Were A Thousand Thunderbolts [EII]

[United States of Brink]

Were a Thousand Thunderbolts

“If I had a thousand tongues and each tongue were a thousand thunderbolts and each thunderbolt had a thousand voices, I would use them all today to help you understand a loyal and misrepresented and misjudged people.”

Joseph C. Price

Introduction
The Republic, as now the name had finally become second hand, had settled in to its role in regards to international relations. That being of course, that it didn’t really play in that arena. The world had yet not fashioned itself into one that would respect such a lowly militarized nation, if not an economically dominant one. After countless failed forays into the international stage, the Republic decided to, for the time being at least; opted to dwell in internal affairs. While the people of the Republic tended to be open minded and forward thinking, the innate anthropocentric views of mankind heralded this decision as not only wise but without rival. As such the Republic had laid dormant, tending to its personal affairs. The economy followed suit, growing as the lands within the Republic began to fill themselves out, building infrastructure, technology, and other obvious needs, until finally the economy slowed and in some cases stalled. The country was beginning to hit a ceiling of sorts, limited also by the growing conflicts around the world and most importantly, Africa. Since the United States was formed, and thusly the Republic, South Africa had become one of the most stable continents on the planet. Following the sudden and dramatic fall of both the Matriarch and Commonwealth, the continent was plunged back into a dark ages. The ‘Sickness” as it had been referred to was reaching epidemic proportions.

It was a hand being forced. The Republic, internationally, had now been called upon to do something, or anything for that matter. The economy of the world was feeling the backlash from what was once an incredibly productive continent. The Matriarch had once triumphed as the world’s largest economy, dwarfing even The Empire’s. The Commonwealth, though iron fisted, had built a dependable large scale economy based upon petroleum. The Holy Republic and even Rome for that matter, all had sustainable economies with profitable exports in Northern Africa. Not one of those nations now remained and, while the Republic had integrated much of the former two’s resources and manufacturing, the world was feeling the obvious ill effects. The conflict in Northern Africa was now seen as the straw that would cripple the camel’s back, as exports risked seizure or worse. Large scale companies could afford, albeit it grudgingly, to send their goods on roundabout routes. Small companies, ones that depended on quick northerly routes, were now afforded this luxury. Africa’s valuable exports: oil, precious metals, and uranium were now skyrocketing in price.

The challenge became, for the Republic, a question written so eloquently ages ago; but to do or die. While the increase in prices was problem, certainly the massive economy the Republic had spent years building could sustain. It was rather the long term economic attrition the world was engaging in. One could imagine the difficulties in repeatedly having to prevail against countless spikes in prices regarding world conflict. What had once been viewed as a turning point in mankind, peace on Africa…peace to the world, was now a childish afterthought, a cruel joke played on the world. Sure, Windhoek Instruments or Cupric Mines, the countries two biggest companies (Windhoek being the world’s largest) were fine now, and mostly likely for years to come, but decades or worse? Prolonged conflict was just as bad as countless conflicts. The Republic was a large nation, one of the worlds for that matter. Without international relations the economy was on standstill. Without world peace, international relations made little sense. Why talk economics with a nation that would be around the next morning for afternoon tea? The Republic had exhausted its international relations to boot. Even the once strained relations with the Empire had now faded from memory, an unpleasant dream. Since such pressing matters were on the table constantly in North Africa, the Empire had found its way to the backburner and with the short term, what have you done for me now mentality of people, the ghost of the Empire’s past had long since given up.

That question fell on the desk of President Sam Briddick. Briddick had been in office for two years now, elected after the term of Ngozi Baruti had come to a close and with it an era. Ngozi Baruti marked the end of the Republic’s rise from the ashes, starting decade’s ago with the September Rebellion from Zeeeland. He also marked the final hero of the rebellion to fall from the limelight. Harvard Dugan, the leader of the rebellion and subsequently the founder of the United States, had passed away five years ago at the age of 76. Timothy Farrell left politics after his presidency to become a professor at the University of Windhoek. Sarah Ovamba, regarded as the best President in the nation’s short history, retired in Cape Town. Abdul Jabarii, former governor of Botswana before the Republic and orchestrator of Botswana’s induction into the United States was killed in a car accident ten years ago at the age of 55. Ethan Raven, the final founding father of the United States remains at large, though he is presumed dead. Sam Briddick was the started, or at least it was hoped, of a new era, a modern era. Briddick was the youngest president at age 45, the first foreign elected having been born originally in England, and the first non founding father to find himself in office. While a bit lacking in charisma, a noted change from past leaders like Ovamba and Baruti, he was undeniably brilliant having study at both Oxford and the University of Windhoek achieving a PhD in economics from the latter. He had returned briefly to Oxford where he taught advanced classes in economics before coming back to the now formed Republic as Baruti’s vice President during his second term. It was under Baruti’s calm and respected leadership that Briddick found favor with the Republican people.

He took over in what appeared to be dire straits. The economy was stalled, conflict was growing in North Africa, and the country’s clout was fading quickly. While little success was being met on either front, the public and not turned on him yet. The economy was slowly, if not impatiently, beginning to turn the wheels once again. Though, until the world could find at the least an uneasy peace, the economy would not roll into action with any huge strides. Still it was good enough for the people, for now at least, and the one thing he actually had some level of control over. Still the problems of North Africa had to be settled not only for his country’s sake, but the world as a whole.

[United States of Brink]

There were two straightforward options afforded to Briddick in regards to jump starting the economy. They were both equally productive if not in completely different ways. Most importantly, they could be done simultaneously, though each requiring some masterful diplomacy if nothing else.

The first option, and perhaps most pressing, was regarding Algeria. The Republic never had full control of Algeria. That isn’t to say that the state wasn’t cooperative, but rather Rome, for its time, controlled the coastal regions of Algeria. The coastal regions being the population and industrial center for the country. The inland regions of the state were mostly barren and dotted with unproductive local villages and tribes. Algeria had never been truly modernized in the sense, not even under Republican law which sought to build infrastructure in African states. The state was agriculturally desolate aside from ranching efforts started during Roman rule. When the Republic laid claim to the inner regions they set up natural gas fields and mining establishments which produced some towns along the way, though no major cities formed away from the Mediterranean coastline. Still it required taxation which came with costly strings attached. Protection had to be given over a huge area of land in which easy travel was nonexistent. Algeria’s massively barren land made it prime for drug and other illegal trafficking. Furthermore its mining and natural gas production was limited at best. Profits seen were negligible at best.

Growing reports indicated a return of the Roman government to prominence. A strong pro Roman movement had begun in Italy, who had not so long ago been the epicenter of the free Roman Empire. The Roman Empire shared tremendously good relations with the Republic, being perhaps the only other true democracy in the world. If this rise was seen through to completion and the Roman government found its way back, Algeria could be returned in its entirety to the Roman government who, having the nations profitable coastline, would gladly take it off Republican hands. While land transactions of that size are generally tricky, the former Roman government had great influence in the area as it had originally been their province. Since, as mentioned already, the coastline was the heart of the country the transition would, or at least should, be smooth. To make matters even more streamlined, the distance from the mainland Republic meant that the population of the Republic would be affected little by the transaction.

That left the second option. What could be the complete opposite of giving land away?

[United States of Brink]

Djibouti had been vying for induction into the Republic since it first gained freedom from the Commonwealth. While certainly independence had its perks the state had not been able to stabilize itself to the extent they would have liked. Inefficiency was rampant in most parts of Djibouti including the government. Most notably the port system that had once been bustling was nowhere near pre-independence levels.

It was the port system that Djibouti was famous for during its tenure with the Commonwealth. It was one of the busiest nautical passageways in the world serving central and north Africa as well as the Middle East and, subsequently, most of Asia and Europe. Poking out into the Gulf of Aden, it created a small funnel into the Red Sea which hit major economic hotspots including oil rich Saudi Arabia. It also provided a hub for the export of oil and other resources from the Commonwealth which was the largest oil exporter on the planet. Needless to say the port generated a lot of income, second only to Cape Town on the African continent.

It success had since been overshadowed by the dark side of wealth. The Commonwealth had a strict law enforcement policy which was followed to the T. Its firm grip on the port’s security provided protection from the criminal hotspots that surrounded it. While Djibouti enjoyed much economic success, its neighbors were much worse off, notably Somalia which is still one of the most dangerous states on the planet. Somalia is the world’s organized crime capital, with the world’s largest black-market. Several attempts by the United States to regulated and control the country, and most notably Mogadishu, have failed. The Commonwealth, having to protect their interests, was quick to criticize the efforts made by the United States calling them lackadaisical and sloppy. The United States had always been hesitant to take action in Somalia, having never found success in doing so. Lax law enforcement only encouraged the lack of action within the country. Nevertheless organized crime never made its way into Djibouti thanks to the constant efforts of the Commonwealth’s security measures. Eritrea, north of Djibouti, was also a criminal hotbed, though not to the extent of Somalia. Eritrea was an often forgot about state having been on the back burner for the majority of its Commonwealth tenure. As a result the economy never expanded beyond a few cities and mining towns. Various tribes still combined for the majority of the population. Lack of economic progress within the state led to series of armed riots and military coups. The consequences were obvious as lawlessness ensued. Finally, a perhaps most problematic, was Ethiopia. It wasn’t until recently that the nation found itself in a hellscape. Organized crime from Somalia collided with fierce Ethiopian nationalists and Eritrean warlords to create a whirlwind of death and destruction. Unknown but obvious international presences in the war only added to the misery of Ethiopia. Every day the violence was growing closer to Djibouti borders giving way to panic and fear.

A few factors played against Djibouti from gaining admittance into the Republic. The aforementioned safety problems proved problematic. Officials didn’t want to induct a nation they would have to spend millions to protect. Djibouti’s problems in the regard were evident and damning. Even the public was hesitant to comment seeing the cost of both money and lives. Still there was an underlying theme from the public: they wanted to do something. The people had watched a once hopeful continent sprung into chaos far too many times. They wanted something to be done and while many were wary of the costs, it was also obvious to them that this ‘something’ was perhaps the easiest route to take.

Aside from these external problems halting introduction, internal problems were evident. The biggest, and really the only concern for the Republic, was corruption. The fall of the Commonwealth had left a void in government of most Commonwealth nations, Djibouti being one of them. That void was quickly filled by corrupt officials. The corruption was such that it began to filter down the chain of command until even police officials were lining their pockets. It had made life downright miserable for regular citizens trying to maintain a livelihood in a stagnant nation. The Republic gave a list of demands, an ultimatum if you will, of requirements that had to be met in order to join the country. Among these demands was the resignation of many top officials within the current interim Djibouti government. The holes would be filled by Republican administrators until elections would be held. The obvious reaction by those in power was the want to stay in power and these demands were met with instant denial. Even the populace was suspicious of such demands as the idea of administrators from another country reminded them very much of the Commonwealth dictatorship they were under before. Still if the nation was going to rid itself of corruption it was going to require a strong push from the general population in order to remove the current corrupt government from power.

If the nation were to correct its problems and join the Republic it would be to the benefit of both sides. The Republic would return the ports of Djibouti back to form, generating a flood of economic development for the state. Equally, the return of the port would generate huge wealth for the Republic and spur the nation’s economic development. While the return would be greater for Djibouti the effect would have not only a positive financial one for the Republic but also a morale boosting affect, which was much needed.

[United States of Brink]

The Seychelles was an anomaly in the post Commonwealth era though not surprisingly. The Seychelles, being a rather remote island chain off the east coast of Africa, was self sufficient even during its rule by the Commonwealth. It generated most of its wealth via tourism which was still a thriving business. The Seychelles had the unique characteristic of being totally free of any sort of pollution. Planes and boats were the only motorized form of transpiration and lately the Seychelles had been slowly phasing out the use of airplanes. As it became more widely apparent that the Commonwealth was losing its grip the island began to form relations with the Republic. Since most of its tourism was generated through Republican citizens it was an easy enough transition. The Republic had much larger international airports on the main lands which surrounded the island chain. They simply made deals in which it would become cheaper to fly into Madagascar or Tanzania and take a ferry to the main islands from which smaller boats could ferry you to the more remote locations. So far they had already phased out completely the airport on Praslin and were working on turning it into a nature preserve. Work was already underway to remove the airport on the main island of Mahe.

The island nation had no real strategic value in a military sense. With no airports soon to be and no island large enough to sustain a fortified position, it had no standing army. A very small police force, mostly marine oriented, kept watch over the waters keeping control on drug trafficking. The island chain was near crime free boasting one of the best crime per capita rations on the planet. Considering the size of the population that was a feet onto itself.

The benefit of having it fly the Republican flag was negligible in most cases. It was an odd case than that brought about its induction into the Republic. Esi Nkruma Kagiso was the president of the Cape Town University of Marine Biology, widely considered the premiere school in the world. She also happened to be a well respected political consultant who happened to sit on Briddick’s cabinet. The Seychelles provided one of the most sought after sites for various study programs based at the school. The idea of the University ‘owning’ the island chain seemed too good to pass up. The island’s renowned preservation of habitat and wildlife was well known in the Republic and would provide a great base in which to begin a new series of studies at the school. Having provided platforms for Briddick to speak at during his campaign she had a very influential voice.

At the urging of Mrs. Kagiso, Briddick began a series of talks with the dynamic and charismatic president of the Seychelles, Rudo Thabo. Thabo was able to thwart any advance made by Briddick during these talks, sidestepping obvious calls for induction. Thabo had helped develop a self sustaining island nation and he wasn’t about to fly another flag.

Unfortunately for him, Briddick was as wise as he was cunning. While the Republic was generally not aggressive in these situations there were a number of factors working against the Seychelles. Aside from the pressure of Kagiso the Seychelles were always highly regarded by the Republic. They were viewed as the proverbial diamond in the rough that was the Commonwealth. They Seychelles under the Republican flag was a sort of childish payback. It represented the good over evil mentality that had been forming between the Commonwealth and the republic.

Briddick suggested, though not directly, that with the economy slowing in the Republic commonsense would lead one to believe that tourism would certainly go down. He furthered his argument citing recent bills that had the potential to be passed that would indirectly make travel, at least the Seychelles it seemed, more expensive. It was a direct attack on the thriving by always fragile Seychelles economy.

[United States of Brink]

Not much could be said for Yemen. It had seen various governments in its many years of existence and despite the frequent change; the country remained a quiet corner of the world. It did not house fanatical groups of extremists, nor did it give rise to totalitarian dictators bent on fantastical dream of world domination. It simply sat, quiet and unassuming, along the Gulf of Aden. From its sandy coastline you could see boats moving in and out of the Red Sea. Africa was within eyesight from its western most point. In fact Yemen was a hidden gem of sorts. It laid claim to some rather beautiful beaches, quiet and relaxing. For those seeking reclusiveness in a vacation and a willingness to do a little research, Yemen was quite the retreat. It was not expensive, safe, and a best kept secret. Many Africans from the Republic would often find their way there, relaxing along blue oceans with not a child in sight.

Nevertheless the country was in a bit of a stall itself, caught up in much the same lazy attitude that defined its beach scene. Petroleum production was slowing as prices fell. A growing population was putting a strain on the small portion of the country fertile enough to grow crops. African fishing programs were outdueling those of Yemen, limiting their supply of fish. Having once been a thriving oil economy, Yemen was beginning to feel the effects of a new, non oil consuming world. Their economy was no diversified and natural gas production was limited.

Collusion with other Middle Eastern countries during the reign of the Ottoman Empire allowed the nation to stay afloat during economic troubles. However, with no steady or prominent force in the Middle East, Yemen’s future was suddenly in doubt. They did not have the resources or finances in line in order to restart production and solidify their natural gas production, at least until said production could sustain the nation. It was time the Yemen government began looking to the future and to alternative means of production.

Yemen, for a brief time now, had been a relatively democratic nation. While still dominated by theology and a higher class, there were still hints of democracy in the government. The people were rather apathetic about the government as its control was not nearly as enforced as it had been. Since the country had yet to find itself in serious economic peril, revolution had yet to be a problem. People, for better or worse, simply carried on their day. Nonetheless, with the slowing economy that could soon become a very important issue.

It was Rusul Boutros Midhat Farag, Prime Minister of Yemen that approached the Republic first. Meetings were brief at first with Briddick. Farag was simply curious as to the Republic’s current position on Middle Eastern affairs as well as its own. While both parties understood that the underlying theme of the talks was Yemen’s eventual joining on the Republic, it was also understood to be a delicate and drawn out process. To change a government, as well as a people, was a hard thing to do. Still it was a step forward for Yemen and a possible boost for the Republic.

[United States of Brink]

Surprisingly, at least to some, it was the small island chain that made the first move. The Seychelles had made a quick and absolute decision not long after the meetings had ended. It would have seemed that money spoke much louder than words. The fragile tourism driven economy would not last very long without constant travel from mainland Africans. While Briddick’s tactics were unconventional, they were brilliant in their simplicity. Economics was the way of the new world and the Republic was at the top of the food chain.

The switch was not necessarily a difficult one to make. The Seychelles retained much of the freedoms they already enjoyed. The problems arose in small form in localized areas. Exchanging currencies seemed to be the hardest. Small level confusion, though expected, caused initial problems. The transition was not flawless but it was at least peaceful. The citizens were rather indifferent to the transition. While obviously distraught at the loss of their national identity, the prospect of increased tourism, and those profits, kept the population complacent. It was critical, however, to maintain these promises by both governments. If the economy faltered on the island, nationalistic instincts were sure to take over.

It was an issue not overlooked but difficult to maneuver. Certainly all signs indicated to improved economic functions within the island, but no matter the amount of tests and studies done, nothing was for certain. The transition was peaceful albeit tense. Armed troops would have provided more cannon fodder than order and so they were not used. Nevertheless a few intelligence agents were sent to the island to keep tabs on any anti government movements that could present threats to the continued transition. If money did not start coming in, these agents would surely earn their pay.

The induction of the Seychelles provided ample opportunity for celebration. While events were small on the Mainland, the Island was a roar. The celebration, spurred on by Briddick and his advisors, was an island wide holiday. Yet while the partying continued well into the night, so too did Briddick and his advisors. They were taking no chances in the manner. This was the first step in the right direction for the Republic but its problems were not going to correct themselves.

Briddick took this time to lay out plans for the new island state. One of the major benefits the Seychelles would enjoy was the increased education budget. Not only did the Marine Biology University of Cape Town want buy land to build a campus, but the Republic’s education budget was the largest on the planet, often dwarfing the entire budget of some nations. While the constant population of the Island was small, the schooling was often subpar. Already crews were standing by to add additions, implement new technologies, and provide pay increases as incentives to staff. The initial trickle down from education was already set to spur the economy. Briddick’s staff had already arranged for Special Forces advisors to meet with local police to deal with Marine poaching, specifically shark poaching. Briddick himself had already arranged for a few schools on the Mainland to have class trips to the Island. Travel became domestic and terribly cheap.

The turnaround on the Seychelles was a major relief to Briddick and his staff. It allowed him time to focus more energy elsewhere while giving him the ability to make a sudden impact. It was the start of a long road back to economic growth.

[United States of Brink]

The situation in Yemen was quickly improving as well, at least in terms of their induction into the Republic. The main push behind Yemen’s integration came not from the Republic or the Yemenis government but by the encroachment of an outside source. A growing concern for the Yemenis was the growing support for Chinese revolutionary groups gaining power in neighboring Oman. The threat, to which the severity was unknown, was not a localized problem either. The Republic, themselves, had been keeping an eye on such groups gaining popular support in Africa in the dystopian countries of Ethiopia and Eritrea. While their intelligence reported no immediate threat, it was information they best kept to themselves. In fact Briddick actually viewed the Chinese movement as a good thing, hopefully starting a forward movement in the quality of life within the two countries which, at this point, was tragically low.

Nevertheless it was moving the talks forward and that was a positive thing. Yemen feared that a totalitarian state next door would surely mean disaster for their own well being. Yemen was still recovering from the nuclear attacks by the infamous Cottish Empire. As a result they were not only weak militarily but also in regards to their overall infrastructure. It was going to take time for the radiation to reach acceptable levels from the fallout. Until that time was over the nation was technically split in half. It presented both a positive and a negative.

While the nation seemed desolate, it provided both countries ample opportunity to jump start the economy. Reconstruction projects as well as nuclear cleanup would provide thousands of jobs. It also presented the seemingly once in a lifetime opportunity to rebuild cities with new technologies and layouts. While much of the country was bleak and barren it was a blank canvas waiting to be painted with incredible images of towering skyscrapers along clear blue seas, harbors ferrying in goods to Asia and Europe, and museums and theaters to captivate audiences. The opportunities were endless, that is, if everything went according to plan.

Joining the Republic would provide certain relief from threats arising from a new Oman and the money necessary to being rebuilding the once proud nation. Briddick and his team continued to push their objective on Farag who seemed the eager ear. Now, with this new supposed threat from Oman, the people were listening too.

[United States of Brink]

Discussions between Briddick and Farag of Yemen were continually moving in a forward direction. The Yemenis government was quietly supporting the talks, taking the process slow and professionally. Briddick was in no rush to incorporate Yemen, the country was still a long way away from being a suitable member of the Republic. However, the idea of controlling the entrance to the Red Sea from both sides was absolutely appealing. That idea, albeit grand, was becoming increasingly more unrealistic.

The demands sent forth from Briddick and his cabinet were stamped out immediately by Djibouti officials. Briddick, however, understood that such demands were a long shot as they put those high ranking Djibouti officials in the cross hairs. Djibouti was still terribly corrupt since the demise of the Commonwealth left a power vacuum within the country. Corrupt officials were bleeding the once rich economy dry and they were in no hurry to relinquish that power. Numerous attempts at talks between the Republic and Djibouti were either denied outright or quickly dismissed.

Nevertheless there were members of the Djibouti government, or what could be considered a functioning government, that were pro Republican involvement. Despite their best efforts they were outnumbered and usually stripped of any power once they came forth with their beliefs. Djibouti was quickly becoming a country run by a mob like entity. What were more alarming were the reports from these pro Republican officials regarding the government’s involvement with organized crime in neighboring Somalia. This recent new trend threw up alarm bells across the Republic.

The first reports were from a low level whistle blower, Basit Abd-al-Qadir Hameed. Hameed had been chief of police within the city of Djibouti during the Commonwealth’s tenure. Police chief of Djibouti was regarded as a prestigious position within the Commonwealth considering the wealth and relative safety of the city. That being said Hameed had earned his position there through countless positions elsewhere in more troubled areas of the country. Furthermore law and order was considered premiere career choices within the strict Commonwealth which added additional allure to his position. Hameed was a man devoted to his job and the safety of those under his jurisdiction. When the Commonwealth fell he was relieved, albeit unwillingly, from his position. Despite the new government’s best efforts he continued to play a role in public affairs, becoming a notably outspoken anti-government speaker. The loyalty of his following prevented the government from taking action, not wanting to create a powerful martyr. Still word quickly reached him of possible government participation in organized Somalian crime. He immediately sent word to Republic officials.

The Republic now feared a Somalia like atmosphere in Djibouti which would surely cripple the country’s economic potential. The RIA (Republic Intelligence Agency) concluded, quickly, that Somalian organized crime would quickly overpower Djibouti government officials turning the country into a black hole. Briddick was quick to agree, noting the relative inexperience of Djibouti officials dealing with Somalian crime lords.

Still evidence was lacking, especially for any sort of physical involvement. A second report came from pro Republican Odhiambo Refilwe. Refilwe had been a member of the Djibouti cabinet before being forced to resign after numerous attempts to make contact with Republican officials. He reported first hand links between Djibouti and Somalia. After he leaked this information an attempt was made on his life, most likely by hired Somilian gunmen. The attack failed but not before severely injuring Refilwe who took refuge in the Republic.

Not all seemed lost however. When such connections were made public, the generally populace began to grumble. They had remained subdued while corrupt officials made off with millions because the nation remained safe. Since these backhanded connections would undoubtedly put the nation at risk, the public began to speak out. It was the exact result Briddick was hoping for. He knew he would not be able to convince Djibouti officials to stand down. He did hope, however, that the people would begin to voice their opinions. While Briddick could not oust Djibouti officials, civil unrest could.

The drawback, and fear of Briddick, was if such civil unrest became uncivil.

[United States of Brink]

Civil unrest was a topic all too familiar within Africa. Africa, long since plagued by bloodshed, had only sunk deeper into turmoil as the years had passed. Natives of the land called it ‘The Sickness’, a mental virus stalking the Dark Continent. It was a land where warlords and presidents held equal power, where the machete was mightier than the sword. The Republic, of course, was the anomaly. It remained the lone bright spot in a land of darkness and decay, a pillar of freedom and reform. Yet, despite its presence, Africa had yet to develop. Colonialism was still very much a part of everyday life; puppet governments came and conquered only to be conquered. Tyrants and crime lords raped the once lavish countryside. The land was still primitive, squandering the lives and livelihood of the people.

No better example of such atrocities could be found in Rwanda. The nation had long since felt the pressure of ethnic differences. Under Commonwealth rule, however, a strong police force kept these tensions dormant. The Commonwealth was often very quick to curtail any flare up in racial tensions, subduing any violence before it ever began. Still, they never denied the hostility between the two ethnic groups the resided in Rwanda. Animosity between the Tutsis and the Hutu were undeniable. It was so undeniable that the Commonwealth separated the two, moving the minority Tutsis into neighboring Burundi. This left Rwanda to the majority Hutu population while the Tutsis were forced to take up residence with the native people of Burundi.

This separation would eventually lead to more harm than good. Burundi was in habited by both Tutsi and Hutu people, meaning the tensions were still present, they had just been relocated. The Hutu of Burundi was now forced to live with displaced Tutsi. The Commonwealth did provide the opportunity for the native Hutu to relocate to Rwanda but was met with very little success. The increased tensions that arose from this new form of eminent domain were greater than that of the original problem. Still, the Commonwealth being the force of law and order that they were, were able to keep a lid on the problem. Strict punishment for dissidents was swiftly carried out keeping violence to a minimum. Nevertheless this period of capped frustrations created a terrible underlying apprehension.

It was not long after the fall of the Commonwealth that the violence began. It started small, gang violence and petty crimes. Tutsi shops were broken into and robbed by Hutu gangs. Hutu livestock and farms were pillaged by roving Tutsi mobs. It escalated from there. Murders, rape, kidnapping. Soon the two countries were engulfed in a multinational civil war. The two nations, devoid of any singular force or government, were at war. There was no quarter given. Decades of buildup had created an inferno of death and destruction. Mass killings were quickly turning into genocide. The bloodletting was only going to get worse unless someone intervened.

[United States of Brink]

By nature it was the Republic that stepped in to intervene. The conflict between the ethnic groups quickly transitioned into civil war. Rwanda was seized by the majority Hutu while Burundi was controlled by the now dominant Tutsi. While the conflict was, technically, between nations at this point, it was the unrest among the people, not governments that fueled the fire. As a result, the destruction was wholesale and widespread. As the conflict grew, so too did the concerns of its neighbors.

Armed conflict was commonplace in Northern Africa, an area devoid of the Republic’s presence. The area was ripe with colonialism and tribal warfare, as it had always been. The Republic didn’t have the means, or the inclination to handle the problems of North Africa. This conflict, however, between Rwanda and Burundi was on the Republic’s doorstep. As a result its images were hitting home with its people. News reports found time among the nation’s top networks during primetime. Refugees were pouring in, not to some distant ramshackle camp, but into the towns, villages, and cities of the Republic. This war had a face and it was all too close to the Republican people.

What was worse was the caliber of atrocities being committed. This was not your everyday war that littered Africa’s past. This was a deeply rooted racial war, one most of the current combatants didn’t truly understand. It was hard to fathom that sort of hate boiling over on both sides. It was a craving for blood that dipped down to the darkest reaches of human depravity. Simple things like rape and murder weren’t enough to slake the thirst for chaos this war had brought about. If one side committed some sort of heinous criminal act, the other would and did retaliate tenfold. News anchors reporting the story often stood speechless, with pale teary eyes. A sort of shock and awe mentality had settled in over the entire region.

Such monstrous acts could not go without reprisal. The Republic, after hesitating on an initial action, acted. Having failed to bring the two groups together for introductory peace hearings, the Republic took a more militaristic approach. Guided missiles struck fortified positions on both sides, Special Forces captured and killed a number of high ranking officials for both parties, and forty five thousand troops were placed along the borders of the two small warring nations. It was a sign of power and determination that the people of the Republic responded too with much approval. The show of force had the desired affect Briddick was hoping for. Both parties quickly responded to calls for peace hearings. A few days after the initial barrage Bongani Tichaona of Rwanda, Didier Raphael Antonin Masamba of Burundi, and Briddick met in Johannesburg to discuss and sign a ceasefire. While the talks were unsuccessful at an ultimate resolution, a five day cease fire was signed. It was just what Briddick was hoping for. He was not going to let those five days go the waste. While both parties went their separate ways to assuredly regroup, reposition, and rearmed their sides, Briddick sent in his forty five thousand armed soldiers under the guise of ‘peacekeeping’. He used this time to gather intelligence against both sides, find high priority targets, and ultimately begin the eventual end to this so called civil war.

[United States of Brink]

Operation Quick Storm began in earnest with the end of the five day ceasefire. Targets, acquired through intelligence during the brief lull in battle, were stuck with pin point accuracy. Since neither nation had anything even resembling an air force, nor any anti air weapons for that matter, the Republic dominated the skies. Daily bombing missions ran with immunity. However targets were selected not for maximum destruction but rather to immobilize either nation’s ability to make war. The goal of Operation Quick Storm was not to inflict casualties but rather limit the number. Weapons factories, armories, training facilities were all primary targets. Unfortunately the bombing runs were not without their share of fatalities, not all of which were hostile. Thus was the cost of war, despite the Republic’s best intentions, collateral damage was unavoidable. Still the Republic went about its work with tireless efficiency. The Republic maintained a hard line against both sides, never letting up on their offensive.

The operation worked flawlessly. The original mission of the Republic forces was to simply act as a peacekeeping force between the two conflicting sides. However, Operation Quick Storm changed their overall objective. The Republic moved in with an offensive mindset. The atrocities committed by both sides, as well as the inability of their leaders to work out the conflict peacefully, had, in the Republic’s eyes, sealed their fate. Within two days of the Operation’s start, both Bongani Tichaona and Didier Raphael Antonin Masamba were captured by Republican forces. Soon after, despite protests that their executions would lead to martyrs, the two leaders were tried at the Johannesburg Courts and executed for war crimes.

While the elimination of the two national leaders did initially lead to increased violence, it soon subsided. With the Republican forces pushing hard against all fronts, conflict between the two warring nations was drawing to a close. The two nations, sent reeling from increased aerial bombardment, had less and less materials for which to use in combat. Leaderless and losing manpower by the scores, Operation Quick Storm quickly devolved into Operation Old Wound.

Operation Old Wound, oddly titled, was the second phase and final phase of the Republic’s overall plan. Old Wound was the policing and rebuilding stage for the two nations. The task was a daunting one as both nations, in the short time of the conflict, had been badly mutilated. Almost the entirety of the nations’ infrastructure was gone. Refugees had flocked into the surrounding countryside, meaning the Republic, and had to be accommodated since most had lost their homes. The nations had lost almost an entire generation of men in a drastically short time. Their currency, at this point, was meaningless since their economy was nonexistent. Furthermore the two nations were leaderless since the execution of their respective leaders. All of these problems fell at the feet of Briddick. Many had questioned this hard line approach to the conflict, despite its success, because of the problems it had produced in the long run. Still, despite the potential quagmire, the situation had to be fixed.

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Despite the issues arising in Rwanda and Burundi, the situation in Djibouti was becoming dire. Civil protests had erupted, sparking movements by an ever increase young, middle class. While protests had initially started as peaceful movements aimed at halting corruption in the government, they had becoming increasingly more physical. The original protests were as complex as they were organized. Djibouti had seen economic stagnation almost destroy their dwindling middle class. Political bureaucracy had strangled their once thriving port nation. The Republic had provided an invitation to the nation: eliminate corruption, prove the government can manage a successful system, join the Republic and increase trade through the port.

Adding Djibouti to the Republic was a bonus for many reasons. Djibouti was an active port city, providing deep water ports for the Red Sea and the Mediterranean further inland. Djibouti, along with Yemen, would allow the Republic to control the entrance into the Red Sea from the Indian Ocean, an active global trade lane. With Europe on the verge of stabilization for the first time in a number of years, trade looked to increase in the Mediterranean. Holding passage from the Red Sea and Indian Ocean would provide great economic benefits.

However the protests said nothing of joining the Republic, in fact many were against acquisition by another nation. The ultimatum by the Republic did, however, ignite a nationalistic pride within the population. Considering that the majority of the country was out of work middle age males, strife was ripe. The demand for Djibouti to clean up its act sparked the population into action. The government decided that instead of instituting change, they would try to quell the protests by a show of force. This show of force had quickly become violent sparking retaliation from the population.

On a number of occasions these encounters between government forces had turned excessively violent, claiming a number of lives. As it stood the nation was teetering on civil war and despite a small population, initial estimates for potential loss of life were high. The Republic, partially to blame, stood on the sidelines debating action. The Republic feared that intervening would help promote the fact that they were trying to assume control of the nation. Originally the plan was for the idea to naturally grow within the nation allowing for a nonviolent transition of power. Despite the Republic’s peaceful intentions the situation had become dire. They had to create a plan that would keep the civilian population on their side. Still the Republic could not let a neighboring nation implode into civil war.

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A second wave of expansion was beginning to take place. It had to do with the unrest in the old Commonwealth. Ever since the collapse of the Commonwealth, Africa had remained in a state of purgatory. While some nations collapsed onto themselves like Rwanda and Burundi and required immediate resistance, others like the Seychelles had functioned with minimal withdrawal. Nations came to power while others withered away. It was a proverbial turntable of power. It was not unlike the history Africa had endured, outside of the Republic of course. The Republic, while still comparatively in its infancy, had seen the rise and fall of its land. The Republic remained the last bastion of stability and prosperity left on the continent. It had, for a large portion of its history, remained isolated and unassuming, slowing building up economic significance. It had taken a back seat approach to the rise and fall of Africa, hoping that economic support would allow for free, independent nations to take root. As it would turn out, that simply was not the case.

All too often small democratic nations would gain prominence all over Africa only to fall back into anarchy despite support from the New African Republic. It had reached a point where officials often joked about the misfortune of it all, taking under over pools on the nations eventual collapse. It was a grim reality of the Africa they lived in. Yet, even for the unfortunate fate of many a democracy, the same was true for totalitarian governments. Even hard lined dictators who lacked support from Windhoek rose only to fall, often under violent circumstances. The Commonwealth, while prosperous, was a complete authoritarian state. Its relationship with the Republic, while icy, remained mostly economic. Its fall undermined much of the growth Africa had established under the common rule of Bjornoya, Hirigizstan, and the Republic. Infrastructure established under the hugely successful Mulungu Project had nearly been reversed under either years of decay or rapid violent collapse. This left many states without centralized power (in terms of government) and little infrastructure to actually project any power if established. Economic depression or recession hit nearly every former Commonwealth state in Africa. General negligence had set Africa back decades.

Officials in the Republic had long pushed to acquire Uganda and establish Lake Victoria as entirely Republican. It would also provided relief in the Rwanda and Burundi conflict while providing further land connection between them and Kenya. It also held key access points to the Nile River and close proximity to the Congo River. However the Republic had never allocated the necessary means to acquire the land nor was there any underlying public pressure. However recent establishments of monarchial governments in the North and West had pushed matters of security to the forefront of national issues. While normally these threats would not be taken seriously, given the past track records of African governments, developments in China had put the world on edge and, subsequently, the Republic. Most African experts agreed that the conflict had world war potential and a number of probable players were anti capitalist communists in Russia. Leaving areas of close proximity to encroaching parties of dictatorship and communism became a topical issue within the Republic, allowing politicians to put fear into their constituents. Fear, sadly, often equaled pressure and Windhoek was feeling that now.

Even more close in proximity was the nation’s West coast. Cameroon had always been viewed as a prize for the Republic. It had maintained economic stability throughout its tumultuous lifespan. This was even more bizarre given its revolving door of governments and government types. It was generally understood that political stability would allow Cameroon to finally prosper given its stable infrastructure. While the Republic had seen progress since its economic stagnation at the beginning of Briddick’s tenure, it required more growth. Cameroon, much like Djibouti, would provide access to very profitable ports and natural resources. It would also serve to expand the nation’s borders against totalitarian governments forming in North Africa. Gabon and Congo were obvious stepping stones on the path to Cameroon. The Democratic Republic of Congo had maintained friendly relations with the Republic but its success was limited by its vast arrays of jungle. It was an undertaking the Republic had never considered and, instead, enjoyed a stable independent state to maintain the land.

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Uganda seemed eager to enter into talks of assimilation. Its independence had been rather unsuccessful despite its ability to avoid hostile takeover. Its government functioned well enough with fair elections, though its turnouts were often poor. Economic corruption was their main problem and one not easily resolved. Its proximity to the Republic and its isolation via the Democratic Republic of Congo had limited its major trading partners to one. Republican multi nationals had set up shop in Uganda and limited trade. Prices rose as supply was kept highly regulated. Uganda’s government was not nearly strong enough nor did it have a large population of support to defeat large corporations. As a result monopolies began to form. These companies, while regulated in the Republic, were left to their own, often unethical, devices. The location, however, provided these companies with easy and quick access to Republican markets, one of the largest in the world. As a result they grew thriving on Uganda’s stable, albeit weak, government.

Pressure had been placed on Windhoek for years now trying to establish regulation against these companies. It was a form of outsourcing that was hurting industry in the area if not the entire nation. While the trend wasn’t big, it was nevertheless growing and setting off alarm bells with national economists. However, under the blanket of national security, Windhoek was able to justify assimilation talks. However Uganda, in its struggle to free itself from economic strangulation, was happy to oblige such discussions. Adding Uganda into the Republic would allow for regulation of Uganda based Republican companies, strengthen the democratic process in Uganda, and provide protection from prospective communistic ideals. While national sovereignty was paramount to most nations, safety was always a primary concern. The Republic, unlike the majority of nations on Earth, had developed into one of the most stable regions on the planet. Economic prosperity and a continuing democratic process also made it one of the most desirable locations. Uganda, while losing its national identity, would still remain free with a hand in the electoral process. Furthermore, because of the state and regional government breakdowns within the Republic, most in office would remain so until regularly scheduled elections.

Unlike the annexation of most lands on Earth which were done through force, the Republic’s reputation allowed for a much more peaceful solution. Often states, after deliberation, willingly joined the Republic. It meant safety, stability, freedom, and economic prosperity. On the contrary the Earth’s continually bloody reputation only furthered the Republic’s cause. What it lacked in military persuasion it more than made up for in political and economic acumen. Uganda would eventually capitulate, though there was much to discuss in the meantime.

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Talks with Uganda began in earnest, both sides seeming eager to reach an agreement for assimilation. It was the best case scenario for both sides, threatening only monopolies that had formed under Uganda rule. Surprisingly the local population seemed to favor the move more than the government. They had grown weary of the suspect Ugandan government. While it remained stable, corruption was always just under the surface, and local and national politicians seemed to be living in a bit more luxury than was afforded. It was generally felt that the stability was constantly under pressure and, sooner or later, it would collapse. In the Republic, stability was assured, as was an increase in government spending on important infrastructure. It would provide the opportunity to grow and prosper. The Republic’s reach was slowing reaching upward and taking Africa along with it.

The Republic remained hidden to the world. Despite the fact that the majority of global commerce flowed through the large South African nation, it sat securely tucked away from most major nations. It was surrounded by small young nations and independent countries. The Atlantic guarded its western shore and the Indian protected its eastern shore. The Sahara sat to its north, vast and daunting. The Republic, while not isolationist in any respect, kept from most global affairs. Instead the African Republic involved itself with business and finance, slowing developing an economic powerhouse. It housed funds from nations across the planet, traded some of the most lucrative stocks, and kept details regarding international trade. Its economy started with the stable export of precious metals, of which South Africa was rich. Once its economy and, subsequently, its infrastructure, was secure it began diving into the world of finance. There it found continued success. With a stable government, a prosperous economy, and unstable Africa, the Republic began to expand. The expansion continued today and slowly Africa was becoming a force.

The attention now turned to Congo and Gabon, on the way to annexing Cameroon. Congo and Gabon displayed similar characteristics of Uganda. Proximity to the Republic had secured economic favor. However violence was a bit more common. Both had been key port nations for the old Commonwealth. Both had been developing trouble dealing with various sects. African Supremacists, Neo Authoritarians, and Islamic radicals had been conducting clandestine missions, using the nearby jungles of the DRC (Democratic Republic of Congo) as hideouts. Bombings and raids were common in the border cities and crime was becoming a serious concern for both nations. Such neo nationalism was a problem that had been swept under the carpet in Africa, especially the Republic. The Commonwealth had been a totalitarian state, developing a shielded and close minded population. While the dissolution of the tyrannical government freed millions, it also came with delusional youth hoping to resurrect their dead nation. These groups typically fought each other but their growing proximity to the Republic borders was a concern not taken lightly in Windhoek.

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The key was a two pronged assault, one economically and the other emotionally. Congo and Gabon were both high in crime rates and, like much of the former Commonwealth, struggling economically. Most of their respective economies were built upon foreign (Republican) investment and manual labor for Republican companies. Economic reform was in serious need as local governments had little money to exercise any sort of authority. In an ironic circle, no money meant no authority or legitimacy, which meant higher crime, which meant no authority to collect funds. Around and around it went.

The Republic, perhaps unscrupulously, provided an answer. The Republic would aid in anti-terrorism efforts and police funding. It would help legitimatize and stabilize the weak governments. In return it asked for fair elections in what was another attempt to legitimatize the two governments. Furthermore it would require that both Congo and Gabon abandon their current, and different, currencies for that of the African Mark. A more effective police force, a fairer and more transparent government, and a stable currency; a two pronged attack.

The idea was simple; create a smooth stable transition into the Republic. Lower crime rates, the eradication of radical sects, and an improved economy would certainly build favor within the Republic. This favor, it was hoped, would extend politically when fair elections hypothetically elected pro Republican officials. The only borders would then be political and more a hindrance than anything. A common language, culture, currency, and, ultimately, goal, would facilitate an almost necessary assimilation of the three nations. If, however, the plan didn’t work out, the Republic was still solidifying its borders and increasing an already dominate African economy. In the eyes of Windhoek, it was a win-win situation.

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Congo and Gabon agreed to the terms more quickly than was anticipated. They seemed worn down by years of executive mismanagement. The idea of economic and political stability was too tempting, the reward high, the risks low. They portrayed a sense of relief, as if a weight had been lifted. While they weren’t handing over their countries directly they seemed to understand the direction being taken. They did little to stand in the way at times appearing to want to expedite the process, to push it along with a quicker pace. Who were they to stand in the way of change and, more importantly, prosperity? There were stipulations, however.

The elimination of old currency in favor of a new, already established one was never an easy task. This was especially true if the new currency was more valuable, as was the case in this scenario. The African Mark, the leading form of currency in Africa (and the world standard), was tremendously more valuable than either Gabon’s or Congo’s current form. The African Mark was the performed form of currency for global trade made true by a number of factors. It held one of the highest and most consistent values in recent memory. The Republic’s steady growth and continued stability ensured market confidence. The world’s largest bank used the African Mark as its standard. Finally, and perhaps most importantly in the grand scheme of things, was Africa’s neutrality in global affairs. While the shingrot, the currency of the Empire of Layarteb, had been around for a long period of time with equal stability, their cultural influences were not as eagerly met in some parts of the world. Its use in global trade had become a victim of a less than favored foreign policy. In simple terms, the world simply preferred a less controversial currency. That meant that the exchange rate for Gabon and Congo would actually make them poorer initially.

Replacing two differing currencies was no easy feat, be it economically or physically. Getting an entire nation, its business, investments, and population to seamlessly switch over would require proper planning and effective administration. Furthermore the Gabonese and Congolese currencies, which were of course different, were far less valuable than the African Mark. This meant that for every six to eight ‘dollars’ that a Congolese or Gabonese citizen had they would, in return, receive just one (roughly) ‘African dollar’. Obviously, from an economic standpoint, this would deal a severe blow to both countries financial institutions. The idea, then, was to implement a sort of massive stimulus plan. In return for some trading favors, the Republic would offer each citizen/business a compensation package that would restore, or almost restore, their prior financial standing. Even in terms of Africa Marks, Congo and Gabon were poor compared to the Republic which meant that so too were its citizens. Nevertheless matching current economic ratios came with a high price tag, one that certainly wouldn’t sit well with the current Republican population, especially considering the lack of short term results. Regardless it was considered a necessary financial risk considering the long term benefits, especially if it meant national integration down the road. It would increase the taxable population, provide more economic resources, and lessen neighboring competition. Furthermore it would allow for even more port access and international shipping. The combined nations housed exportable quantities of oil, natural gas, diamonds, uranium, and other precious metals like gold and silver. Most importantly still, it provided easier access to the potential economic boom of Cameroon.

Behind this wave of expansion was another form of expansion. Briddick had already obtained the necessary resources to launch a second Mulungu Project. The original Mulungu project, which took well over a decade to complete, was a massive collaboration between the Republic, the Commonwealth, and Bjornoya. It was investment on a massive scale throughout Africa. The project dumped hundreds of billions of dollars into developing and improving upon African infrastructure. Everything from transportation routes and systems to satellite reception and internet access were built, improved, or strengthened. It was a project that met immediate success launching the Republic into the economic stratosphere. A large portion of the project, however, had been reversed after the collapse of the other two governments involved. The Republic had tried to maintain it throughout hard hit areas but it was simply to wide spread to maintain alone. Briddick was gearing up for a second go, one that would solidify the Republics presence in Africa.

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Part of the New Mulungu Project was establishing firm ties with the independent nations of Africa. Southern Africa had been developed for a number of years under the guidance of the Republic. Africa’s rich supply of valuable minerals, precious metals, and fossil fuels had been put to economic use once stability reached the region. Windhoek had, from its early stages, taken strict steps to ensure long term growth, even if that meant limiting it in the short term. Their proactive policies appeared to bear fruit; the nation had seen steady growth upwards of 8% a year albeit with a few hiccups along the way. Former president Baruti had been a tremendous leader during his office; however his last two years saw the nation’s economy stagnate. Four years later, two years into Briddick’s first term, the economy was slowly starting to build back its former pace.

The push was helped by a number of different factors. The first was the establishment of two key financial institutions. The International Bank of Cape Town and the Cape Town International Stock Exchange both provided much needed investment capital. Not only did the Exchange help bolster the economy of the nation, it helped create and grow industries worldwide. It reinvested heavily in foreign investments, helping bolster housing markets in developing nations. Internal investments were more strictly regulated. Windhoek constantly feared creating, and then breaking, false markets or ‘bubbles’. The nation was still technically developing with large tracts of land still lagging behind more established areas like Namibia or South Africa. Unethical investments were a thing of African culture for most part of civilization and that fear remained as present as ever. If African investments were to collapse or fail it would, perhaps shrewdly, be on foreign soil.

The IBCT was another large force behind the recent economic success of the nation and the world as a whole for that matter. The bank stored, securely, large sums of money from around the world. The Republic’s continued stability and high credit rating made it a safe and financially smart place to save. The Bank also gave the Republic the ability to borrow money if needed at extremely low interest rates. With so much success on foreign and internal investments, as well as continued growth, loan interest rates were at an all-time low. It was an economically benefiting cycle.

The real success of the bank would be seen through the Second Mulungu Project, as it would be one of the chief investors. The Bank would fund a large portion of the projects looking to make a hefty return down the road when the areas being reconstructed began to flourish. This generosity extended beyond the borders of the Republic. The Bank also, as the name implied, allowed for loans to foreign countries and investors. This was especially important for unaligned African nations. Most of these nations were having difficulty moving out from behind the shadow of the former Commonwealth and Bjornoya.

While both nations were economically successful they were so because of unethical behavior. Bjornoya, for instance, was a corporate state. It was designed and run by business with little to no regulation. Naturally the system sought to abuse the middle class, creating unfair environments for anyone outside the wealthy class. Wages were low, benefits minimal, and conditions often horrid. The disparity between the wealthy and middle class was the chief motivation behind the nation’s eventual collapse. It was not until after the governments collapse that their atrocities came to light. In a frightening attempt to reduce the AIDS/HIV rate that had previously plagued Africa, the government had clandestinely instituted a ‘cleansing’ program where they simply eradicated hundreds of thousands of infected. The terrible true nature behind Bjornoya provided a grim reminder of unchecked government and capitalism.

The Commonwealth, while overly bureaucratic, had developed the opposite problem. A closed economic system slowly strangled the nation. The Commonwealth’s chief export was petroleum which helped buoy their economy for decades. However, as history has proven, petrol states are often economic shells, fragile to a changing world. The Commonwealth simply did not diversify its economic portfolio, relying on the success of their chief export. The Empire of Layareteb had, during the reign of the Commonwealth, been converting most of their fuel supplies to more renewable energies lessening their dependence on foreign exports (though, with heavy reserves in South America, the Empire was not their number one import at any point). The Republic, then the USB, was following suit, converting their energy supply away from petroleum. Furthermore the collapse of China under Mariamia, Bjornoya in Africa, and the Soviet Bloc in the Americas dealt a heavy blow to their overall oil exports. With their economy failing the jobless rate rose exponentially. Inflation increased sharply. Hirigizstan now faced a highly trained, highly armed (a large mandatory conscription in a militarized nation was to blame), jobless, male dominated, middle class. Not surprisingly the nation turned violent and buckled.

The Republic had been left to pick up the pieces. Many of those former lands were now under the Republican flag and had seen both stability and economic success return. Yet, still, many of those former nations were struggling. Claims to power were ongoing, legitimacy for an independent government was hard to come by when they had neither the capital nor the force to project any sort of power. Furthermore most of these nations still battled unseen enemies, ghosts from past violence. The threat of European colonialism still loomed just past the horizon, more so now with stability starting to settle in just north of the Mediterranean. It was a threat that the Republic itself feared, hoping to stabilize and secure Africa ending generations of tyranny and oppression. The Bank would help to stave off any impending threat to these nations. Loans, at reasonable rates, would be offered to help solidify governments’ power by developing infrastructure, funding defense, and improving upon important social institutions like schools. Lending did not stop at the borders of Africa though. Indeed, money was being offered globally. African investors were present worldwide helping fund and create working financial institutions and infrastructure.

Windhoek played in a role as well, helping organize where those funds were properly utilized. Nations, that is if money was being lent to governments, had to fulfill a number of requirements or stipulations before being allowed money. Even then proof had to be maintained as to the actual placement of funds. Windhoek was not out to simply give money away. Nations often had to institute economic reform before being lent even a single cent. Still, Windhoek approached every situation with cautious optimism. Even before nations were given a set of demands, they were analyzed to better pinpoint where money was needed. Certain criteria needed to be present before Windhoek requested political reform. History had proven countless times the foolishness of rushing democracy into a location not yet suitable for its extended success. True, most aspiring democracies where political reform predated economic reform collapsed into conditions worse than its previous authoritarian state.

Nevertheless these two institutions were at the forefront of both the Republic’s recent growth and the Africa’s future. The second key for the Republic’s economic growth was its recent push for expansion.

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Expansion meant new markets, a larger workforce, and more people to tax. It also meant the addition of valuable resource laden land. It wasn’t hard to see how such acquisitions made for economic progress. At this point the Republic was masterminds on resource extraction and, more importantly for continued production, conservation. Most of the nations joining the Republic were either not extracting enough resources or extracting too much. The Republic didn’t nationalize these sorts of companies but rather enacted incentives and limits to control the flow of goods being processed. Though with the success of certain companies already acting within the Republic’s borders, older companies usually found comfort in being bought, management always viewing the almighty dollar above all else.

Money was a way of life in the Republic, the economy always the focus. While some nations liked to splurge on large militaries or government ran sectors, the Republic was happy to play banker. The government and private sector had worked out a wonderfully productive deal. While Windhoek was extremely business friendly, strict laws were in place keeping business out of the government. So long as Windhoek continued its mutually beneficially relationship with the private sector, the business world was happy to keep its nose where it belonged and not push or influence government officials or policy. That wasn’t to say, however, that the two forces didn’t sometimes conflict. Yet, because of closed door senate and congressional meetings, the private sectors influence could only go so far. It was one thing people outside of the country often misunderstood. While the world’s foremost democracy, transparency within the government wasn’t nearly what one would expect. Ultimately all things would come to light, for better or worse, since the government wasn’t trying to hide or cover up decisions. Rather, the decision making process, whatever or wherever it took place, was often kept behind closed doors. Such policies were vital to keeping lobbyists at bay and minimizing bribes and corruption. Since votes were secret, that is within the law making community; politicians could take a bribe for one thing and vote another way. Ultimately it was viewed as a poor investment and rarely done.

Expansion, relatively speaking, was something the Republic did with ease albeit it not often. Expansion, for the Republic, was never done aggressively. Being a democracy, the use of force was extremely hard to facilitate, even in cases of defensive conflict. The idea of using Republican lives to garner more land would be political suicide libel to create wide scale rebellion. Instead the Republic relied on its two primary assets: wealth and freedom. The Republic’s economic success made it a tantalizing idea, join and get rich. While many foreign government officials feared their jobs (rightfully so, though more so because of illegitimate claims to authority), the idea of improved infrastructure, schools, hospitals, and so forth was something all politicians enjoy. Secondly, the Republic appealed to the general population of most countries. Join and enjoy political and religious freedom, government stability, and improved lives. Many people, often living under oppressive poor governments, welcomed the idea of a better tomorrow, sovereignty be damned. Nationalism only worked if you believed in what you were fighting for. When your family was mysteriously vanishing, your money stolen by the government, or food was hard to come by, nationalism was a fool’s cause. This often led to tension and pressure put on local, ineffective governments. Those nations usually could not withstand the draw of the New African Republic.

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Success, as it often does, came slowly for the Republic’s expansion plans. The foundation for democratic government, centered in economic reform, was taking root in neighboring nations. The simple pull of economic progress was undeniable and unavoidable. Progress and reform inched outward from Republican borders, drawing more and more people into the money making machine of the free globalized market. Failures elsewhere, mostly in North Africa and Middle East, were forcing business southward. As markets collapsed, primarily Middle Eastern oil markets over recent threats from the religious order, people turned their business to the stable and ever expanding Republic. Goods moving southward brought business to those in the middle; with everything working its way into the Republican fold. It was an unexpected consequence of instability, but a welcomed one nonetheless.

Djibouti, once entrenched with a corrupt governing body, could no longer escape the instability at their borders or the economic boom they were missing out on. Slowly, but surely, the populace began to remove those officials from power, opening the door for much needed economic reform, the same reform the Republic had asked for before assimilation could take place. The process was arduous and bumpy along the way. A new sense of nationalism had swept through the small coastal nation, but was overshadowed by the nation’s complete inability to secure its borders, something the Republic could do. Djibouti voted in favor of assimilation, establishing the first true democratic rule for the region. Their position at the Indian Ocean entrance to the Red Sea paid immediate dividends as business flooded in from the Suez Canal. It was also a key strategic location for the New African Republic which now controlled the narrow entrance to the Red Sea with Yemen coming under control. It was especially important as it acted as a counter balance to the Layarteb controlled Suez Canal which marked the other entrance to the Red Sea via the Mediterranean.

Yemen, as previously mentioned, had too made the necessary inroads for proper assimilation into the Republic. The nation had little flexibility in this circumstance as they were still recovering from nuclear detonations. Progress, however, was being made and already life was returning to normal, especially along the coast, the hardest hit portion of the country. While precautions were still necessary, efforts for cleanup and containment were in full swing providing much needed jobs to the area. Land was already being bought and sold, which would provide needed infrastructure to the area when building was again permitted. Yemen was a nice cultural mix for the Republic, bridging the gap between the Middle East, Africa, and the Far East. It also greatly increased the Muslim demographics within the nation. The somewhat unexpected consequence of this Muslim influx was increased pressure on Windhoek to address the current state of affairs in Eritrea. Earlier in the year word quickly spread of a Muslim purge within the nation. The reports were later confirmed much to the dismay of Muslim’s worldwide. Even now reports were circulating of increased tension between the ruling junta and native Muslim population. If Somalia and Ethiopia were any indication, it was that the area was ripe for human rights’ atrocities. The added pressure on Windhoek, along with military forces already deployed in the area, seemed to hint at an expansion of the Republic’s current regional campaign.

[United States of Brink]

Big problems ultimately create small problems. Take for instance the threat of environmental damage to recent assimilated lands. Early US environmental practices, when compared to the Republic’s current laws, were near non-existent. It was a necessary evil to spearhead economic progress in the young nation. The African landscape the country inhabited was ripe with natural resources including precious metals, ores, and agricultural productivity. Heavy metal mining, even more so than oil extraction, put tremendous strains on the local environment. Mine tailings and acid runoff posed serious environmental threats not to mention putting serious pressure on local land values not associated with the mining operation. Reclamation projects, those intended to remediate the area of the mining operation and/or confirmed residual contamination, were often scheduled but never acted on. Mining companies were supposed to set aside money for site cleaning after operations had ceased but often that money was used well before the final piece of ore was extracted. Mining companies would simply declare bankruptcy after the operation was finished to avoid any additional remediation fees. It was a tragic circumvention of the system that left many areas, and residents, in dire straits. After initial pressure was placed on the government for reform in the mining sector, small appeasements were made that, in the end, made things worse than they originally were. Mining companies were legally forced to set aside and protect funds for cleanup projects with fines heavily enforced, bankruptcy or not, on those companies that tried to avoid those cleanup costs. Initially one might assume this to be a large win for local residents but it was a corporate bluff. Mining companies, not third party assessors, were allowed to determine the effective cleanup costs for a particular site. A company could then make the assumption of very small cleanup costs for a site that would, in reality, require millions in remediation. The companies made a hefty profit, local residents saw remediation efforts, albeit well below effective measures, and cleanup costs were spread out over the millions of taxpayers of the US.

Windhoek turned a blind eye, in part because it had to. Mining, even with its massive cleanup costs, was the nation’s primary export. It generated billions in funds, funds desperately needed for a fledgling democracy. What the US couldn’t have was millions of unemployed twenty year olds with no income, the death blow for most nations let alone a democracy. Fast forward to the current mining practices and you would be amazed. Not only have government regulations become stricter on mining operations, specifically remediation costs, but so too has the public. Sustainable environmental practices are profitable practices today in part because public opinion drives profits.

Companies that deal with the public, that is retailers, are usually not the companies involved in environmentally damaging practices. Public scrutiny already determines most of their policies as they are constantly under the microscope. This allows for the companies behind the scenes, the loggers that provide timber for construction or furniture, the cattle ranchers that provide beef for hamburgers and steaks, to act in relative obscurity. However, various online resources began to highlight which retailers bought from less than reputable businesses. It generated such a buzz that local, and then national, news fixtures began circulating similar lists. Once these lists became national news, retailers were forced to change who they did business with which, in turn, forced those at the start of the chain to change to more publically accepted practices. Of course this simple process came with a price tag. Stricter regulations very often mean higher prices. This, however, was offset by a constantly rising GDP per capita. The public could, literally, afford to be picky.

The most recently inducted lands were not afforded that luxury. The standard of living beyond the Republic’s borders was often well below what the Republic had come to enjoy. Outside mining companies, or any company extracting natural resources, could not afford to turn a profit under the Republic’s environmental doctrine. Many influential business leaders outside of the Republic feared the inevitable buyout from much larger Republican companies, a fear they made known in Windhoek. Worse yet was the fact that this same scenario played out in just about every sector which, when combined, presented a formidable obstacle to overcome in the hopes of a peaceful, if not smooth, transition between governments and people.