guilty and shot afterwards. On cue, the NKVD under it's Chief Genrikh Yagoda, began systematically investigating and rounding-up scores of individuals, all of whom were charged with a litany of crimes ranging from espionage, to anti-Soviet and counter-revolutionary activity, to responsibility for Kirov's muder, to treason and all such imaginative tidbits. In almost all cases, they were found guilty and purged, some shot and others confined to labour camps. Party cadres, government officials, members of the intelligentsia and the Orthodox clergy, ethnic minorities and even members of the NKVD themselves, all were caught up in the dragnet of Stalin's state security apparatus.

Faster and faster, the tempo of the purges accelerated, the Second Moscow Trial now being held in 1937 with allegations that the so-called "Anti-Soviet Trotskyist Center" was plotting to commit terrorism and was acting as a fifth-column for the disgraced Leon Trotsky. More prominent leaders were placed on trial. They were all found guilty: Karl Radek, sentenced to imprisonment; Georgy Pyatakov, executed; Grigori Sokolnikov, sentenced to imprisonment; dozens of other defendants all executed. Even quicker now, the purges spread to the Red Army. The Case of Trotskyist Anti-Soviet Military Organization was opened in June 1937 with the arrest and indictment of such famous military commanders as Marshal Mikhail Tukachevsky, Commanders Iona Yakir, Ieronim Uborevich, Robert Eideman, August Kork, Vitovt Putna, Boris Feldman and Vitaly Primakov for "treasonable" activity. The decimations sneaked back into past enmities; Tukachevsky himself had incurred the wrath of Stalin, and Voroshilov as far back as 1920, during the crisis of the Soviet-Polish War. Army Commander 2nd Grade Vatsetsis, a former Bolshevik commander-in-chief in the Civil War, at this moment a lecturer at the Frunze Military Academy, was rudely seized. During the break in his lecture, Vatsetsis failed to make an appearance. Military Commissar Kascheyev, commissar to the course, made a brief announcement: "Comrades! The lecture will not be resumed. Lecturer Vatsetsis has been arrested as an enemy of the people." Corps Commander Gorbatov, who made no confession during his interrogation and this in spite of being beaten bloody, after a brief appearance before 'grinning judges', was sentenced to fifteen years' imprisonment. In two minutes, his life and career were crudely amputated. The list of the doomed men, distinguished and undistinguished alike, lengthened as the military purge gathered its dreadful momentum.

The highest command echelons were hit hardest and longest; two more of the five Marshals of the Soviet Union, 13 of 15 army commanders, eight of nine admirals (the purge fell heavily on the Navy, who were suspected of exploiting their opportunities for foreign contacts), 50 of 57 army corps commanders, 154 out of 186 division commanders, 16 of 16 army commissars, and 25 of 28 army corps commissars, would end up either executed or imprisoned, or expelled from their positions. The Military Soviet attached to the Defence Commissariat was thinned out of existence. Army and corps commanders disappeared at no less a rate. In operational units there was, to use a Soviet euphemism, "severe shortage" of trained commanders. The military purge, which remains even now a goad to the Red Army's sense of its own honour, was no short-lived spasm, but a political process, years in its duration, of basic if perverse importance to Stalin's rule in Stalin's fashion. The killings continued, the threat of war notwithstanding.

Now, in the courtroom of the Supreme Court, journalists, members of the public and representatives of the Party and Government thronged the viewing galleries to catch a glimpse of the day's proceedings. Seated at one corner, the State Prosecutor, Andrey Vyshinsky, was smugly adjusting his spectacles, with all the confident and self-satisfied poise of a man who knows that he'll get exactly what he wants. Vyshinsky had served his master well, having acted as Prosecutor for the earlier two Moscow show trials, where his ferocious tongue and vituperative language heaped scores of verbal abuse on the defendants. Yet he was no principled, ascetic, judicial officer. Upon the conviction and execution of one Leonid Serebryakov, another politician of the CPSU in January 1937, his house was suddenly and coincidentally acquired by Vyshinsky, as was his remains assets. Of course this being the era of Stalin, scarcely a murmur of protest was raised at this blatant case of state corruption.

The general chatter of the courtroom died out when several armed guards entered bringing with them the accused defendants of the Third Moscow Trial. Quiet gasps of astonishment and recognition emerged from the crowd once it recognised the faces of these poor souls. There was Nikolai Bukharin, former head of the Comintern and one of the last great Bolshevik revolutionaries of the old; former Premier Alexei Rykov, Nikolai Krestinsky, former member of Politburo and ambassador to Germany; Christian Rakovsky, former ambassador to Great Britain and France; Arkady Rosengolts, former People's Commissar for Foreign Trade and so many other former politicians and members of the Soviet Government. Perhaps the greatest surprise was the appearance of Genrikh Yagoda, former Chief of the NKVD, responsible for spearheading the arrest and interrogations of so many other prominent Bolsheviks in the first two Moscow trials, now himself in the defendants' docket. The sight of the former secret police chief now reduced to that of a shuffling, snivelling wreck of a human being was too much to bear even for his enemies who considered the latest exercise in black irony as a sign of how destructive the purges had become.

Without further delay, the final session of the Trial was underway as the presiding judge, Vasiliy Ulrich, opened the judicial proceedings. State Prosecutor Vyshinsky rose to read the indictment once again, reeling off the usual litany of crimes that had become standard phraseology for the Yezhovshchina. The defendants were all charged with a wide range of offences, such as being part of a "Right Trotskyist bloc" that intended to overthrow socialism and restore capitalism in Russia, among other things. The defendants were also accused of murdering Sergey Kirov, Valerian Kuybyshev, State Political Directorate (OGPU) chair Vyacheslav Menzhinsky, and writer Maxim Gorky and his son, unsuccessfully trying to assassinate Vladimir Lenin, Joseph Stalin and Yakov Sverdlov in 1918, plotting to assassinate Yakov Sverdlov, Vyacheslav Molotov, Lazar Kaganovich, Kliment Voroshilov and Stalin, conspiring to wreck the economy (by sabotaging mines, derailing trains, killing cattle, putting nails and glasses in butter) and the country's military power, spying for British, French, Japanese, and German intelligence agencies, making secret agreements with Germany and Japan, promising to surrender Belarus, Ukraine, Central Asia and the Russian Far East to foreign powers, amidst other preposterous and imaginative tidbits.

Initially when the trial first commenced, all the defendants had pled guilty save for Krestinsky who caused a sensation when he repudiated his written confession and pleaded not guilty to all the charges. However, he changed his plea the next day after "special measures", which dislocated his left shoulder among other things. That little interruption aside, all defendants appeared to admit fully their responsibility in the above-mentioned crimes, even accepting the flimsiest of evidence that the State Prosecutor presented to support the trumped-up charges. Bukharin's performance however was the most curious. Bukharin, great Marxist thinker and politician, former head of the Comintern and one of the few remaining old Bolsheviks to have survived until now. Though he too pled guilty, under interrogation from Vyshinksky, he refused to accept any other charges placed against him, as if he had already made up his mind to go along with his initial confession but would not let the trial degenerate into a farce and retain what little dignity of his that remained.

Finally, after several more minutes of repeated reiterations of individual guilt and more perfunctory cross-examinations by the State Prosecutor, the Presiding Judge Vasiliy Ulrich now rose to deliver the final deliberations of the Supreme Court.

"The Military Collegium of the Supreme Court, having heard the testimonies of the accused enemies of the people and their confessions of guilt for the past two weeks, will now permit the accused persons to deliver their final pleas. Accused Bukharin, you may make your last plea."

At this, Bukharin rose unsteadily and delivered his last statement. Though it was nothing more than a readmission of guilt, Bukharin also proceeded to curiously disprove and demolish a few of the charges brought against him.

"The "Bloc of Rights and Trotskyites" is first and foremost a bloc, of Rights and Trotskyites. How then, generally, could It include Levin, for example, who stated here in court that to this day he does not know what a Menshevik is? How could it include Pletnev, Kazakov and others?"

"Consequently, the accused in this dock are not a group. They are confederates in a conspiracy along various lines, but they are not a group in the strict and legal sense of the word. All the accused were connected in one way or another with the "bloc of Rights and Trotskyites," some of them were also connected with intelligence services, but that is all. This, however, provides no grounds for asserting that this group is the "bloc of Rights and Trotskyites."

"Secondly, the "Bloc of Rights and Trotskyites," which actually did exist and which was smashed by the organs of the People s Commissariat of Internal Affairs, arose historically. It did really exist until it was smashed by the organs of the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs. It arose historically. I have testified that I first spoke to Kamenev as far back as 1928, during the Sixth Congress of the Comintern, which I at that time directed."

"How then can it be asserted that the bloc was organized on the instructions of fascist intelligence services? Why, this was in 1928! By the way, at that time I narrowly missed death at the hands of an agent of the Polish "Defensiva," a fact very well known to everybody who stood close to the Party leadership."

Members of the public, upon hearing his words, began nodding amongst themselves in silent agreement, as if the realisation that Bukharin's words suddenly made sense and that the charges against him were in fact contrived and false inventions was only just dawning on them. Vyshinksy squirmed uncomfortably, conscious of the real danger that Bukharin might just repudiate his confession and proceed to humiliate the court and himself. However, that was not to be. Like the committed Party member that he always was, Bukharin went along with the judicial theatrics and readmitted his culpability in the listed crimes, ostensibly for the sake of preserving the legitimacy of Stalin's regime which hinged on a successful conviction of the accused persons.

"The monstrousness of my crimes is immeasurable especially in the new stage of the struggle of the U.S.S.R. May this trial be the last severe lesson, and may the great might of the U.S.S.R. become clear to all. Let it be clear to all that the counterrevolutionary thesis of the national limitedness of the U.S.S.R. has remained suspended in the air like a wretched rag. Everybody perceives the wise leadership of the country that is ensured by Stalin." Bukharin concluded, after which he returned to his seat.

Following suit, his co-defendants likewise all pleaded guilty, though others begged for clemency from the Court. In particular, Genrikh Yagoda, no stranger to the inner workings of the show trials, decided to mount a last-ditch effort and made a plea for mercy directly to Stalin.

"I appeal to you! For you I built two great canals!" he exclaimed pathetically, in reference to Yagoda's overseeing of the construction of the White Sea-Baltic Canal and the Moscow-Volga Canal, both of which had been built on the backs of inmates of the gulag archipelago which Yagoda helped engineer. At just that moment a match flared in the shadows behind a window on the second floor of the hall, apparently behind a muslin curtain, and, while it lasted, the outline of a pipe could be seen. Yagoda's pleas went unanswered.

Finally, the Presiding Judge Vasiliy Ulrich rose again to deliver the Court's final judgement.

"The Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the U.S.S.R finds the accused persons guilty of having committed extremely grave state offences covered by articles 58-1a, 58-2, 58-7, 58-8, 58-9 and 58-11 of the Criminal Code of the R.S.F.S.R. (...) and guided by Article 319 and 320 of the Code of Criminal Procedure of the R.S.F.S.R. The accused persons are sentenced to the supreme penalty - to be shot, with the confiscation of all personal property. However, enemy of the people Pletnev is to be sentenced to 25 years in prison, Rakovsky to 20 years, and Bessonov to 15 years.”

"The Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the U.S.S.R finds the accused persons guilty of being irreconcilable enemies of the Soviet power, on instructions of the intellkigence services of foreign states hostile to the U.S.S.R., in (they) 1932-33 organized a conspiratorical group known as the ‘Bloc of Rights and Trotskyites’, which united underground anti-Soviet groups of Trotskyites, Rights, Zinovievites, Mensheviks, Socialist-Revolutionaries and bourgeois-nationalists of the Ukraine, Byelorussia, Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan and the Central Asiatic Republics.”

“On the instructions of enemy of the people L. Trotsky, and of leading participants in the ‘Bloc of Rights and Trotskyites’ - Bukharin, Ryjkov and Yagoda - (...) with obviously treasonable purposes, entered into direct relations with representatives of foreign states hostile to the U.S.S.R. and negotiated with them regarding the forms of assistance to be given to the aggressors in event of their attack upon the Soviet Union (organization of terrorist, diversive and wrecking acts and espionage). The leaders of ‘the Bloc of Rights and Trotskyites,’ Rykov, Bukharin and Yagoda among their number, were not only fully informed of the espionage activities of their accomplies, but in every way encouraged the extension of espionage connections, and themselves gave instructions to the participants in ‘the bloc of Rights and Trotskyites’ when they conducted their treasonable negotiations with representatives of foreign states, thus expediting preparations for foreign intervention.”

After Ulrich finished reading the final sentence of the verdict, the public gallery burst into thunderous applause as the members of the public, whether out of genuine conviction that the accused persons were really the heinous scum of the earth that the Court painted them to be or out of fear that lack of enthusiasm for the Court's judgement would land them in the docket as well. The guards quickly hustled out the defendants out of the courtroom, some disconsolate and weeping, others having collapsed from the shock of being sentenced to death while the rest remained stoic and calmly walked out with their guards, though this display of bravado may have just masked their own internal terror. With that, the last of the Moscow Trials had come to an end. But the Great Purge continued unabated.

by **Suekiva** » Wed Jun 29, 2016 12:30 pm

Царство България
Tsardom of Bulgaria

Бог е с нас
God is with us

Sofia, Bulgaria
1938-03-10

Boris III sat in his office, contemplating the volatile geopolitical situation in the Balkans. The lavish chamber in the Vrana Palace was adorned with paintings depicting scenes from the wars that had embroiled his kingdom in previous decades. In particular, there was a large map of Bulgaria with the borders granted to it by the Treaty of San Stefano, which the Tsar inspected as he considered his kingdom's extensive claims in neighbouring countries. Before him were reports detailing the rearmament of Bulgaria's military, which now comprised a hundred thousand men, with the possibility of expanding to two hundred adequately trained thousand men by the end of the year. In addition, there were now sufficient arms available to draft a total of eight hundred thousand if absolutely necessary.

Suddenly, a young aide entered the room with an elaborate bow. "Your Majesty, a priority dispatch from the Italian Embassy," he announced, depositing a small envelope onto the Tsar's desk.

"Thank you," Boris replied, breaking the envelope's seal and withdrawing the letter that it contained. He smiled as he read the communiqué. The Italians had demonstrated their capabilities with their recent annexation of Albania, and would be a valuable ally for Bulgaria's ambitions. "Anton," the Tsar commanded, glancing at the aide, "retrieve Mr. Kyoseivanov, please."

by **Arkandros** » Wed Jun 29, 2016 2:18 pm

The Reich Chancellery, Berlin
March 13, 1400 local time
The bright afternoon sun streamed through the windows filling the oak paneled room with light and warming the officers of the map room. Generalfeldmarschall Werner Von Blomberg pointed to small wooden tanks and infantry across a map of Austria on the massive table,delivering his now daily report to the Fuhrer.
"You see, our troops have been able to quickly seize most of Austria. Our intelligence forces have provided the proper maps of roadways, and we can expect little more meaningful resistance. Our garrison troops have already begun to silence any opposition, and I expect full control in a week, perhaps less." Finished with his report, the head of the OKW stepped back and stood up straight. The small man beside him looked over the map with clear frustration.
"I had hoped to avoid direct military intervention, general. We must move quickly now to ensure our objectives in Poland are met. What is the condition of our tank troops on the border?"
Before the two men, a new map was quickly rolled out, displaying the Polish-German border from the Ostsee down to Slovakia. A cadre of officers scurried about on the other side of the table, placing markers down for fortifications, ports, and airbases in addition to the infantry and tank figurines.
"We have enough infantry ready to quickly seize Danzig, and with our motorized troops in the south and our Panzer divisions in between them, we can expect a quick campaign to Warsaw and beyond. Additionally, our air bases in the north have two schlachtflotte to provide aerial support, and the Schleswig-Holstein is standing by in port to provide shore bombardment. Not that we'll need the planes or ships, of course," Blomberg quickly said. The invasion of Poland was his plan, and he'd be damned if the Heer or Luftwaffe took the glory. Shuffling a tank towards Warsaw, the general continued. "Our primary concerns are the Danzig rail lines and the southern and western air bases. The less the Polish can do to cut our supply lines, the faster and easier we can reach the Soviet border."
Hitler, who had been listening attentively, turned to ask a question. Before he could do so, however, a messenger burst into the room, with Ribbentrop hot on his heels.
"Mein Fuhrer, the US has declared war on Britain!" The room went dead silent, and all eyes turned to Hitler. This had been an entirely unexpected development, and with something like this, every plan had to be rethought and redrawn. The officers in the map room didn't look forward to that. Hitler, meanwhile, seethed. How could he have not been informed of this?
"Bring me Goebbels and Himmler. I want them in my quarters on the double." Ribbentrop began to run out, eager to escape the dangerous quiet, but Hitler quickly snapped at him. "You are to stay, Herr Ribbentrop. This issue must be dealt with." Defeated, Ribbentrop sent the messenger off to find the two ministers.
A few hours later, all four had gathered in Hitler's office. The Fuhrer had cooled some, but was on a short fuse, especially with Himmler.
"How is it possible," Hitler began, "that we did not foresee this? Have our spies become deaf and dumb?" Accusingly, Hitler glared at Himmler.
"Mein Fuhrer, we could not have known. Even our spies who are exceptionally... intimate with US senators have said nothing about this plan. Clearly, the Americans were trying their damnedest to keep their plans secret." Hitler's silent glare cowed the minister, and Himmler uttered a rapid apology.
With Himmler temporarily out of favor, Ribbentrop saw an opportunity-and seized it. Silver tongued, he spoke up. "Perhaps this failure of intelligence-caused by herr Himmler-is actually a blessing. With Britain already occupied in the Americas, we could strike against her ally France, as well as her territorial claims. Indeed, we might even seek an alliance with this President Long."
Himmler, sensing a chance at redemption, also chimed in. "The American army is weak compared to our own, but their factories have turned the tide before. Imagine if their industrial might were bent to our will! All of Europe would fall before the Blitzkrieg!"
Goebbels, who until now had remained silent, also pitched in. "I agree with my fellow ministers in this matter. America is a world away, hardly a threat, and if that country's enormous resources can be put at our disposal, we will undoubtedly control this continent. Shall I draft a telegram to them, mein Fuhrer?" All three men turned towards Hitler, who stood silhouetted in front of a large window. Weighing his options, Hitler gave his approval for the German-American pact to proceed, if possible.

To: President Huey Long of the United States of America
From: Minister of Foreign Affairs Joachim Von Ribbentrop of the German Reich

Mr. President,
It has come to the attention of the German government that, as of the 10th of this month, the American nation had declared war upon the nation of Great Britain, in order to right years of injustice and abuses. We, the German people, applaud your fight, and wish to be of assistance in defeating our common enemy. As I'm sure you are aware, it is only a matter of time before the British call upon the French and Australians to aid their cause and bolster their troops, if they have not done so already. Because of this, you will, as a matter of course, need allies on the European continent, and given our common goal, we believe an alliance would be extremely beneficial and advantageous to both of our nations. Here is our proposal:

1. Both parties are to support joint military operations, particularly where such operations concern the powers that have aligned with the British government.
1a. To this end, Germany will, at a time when the French and British homelands are deemed most vulnerable, strike against them to weaken their industrial ability and moral will to wage war. Territories captured during this attack will be kept by Germany, to be administrated as seen fit to do so.
1b. To this end, the United States will, as much as is reasonably possible, provide raw materials, including (but not limited to) military-critical materials such as aluminum, copper, oil, steel, and rubber, as well as manufacturing support, to Germany to ensure the success of common war goals in Europe.
2. Both parties will provide port and staging areas to the other, if requested and if a jointly advantageous military operation is planned or underway.
3. Aside from where allowed in (3.), neither party is to pass the others' borders without explicit permission. Such action will be considered a violation of this alliance.
4. Neither party will act contrary to the interests of the other party, particularly where such acts would create conflict and/or undue loss.

Again President Long, we, the German people, wish you all the best, and hope that you will give our offer of alliance all due consideration.
Fondest regards,
Joachim Von Ribbentrop, Minister of Foreign Affairs

by **Duestchstien** » Wed Jun 29, 2016 3:56 pm

1938/03/10

Canberra, Australia

Ron Pinesworth Prime Minister of Australia, sat in his chair at his wood desk, the desk of the Prime Minister. He remembered the days his country fought for Britain in the Great War they pushed through at Gallipoli. He Remembered how Britain helped there country so much. Then his Sectretary walked into the room.
"sir Governor-General Isaac Isaacs would like to talk about to you, he's on line one"
"Okay"
Ron picked up the phone.
"What is it that the Majesty requests" he said.
"That we join the war against America" Isaacs said back.
"Oh I very much agree Mr. Isaacs but are we ready, you could say we are we have a lot of weapons, and 400,000 men to throw at them. I'll schedule a conference immediately."
4 hours later Ron found him self in a room with the most powerful people in Australia.
"We lack a navy and an airforce, how do you expect we match up against the American pacific fleet." Asked a general.
"Here's how, the British pacific fleet, our fleet, and the New Zealanders combined should be enough. I suggest and attack on Guam and the Philipines with a those down well be able to stage an assault on Hawaii and Alaska and from there we can attack the west coast of America. We must first rid America of there pacific territories but once those are gone we shall be able to make a succesful attack on the west coast." Said the Prime minister.
"Very well, begin the mobilization process" said Isaac Isaacs.

by **Great Confederacy of Commonwealth States** » Wed Jun 29, 2016 4:56 pm

El Hecho
Ceuta
Kingdom of Spain
Africa

March 14th, 1938

It was a warm and gentle breeze that swept across the Mediterranean. The blue waters of the sea rippled softly under a pale sky, shining brightly with the reflection of the sun. A few clouds dotted the otherwise unbroken steel sky, which gave no cover against the shining sun above. It was just past noon, and the Siesta had already ended. In the city, people got back to work again. Butchers, fishermen, sailors, tailors, all went back to the business at hand. The watched the waters shimmer in the afternoon sun, just enjoying a day like any other.

In Castle El Hecho, however, unbeknownst to much of the general public, a meeting of the gravest importance was taking place. All the big players of the Spanish State were present. Grand names like Francisco Gómez-Jordana Sousa, Count of Jordana, the minister of Foreign Affairs. Ramón Serrano Suñer, minister of the Interior. Fidel Dávila Arrondo, minister of Defence. Tomás Domínguez Arévalo, minister of Justice. Andrés Amado Reygondaud, minister for Economy. There were some notable absentees, of course, but ever since the Civil War, the government didn’t have to care too much about majority decisions anymore. They could all follow the vision of one leader, one Caudillo, in the person of Francisco Franco. He was the last attendee of the bunch, and he presided over the proceedings. From a comfortable conference room in El Hecho, they could overlook the Strait of Gibraltar with touristic joy. The spot was perfectly chosen.

Of course, before we jump in, one should know that the former paragraph was written in a theoretical sense. Of course, Franco was the leader of a Spanish State, whose vision was not undermined by decadent ideas of democracy and influenced by the Jewry. He didn’t have to contend with traitorous socialists and insidious anarchists, nor had he to confer with the liberals and the constitutionalists. But that did not mean that he could rule as he liked. Even though his power was unchecked in theory, in practice he had much to worry about. His nationalist state rested on an alliance of germanophiles and anglophiles, Catholics and Nationalists, Clergy and Falangists. He had to keep the officers of the army appeased (such as the Count of Jordana), while also keeping the workers in check. He had to supply food for the people while the clergy demanded an ample supply for themselves. His rule was unchecked, yes, but the consequences of his actions were not. That was the prime motivation for him to call his ministers to Ceuta, away from all the scheming and politics of Madrid. Here, they had only their own opinions to contend with. When all the ministers had returned from their midday sleep, Franco opened the proceedings in his general style.

“Welcome, ministers. I hope you all had a good rest through the hottest of the day. Africa has a way of revealing our distaste for heat. No wonder that the Africans can’t work as hard as good, honest Europeans.”

Suñer and Arrondo slapped their hands on the table in support. They were members of the falangist party, the sole political party in Spain, and a fascist movement. Their support was vital for the government, as their political prowess was greatest. They had given themselves a prime position in the Spanish government, and their cooperation was increasingly important for a Spain at peace.

“But…” Franco continued, seemingly more at ease. “Let’s not forget what good the Church has done for the poor souls of this dark continent. I could not have planned our coup if this place had been inhabited by savages, after all.”

Thomas Arévalo nodded at the Leader. He had always been a member of the Catholic Traditionalist Party, although that wasn’t an official party anymore. He still represented the wishes of the Catholic Church in government, and he was an important player for Franco himself. The two were close allies, both being staunch conservatives and traditionalists.

But domestic policy was not on their mind that day. No, if anything, this was all about foreign policy. Luckily, those issues weren’t as complicated as the domestic ones were. At least, not for a PR-standpoint. Spain’s actions across the border could always be reconciled with the core values of nationalism somehow. Besides, every faction within the government had clear opinions about who to support. The militarists wanted to join up with an ever-strengthening Germany and Italy for the resources. Catholics favoured France and Italy for their Catholic populace. The falangists preferred working together closer with Germany, and they had little beef with Italy. However, they abhorred both the United States and Great Britain, and detested the Soviet Union seemingly without limitations. There were also Anglophiles within the government, however, who wished to see Spain closer to the United Kingdom. A slim majority, however, favoured Italy. Besides being ideologically closer, they were Catholic, Mediterranean, and they’d supplied Spain with some much-needed equipment during the Civil War. The Technocrats of the regime favoured a whole different approach. Although they disliked democracy, the technological advantage of the West made them much more open to relations with the US and UK. The hollow rhetoric of Italy and Germany felt anti-intellectual, and their sacking of many Jewish professors didn’t sit well with the technocrats.

This was why Franco had moved the diplomatic communiqué from Italy forward in the agenda. It was an issue that could be done with easily, but he could also get a feel on how everybody stood on the world stage. Italy, he felt, was a discussion that would leave some good ideological bait. After an hour or so of discussion, they would probably reach a conclusion, after which Franco would have a clearer picture of the field ahead of him. As a military man, Franco liked to know what he was up against before committing. And, like he suspected, the debate was over rather quickly. The Count of Jordana stressed the importance of securing the border with Leftist France, as expected. He had done the most research into the matter, and determined that on a global scale an alliance with Italy would do the least harm for the most gain. Arévalo, as a devout Catholic, added that improved relations with the Pope could never hurt the standing of the Falangists. Both Suñer and Reygondaud were sceptical of the plan, but relinquished in the end. After all, it would only concern a defensive alliance. And a summit could never hurt anyone. Spain needed to be seen again on the international stage, to that both men agreed. So, a letter was draft for the Italians to receive, holding the confirmation of the Council of Ministers.

“Right” Franco resumed, looking contently at the draft letter. He signed it in a swirling motion, with as much flair as he could muster. Content, he gave the letter to an aid, who would make sure it was delivered via the earliest Aeroplane to Rome. After a short restroom brake, accompanied by tea and crumpets, Franco resumed the meeting.

“Having discussed the Italian matter…” he said, taking a piece of paper from a large file in front of him.

“There is this to consider”

In his hand, Franco held a paper. It was an edition of the New York Times, arrived there via the latest cargo ship hailing from the US. It was hard to miss, really. The whole front page was covered with only one piece of news: ‘US DECLARES WAR ON CANADA, GREAT BRITAIN’. On the front was a picture of President Huey Long staring solemnly at the camera. He had taken great care to look as sorry as possible, keeping a grim expression about him. The newspaper was passed around, as the ministers skimmed the article for useful information. Of course, everything they wanted to know had been supplied days in advance by the Spanish ambassador to Washington. Well, as well as anyone could have informed anyone at that stage. There had been bombings, troop movements, but no decisive battles. It was modern warfare, after all. Still, the war was only four days old. There was no need to rush.

“It amazes me every time” the count of Jordana said, staring at the newspaper. As a lieutenant-general, he was perhaps most familiar with warfare, together with Franco himself of course, and brigadier-general Arrondo. The count looked with staggering disbelief at the paper.

“The US is as warlike as any of the nations on earth, yet even for the most glorious conflict their leaders still have to look like they’re sorry.”

The ministers laughed heartily at the joke.

“Aye, the US is a place of strange contradiction” Arrondo said. “When I fought in the ’Guerra hispano-americana’, I saw first-hand how the most incompetent soldiers on earth could form the best divisions known to us. Apparently, a whole is not always the sum of its parts.”

“Could you tell my wife that the next time she cooks?” Suñer said, jumping on the joke-train in a moment of lapsed attention. With long meetings like these, jokes and the like were always very welcome. Franco always allowed them, up to a point. It was good not to work his ministers to death, especially not with the view they had. A view he had chosen carefully. Across the Strait, there stood the Rock of Gibraltar. It was a testimony to two hundred years of British arrogance on their peninsula. Forever more, it towered above the Spanish coast, reminding everyone that it was Britain which was the new power in the world. While Spain had waned over the years, Britain had only grown in strength. Gibraltar was a testimony, as well as a giant middle finger.

“Gentlemen… We must decide a course of action. The United States and Britain might be at war, but we all know this is going to branch out. The Empire and the Republic can’t confine this war to the Americas. While it is still uncertain, I think we must begin to plan our place in this conflict.” Franco was cold when he talked about the fact. It was a war, yes, but it was nothing to be concerned about. War made people grow, it strengthened the state, and it gave opportunities. The body counts were just numbers on such a scale, represented by drops in GDP rather than by their individual names. If a war was to come, Spain needed to know where to stand. There were, of course, various opinions on the matter.

There were those in favour of helping Britain. Arrondo, minister of the military, was their foremost proponent. Together with Suñer, he proposed working together with Britain. Their prime motivator was the lost territories of the Guerra hispano-americana, those being the Filipinas and Cuba. The US had a lot to lose from this war, and Spain would be wise to help pick off the carrion. With the fall of the Monroe Doctrine, spreading influence through South America would’ve been easier. Venezuela had already accepted a fascist regime, and that trend had to go on.

The others, however, were more in favour of the US. However humiliating the war had been for them, it was still seen as a war lost by the corrupt monarchy and the republican forces. After forty years, no-one bore any large amount of ill will against the Americans. There were still many Catholics there, for instance, and her industry seemed to improve every day. Besides, the most important point was that Germany was at odds with Britain. A war between the two seemed not unlikely, and most of the ministers wanted to be prepared for that. They could hardly fight for Britain and suddenly turn tale. That was not the Latin way. After much discussion, the ministers returned to their chambers. No choice had been made, and they would wait for what the world had to offer them. They just had to wait for another sun to rise, above a world that would be radically different than the world the created just two years before. And nothing would be the same again…

by **Legionary United States** » Wed Jun 29, 2016 6:16 pm

Washington DC
March 13th, 1938

General Douglas MacArthur walks into the Oval Office to speak to the President about the Pacific theatre, with a large piece of paper in hand. "Mr. President" MacArthur says. "Please tell me this isn't about Germany" the president replies. "No, of course not." replies MacArthur, smiling. "This is about the Pacific. We need to do something, and I already have a plan." "Let's see it" Long says as he gestures MacArthur to approach the desk. MacArthur rolls out the paper, which has a world map. "So, Mr. President, I know you don't trust the Germans, and I'm fine with that. But what if we ally the Japanese instead? They are no longer allies with the British, and they do have quite a strong fleet. We'll need that in order to combat the entire British Pacific fleet. And we must move a great majority of the fleet over to the Philippines. We would be within range of Australia." Long replies, "I agree with this plan, and we do need a larger fleet in the Pacific, so an alliance with Japan would be helpful. I've also been thinking about Europe as well. What about a Spanish alliance? They likely would like some of South America, wouldn't they?" MacArthur says, "Well, I don't think they'll accept. We did take qute a large chunk of there colonial lands." "Perhaps" replies Long, "but that was the old regime that lost the war, not them. I'm sure they'll understand. And of course I'm sure they will want Gibraltar, right?" MacArthur nods and says, "Good point. Do you want to write a telegram?" Long nods "Yes."

by **Zostra** » Wed Jun 29, 2016 7:42 pm

Dolmabahçe Palace
Constantinople
Kingdom of Greece

The blue waters of the Bosphorus crashed upon Greek shores once again. Four hundred and sixty-eight years after the last Palaiologos emperor died at the point of Turkish swords, Constantinople was returned. The centuries long struggle of the Greek people had not been in vain. Now it was time for them to take their rightful place among nations, as a true European power. The militant pageantry, shipbuilding effort, and national "re-education" programs were all part of this. True, the street violence between Turks and Greeks from Smyrna to Edirne was disconcerting. So too was the fact that most of the nation's neighbors were less than thrilled at its expansionist, and increasingly fascistic, policies. No matter, it had faced challenges before and would face them again.

Such was the situation of Greece as its leader, Ionnis Metaxas, met with his military chiefs in the Dolmabahçe Palace in the Spring of 1938. For nearly a decade he had ruled. In that time he had transformed his lands from an impoverished backwater to something worthy of respect from its peers and admiration from its people, at least he had tried. As the footsteps of parading soldiers echoed down the streets and the low horn of ships bellowed from the strait he knew he had truly accomplished much. But there was also much to be done.

"President, this exercise will have several purposes. The first, of course, is to ensure our troops are fully trained in the modern ways of war. The second is to test our newly organized armored units which have shown much promise. The third is to show the Yugo-" the Chief of the Army, Alexander Papagos, was cut off by the man next to him, "perhaps we are forgetting the air force's role in this?" Annoyed, Papagos snapped back, "of course the air force will be supporting us as well, now shall I continue?" The air force chief nodded his assent. Since its founding in 1930 the Hellenic Air Force had struggled to assert its independent identity as well as secure funding from the conservative military establishment. The increasing inter-service bickering concerned Metaxas, but he said nothing. Papagos began again, "as I was saying President, the third purpose of the exercise is demonstrating to Yugoslavia we take our claims on Macedonia seriously. Not only that, but we have the means to defend our claims with force." Metaxas had ratcheted up the rhetoric around the "historic right" of Greece over Macedonia during the past few months and this was merely a further step directed as much at Yugoslavia as it was at other European powers. Metaxas had no desire to get embroiled in a multi-nation Balkan against Greece should others resist its ambitions. "Very good general, I am sure the exercise will be a success. Ensure its results are brought to me upon its conclusion. Dismissed." With that the officers saluted and filed out of the office.

As they left, Metaxas stared intently at the telegrams on his desk. Two from Italy and one from the Greek Intelligence Office stating similar messages had been received in several other European nations. Before long his secretary quietly entered, reminding him the Foreign Affairs Minister was here to see him. The minister was called in and two began composing Greece's response.

by **Western Pacific Territories** » Wed Jun 29, 2016 8:34 pm

Tokyo, Japanese Empire.
Tokyo, Nihon no Teikoku.
1235PM, March 14, 1938.

The general staff meeting had now begun. While Hirohito had doubts about calling the emergency meeting, he decided in the end it had to be called, for the safety of Japan. The topic of today would be the crisis on the Soviet-Manchukuo border, as well as the new proposal for the prototype Type 98 Chi-Ke tank, and the further industrialization of Japan. The industrialization of Japan, Hirohito strongly believed, was easily the most important of all. Japan simply could not fight the US or the Soviets without a strong industry to back it up.

The Manchukuo Crisis:

Hirohito sat down in a rather comfortable leather chair that was ornately decorated. The table he was sitting at was surrounded by generals and their equally ornate uniforms. Prince Kan'in began the discussion. "Emperor, on this map, the wooden blocks painted red are Japanese or Manchukuo units, they have marked accordingly with their respective flags. The border is shown here as a clear black line. The wooden blocks painted blue are Soviet units." he pointed to two blue blocks next to each other. "These two units are the 18th and 19th Soviet Rifle Corps. Intelligence reports that these units have had their defense preparedness increased by Soviet High Command. Not much else."

Hirohito replied "This is concerning, Prince Kan'in. We have two choices: One of these choices will alarm the Soviets for certain, and the other option will involve us backing down and retreating our limited units from the border-" The generals looked alarmed, and surprised. "and, that is not going to happen. As it is, we must, regrettably, pull some units from the rear on the Chinese front to the Soviet border."

Prince Kan'in replied "Excuse me, my Emperor, I don't mean to offend you, but I personally feel that we will need every man available in the Chinese front, especially after we capture Nanjing." Hirohito responded "You have due cause for alarm, Kan'in, but we can't wait a few months for more recruits to be trained and stationed on the border. The Soviets may invade before we are able to do so."

Kan'in nodded. Hirohito concluded, saying "So, it is settled, we shall send 16,000 men from the rear to the border."

The Type 98 Chi-Ke Prototype:
After a short amount of time spent reviewing the design, the new tank was approved for construction beginning in June or July. It was also agreed the tank should be kept secret, the factories it would be produced at should have armed guards.

The Industrialization of Japan:

Hirohito began discussion on the topic, saying that "In the next coming years it is absolutely essential that Japan has a strong military base of which it's military can operate using. As it is, I myself am of the idea that our army needs more tanks, and the ability to quickly produce equipment and supplies for our army. Especially if the Soviets become a issue."

The generals agreed whole heartily. In private, many lower-ranking officers referred to it as "Hirohito's First 5-Year Plan". However, it's expected the results will be overwhelmingly beneficial.

by **Pomontanium** » Thu Jun 30, 2016 2:27 am

Bucharest ,the Kingdom of Romania
Victoria Palace
12:00 EET, March 15, 1938

It was a sunny,cloudless early spring day in Bucharest, a perfect one for a walk in the park with friends or your loved one.Bucharest was a nice city, and many Romanians from Moldova or Transylvania moved in to the capital of the Romanians not only for the better paying salaries but also for its' beauty.However,this changed in a very short time. Due to the terrorist threat from the Iron Guard, the streets are patrolled by the Romanian Jandarmerie officers at a much higher rate than before. Not long time ago, a liberal senator was shot dead in his own residence by a supposed assassin of the Iron Guard. The meetings of the Government are now held with closed doors,without allowing the press to observe it anymore.

Miron Cristea, the Prime Minister of Romania, officially began the meeting. "It brings me joy that all ministers have managed to arrived on time today. Today we have met to discuss not only the matters of foreign policy, which are tense enough today, but also those of internal politics, security and economy. I'll let the internal affairs minister, David Popescu,speak." The citizens of Romania are complaining about the alarming rate at which the police and jandarmerie forces are raised, with no explanation being given by the Ministry.
"Thank you, sir. The Ministry of Internal Affairs has shown great progress in the last months.With the approval of the Parliament,we have increased the number of students allowed in the Police Academy, and we have founded a Police Training Center in Bistrita, all these to increase the internal security of Romania to the maximum. With these new additions,we believe that in 3 years we'll have 10% more police officers than now."

"Very well, let's hear the Minister of Finances,Economy and Industry,Mircea Cancicov," Romania had a truly flourishing economy,which had risen at a huge rate after the end of the First World War.Experts say that this is because of the further exploitation of the oil fields in Ploiesti and the investments made by Romanian industrialists in the Timisoreana and Ursus beer breweries, which export beer in countries as Czechoslovakia and Hungary.
"Sir,as you can see, the already rich Romanian economy gets better day by day. In the last years we have noticed a great number of new factories poping up or old ones being modernized. In February 1938, a truck factory was opened in Brasov, in November 1937 the Timisoreana beer factory in Timisoara was modernised to produce more beer, and the small arms factory in Craiova now produces more rifles and general infantry equipment for the Romanian army than ever before.These are all private-owned factories,but by the month September of this year the government of Romania will be owning an ammo factory in Alba Iulia. That's all I had to say."

Suddenly,a knock was heard on the door of the meeting hall.It was an officer of the Royal Guard,again,and he announced the Italy had sent another telegram inviting Romania and many other states to a conference of states in the capital of the fascist Empire,in Rome.The ministers had agreed to accept it,and Gheorghe Tatarescu,the Minister of Foreign Affairs will be Romania's representative.

by **The Greater Aryan Race** » Thu Jun 30, 2016 7:14 am

People's Commissariat for Defence
Moscow, Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
14th March, 1938

The Presidium of the People's Commissariat for Defence (NKO) and the General Staff of the Red Army convened for an emergency session in the evening just as the sun was beginning to set over Moscow and government employees and workers were heading home for the day to have dinner with their families. Chairing this extraordinary meeting was Marshal Voroshilov, in his capacity as Defence Commissar, while notable personalities such as Timoshenko, Shaposhnikov, Meretskov, fresh from his endeavours in Spain, and GRU Chairman Gendin were present. Also in attendance was People's Commissar for the U.S.S.R. Navy Pyotr Smirnov, which was a rarity considering that Smirnov was seldom present for NKO meetings.

The meeting began with Voroshilov informing the rest of the participants of Nazi Germany's recent annexation of Austria. Anschluss had left Germany in a much stronger position, economically and militarily vis-à-vis the rest of Europe. Austria would soon yield an estimated three more divisions to the Wehrmacht, as well as scores of monetary and raw material reserves to Hitlerite Germany. Equally disturbing was the fact that none of the other European powers, in particular Britain and France, both signatories of the Locarno Pact, which in any case was already dead since Hitler's legions marched into the Rhineland, had made any efforts to condemn Germany for her violation of the Locarno Pact. Germany was now ascendant, and if the reports from the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs were true, was drawing closer to Italy and the other minor states of Europe. Though Poland on her part remained fiercely independent and neutral for now, there was no guarantee she would decide to ally with Germany and turn on the Soviet Union. The western border of the Soviet Union never looked more fragile than ever.

Turning to the subject of the eastern military situation, Voroshilov, together with Gendin, presented the rest of the participants with a report from the Headquarters of the Special Red Banner Far Eastern Army. Mongolian observers, in conjunction with NKVD border patrols, were reporting considerable increases in Japanese military movements in Manchuria as well as troop movements into Manchuria from Korea and the strategic rear of Japanese-held China. Red Army radio and intelligence specialists reported an upsurge in military radio traffic, though decrypting the Japanese military code was proving difficult.

"Thus far, the Special Red Banner Far Eastern Army intelligence section reports an additional two troop trains running northwards along the Beizhen-Xinjing-Harbin line into Heihe and Sanjiang. We can estimate therefore that perhaps 9,000 to 10,000 additional reinforcements will be deployed to the Kwantung Army in the following week." Semyon Gendin continued as attendees perused through their respective copies of the Far Eastern Army's report on the latest strategic developments in Manchuria.

"So far though, the border remains strangely quiet. If the Japanese are reinforcing their Manchurian garrison, we can only suspect this is in response to our placing of the 18th and 19th Rifle Corps on alert. We now have two options: Do nothing, or we counter this by reinforcing the Far Eastern Army."

Meretskov now spoke up. Kirill Afanasievich Meretskov, former Commander of various divisions and the Volga Military District, was another fast-rising officer in the Red Army who had the fortune of being spared the fate of some his other contemporaries in the Great Purge. He had acted as a combat adviser to the Republicans during the Spanish Civil War under the code-name "General Pavlovich", where much useful experience was gleaned during the conflict, especially with regards to the use of mechanised forces as well as grasping the state of Germany's and Italy's military prowess. Now back in the USSR, he was being prepped for another appointment, perhaps a command in one of the military districts of the Soviet Union.

"If the Japanese are reinforcing the Manchurian garrison, that can only mean they are preparing to achieve local superiority over our forces in the Far East, perhaps as a preparatory step for further incursions into the north."

"But Kirill Afanasievich, that doesn't make sense. Why would the Japanese be preparing a northwards strike into Siberia when they're heavily committed in China?" Timoshenko countered.

"Precisely because of their successful run in the Chinese conflict thus far, the Japanese High Command may be contemplating striking northwards, now that the Nationalist Government is staring defeat in the face. It is no secret that certain officers in the IJA have favoured territorial expansion in Manchuria and Siberia proper ever since Japan defeated Imperial China in 1890. First Korea, then Manchuria and northeast China, and then Inner and Outer Mongolia plus Siberia. Make no mistake, Japan covets the East Asian region as the cornerstone of their imperialist policies."

"Furthermore, Japan has long adopted a hostile position towards the Soviet Union. Since the Czarist regime, Japan has contested with Russia for control over East Asia, which brought about the 1905 War. During the Civil War after the Revolution, Japanese forces also acted in concert with counter-revolutionary White forces in Siberia. Now that the Soviet Union is fast emerging as a prosperous, socialist nation, the reactionary and imperialist Japanese government has viewed our consolidation of the Far East with disdain and hostility. They are ardently opposed to the principles of Marxism-Leninism, having retained the feudalistic institution of monarchy."

"Which is why," Meretskov continued, "I propose we continue to reinforce and strengthen the Far Eastern Army to ensure we retain our superiority in numbers and tanks in the region, but do so in great secret. Even if Japan is not intending to invade Siberia and Mongolia, at the very least the Red Army will be ready for any provocations. That aside, under no circumstances should the Red Army cross and violate the boundary with Japan and Manchukuo."

"I agree with Comrade Meretskov." Marshal Voroshilov enjoined, "If we let the Japanese continue to strengthen the Kwantung Army at our expense, we run the risk of slackening our defence of the Siberian region. Comrade Smirnov, what is the Navy intending to do in response?"

Commissar Smirnov now spoke, "In this present situation, I think it prudent that the Pacific Fleet, while remaining on the defensive, be brought up to a state of semi-alert. Regrettably, the expansion and modernisation of the Soviet Navy has yet to yield any tangible results thus far so the Pacific Fleet will not be capable of major combat operations any time soon."

"Understood, you will convey the appropriate instructions to the Fleet Commander."

With that, the NKO meeting was brought to a close. While the rest of the attendees adjourned for a short tea break, Voroshilov and Timoshenko proceeded to draft out the appropriate orders to Marshal Blyukher, the commander of the Special Red Banner Far Eastern Army.

Official Communique of The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics

To: Marshal V. K. Blyukher, Commander, Special Red Banner Far Eastern Army; Komkor L. Petrovsky, Commander, Central Asian Military District
From: People's Commissariat for Defence, Council of People's Commissars, Government of the U.S.S.R.

Subject: Deployment Orders regarding Military Situation in the Far East

Encryption: TOP SECRET

1. During the course of 14-20.03.38, large concentrations of infantry have been detected shifting towards the Japanese Kwantung Army area of operations from Japanese-held Chinese territory. This reinforcement of the Kwantung Army is expected to continue for the next few days.

2. It is possible that a surprise attack by the Japanese on the the fronts of the Central Asian Military District and the Special Red Banner Far Eastern Army will take place in three weeks.

3. The assignment of our forces - while not giving in to any major provocative actions, are to be fully prepared to meet any such possible surprise blow by Japan and Manchukuo.

4. I thereby order:
4a. Troops of the Central Asian Military District and the Special Red Banner Far Eastern Army are to be brought up to full combat readiness in anticipation of any possible Japanese violations of the border.

4b. The 39th Rifle Corps (32nd Rifle Division, 40th Rifle Division, 92nd Rifle Division), together with the Special Rifle Corps (79th Rifle Division, 101st Mountain Rifle Division) will be attached to the Special Red Banner Far Eastern Army, along with three air regiments.

4c. The above mentioned troop reinforcements are to be deployed in secret. Commanders shall maintain strict radio and communications silence to preserve operational secrecy.

4d. Far Eastern NKVD border patrols shall be doubled in frequency along the state border with Manchukuo and Japanese-Occupied China. Mongolian Border Guards of the Mongolian People's Republic are to likewise double the frequency of their patrols.

4e. Air defence forces are to be brought to combat readiness.

Kliment Voroshilov
Boris Shaposhnikov
Semyon Timoshenko
People's Commissariat for Defence

People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs
Moscow, Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
14th March, 1938

Maxim Litvinov was a worried man, but then again, one was always worried in the Soviet Union unless one was drunk, dumb or dead. The ongoing Anglo-American conflict, coupled with the German annexation of Austria meant that the balance of power worldwide was looking increasingly precarious. Japan showed no signs of slowing her conquest of China either while Fascist Italy, if Soviet diplomatic reports to the Narkomindel were true, was apparently organising a conference of European powers to be held in Rome. Fascism and Nazism were both on the rise and it looked increasingly apparent that not just Germany and Italy, but even the little Balkan states of Hungary, Bulgaria and Romania were intending to fall goose-steppingly in line behind the Fascist states. And yet where such a disconcerting development demanded the intervention of the other major powers in the world, the response was disappointing. The two so-called democracies, the United States and the United Kingdom, were engaged in a titanic struggle of life and death. Japan was enjoying warming relations with Germany, having signed the Anti-Comintern Pact with her in 1936. China was in no position to help. France was gripped by political turmoil between Right and Left. Everywhere Litvinov looked, the Soviet Union was increasingly isolated.

Something had to be done. Litvinov, a pro-Western career diplomat who helped spearhead the Soviet Union's gradual integration into the international community in the early 1930s, knew that the Soviet Union's only chance lay in strengthening diplomatic relations with the rest of the non-Fascist states in Europe in order to restrain Hitler. That meant cooperation, not confrontation, with France and Britain. He decided that the Soviet Union should attempt to create a proper military alliance with the two powers to ensure Hitler would be suitably enmeshed by this peculiar incarnation of the old Triple Entente. But Litvinov was no fool. The word of the day in Whitehall and Champs-Élysées was "Appeasement", which really was nothing more than shameless grovelling before Hitler in the hopes that permitting his territorial conquests would avert war. Though Litvinov had hoped that the Anschluss would break the two powers out their slumber, early reports from Soviet diplomats proved disappointing. But even so, it was better than doing nothing. He would sound out the French first and request the arrangement of a diplomatic meeting between both governments.

Official Communique of The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics

To: Léon Blum, Government of the French Republic
From: People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs, Council of People's Commissars, Government of the U.S.S.R.

Subject: Diplomatic Talks and Rapporachment

Encryption: TOP SECRET

Sir,

The Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics has watched with alarm as the international political order continues to slide towards degenerative anarchy and chaos. From the outbreak of war between the United States and the United Kingdom, to the illegal invasion of Austria by Germany, to the Japanese invasion of China, the prospects for world peace remain increasingly dismal. For the first time in two decades, we are confronted with the prospect of a second major global conflict.

The Soviet Government, long recognising that only a firm alliance and political commitment of all democratic, socialist, peace-loving states can guarantee the preservation of world peace, believes that Franco-Soviet cooperation can make such a commitment a reality. As such, the Soviet Government wishes to invite representatives of the French Government to diplomatic talks in Moscow for the purpose of discussing potential avenues for military cooperation and assistance against the dangers of Fascist, imperialist tendencies. Though certain slanderous, reactionary circles in France have painted the Soviet Union as some so-called "Red" colossus intent on world subjugation, the Soviet Government stresses it's complete and firm commitment to world peace and stability. You will find such rumours and libellous slander to be unfounded.

It will be in the best interests of the French Third Republic to accept our offer. Should Your Excellency agree to our offer of diplomatic talks, the Soviet Government will immediately undertake all necessary preparations to ensure that the French diplomatic representatives are treated with the appropriate degree of hospitality and respect that a great nation such as France deserves. We await your reply.

I have the honour to remain, with high consideration,

Maxim Litvinov
People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs
People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs

War Plan Red (IC thread)

War Plan Red (IC thread)

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