Die Sonne Scheint
Figure 1.1: Physical map of Caucasus Region [3119 x 2392].
Figure 1.2: Political map of Georgia [3033 x 2244].
Figure 1.1: Physical map of Caucasus Region [3119 x 2392].
Figure 1.2: Political map of Georgia [3033 x 2244].
Basic Facts
Adjara is a small, autonomous republic of Georgia. It is 2,900 km² in area and home to 400,000 people. The republic is located along the Black Sea, in Georgia's southwestern corner. It borders Turkey to the south.
Adjara is 63% Georgian Orthodox, 30% Muslim, 2.3% Armenian Christian, 0.2% Roman Catholic, and 4.5% other. The populace is known as the Adjarians or Ajars and they speak a dialect of the Georgian language known as Adjarian. Their written language is Georgian.
The Adjarian people are largely segregated by Tbilisi and the remainder of the Georgian people, largely in part to their different dialect and their perceived isolation in the country's southwestern quarter.
Adjara has a flat coastline but its interior is mountainous and forested. The highest mountains rise to an altitude of 3,000 meters and 60% of the country is forested. The climate is humid and there are prolonged rainy seasons. Spring and summer months yield plentiful sunshine. Precipitation in Adjara is the highest in the Caucasus. September and October are normally the wettest months and the country has cool and warm summers with cold winters. Temperatures in summer range from 60°F – 75° and in winter from 19°F to 43°F on average.
Adjara is favorable to the growing of tea, citrus fruits, and tobacco. Tobacco, tea, citrus fruits, and avocados are leading crops; livestock raising is also important. Industries include tea packing, tobacco processing, fruit and fish canning, oil refining, and shipbuilding. Adjara is home to many health spas and it plays a vital role in tourism for the greater state of Georgia. Its oil refineries handle oil from the Caspian and it is a key route for oil flowing from Azerbaijan. Oil from Azerbaijan is often loaded into ships in the Black Sea from Adjarian facilities.
Adjara's capital, Batumi rests on the coastline and it is home to 180,000 people.
Adjara is a small, autonomous republic of Georgia. It is 2,900 km² in area and home to 400,000 people. The republic is located along the Black Sea, in Georgia's southwestern corner. It borders Turkey to the south.
Adjara is 63% Georgian Orthodox, 30% Muslim, 2.3% Armenian Christian, 0.2% Roman Catholic, and 4.5% other. The populace is known as the Adjarians or Ajars and they speak a dialect of the Georgian language known as Adjarian. Their written language is Georgian.
The Adjarian people are largely segregated by Tbilisi and the remainder of the Georgian people, largely in part to their different dialect and their perceived isolation in the country's southwestern quarter.
Adjara has a flat coastline but its interior is mountainous and forested. The highest mountains rise to an altitude of 3,000 meters and 60% of the country is forested. The climate is humid and there are prolonged rainy seasons. Spring and summer months yield plentiful sunshine. Precipitation in Adjara is the highest in the Caucasus. September and October are normally the wettest months and the country has cool and warm summers with cold winters. Temperatures in summer range from 60°F – 75° and in winter from 19°F to 43°F on average.
Adjara is favorable to the growing of tea, citrus fruits, and tobacco. Tobacco, tea, citrus fruits, and avocados are leading crops; livestock raising is also important. Industries include tea packing, tobacco processing, fruit and fish canning, oil refining, and shipbuilding. Adjara is home to many health spas and it plays a vital role in tourism for the greater state of Georgia. Its oil refineries handle oil from the Caspian and it is a key route for oil flowing from Azerbaijan. Oil from Azerbaijan is often loaded into ships in the Black Sea from Adjarian facilities.
Adjara's capital, Batumi rests on the coastline and it is home to 180,000 people.
Background
Since independence from the Soviet Union, Adjara has been largely ignored by the Georgian capital and government. What economic benefits it provides are largely taken with little reciprocation. Tbilisi largely regards Adjara as a place of "second-class citizens" opting instead to utilize their resources and benefits rather than assisting its people. For that reason, Adjara's standard of living is significantly lower than that of Georgia-proper. Adjarians are subtly persecuted throughout the country and there is little employment opportunities for the Adjarians outside of Adjara.
Throughout the 1990s, the Georgian government largely turned a blind eye to any troubles within Adjara. Because of poverty and different treatment, crime in Adjara steadily climbs throughout the decade with the rise of small but effective organized crime syndicates. These syndicates largely perpetuate the troubles of Adjara by trafficking illegal drugs, people, and exploiting the people of Adjara to financial ruin. Batumi and other large cities are heavily penetrated by these organizations, which have reach into the political process in both Adjara and Tbilisi. Law enforcement and government officials are widely considered corrupt and on the payroll of many of these organizations.
Between 2000 and 2004, human trafficking in Adjara was the number one crime committed against young girls under the age of sixteen, followed by rape. Drug addiction in the cities is high with opium-based drugs being the most popular thanks to the cheapness and the abundance of these products. Because of the rise in crime, the tourism industry in Adjara has been on the decline since the mid-90s. Oil pipelines and other industries essential to the Georgian government are largely protected by Georgian troops and there is indiscriminate reprisal against Adjarians who venture too close to these assets. Tbilisi, ever smart to the political landscape ensures that the Soviet syndicates are unharmed and it continues to pass on economic benefits to the Soviets.
Beginning in 2003, Adjara entered a major economic dive thanks to the collapse of the United Federation of Eurasia. The successor Council of Turkish States, in full control over Turkey are unable to assist the Adjarians economically due to their own difficulties. Crime skyrockets as a result.
In 2007, after four years of economic ruin, crime syndicates in Adjara have grown so powerful that they openly challenge the Georgian government in Tbilisi. In consequence, the Georgian government issues a crackdown in Adjara in late 2007 that lasts for nine months. The crackdown only gives more power to the crime syndicates at the expense of innocent Adjarians. Owing to the perceived apathy of the Adjarians to the crime organizations, Tbilisi begins further persecution of the Adjarians by denying them opportunities and benefits within Adjara. This only adds to the crime syndicates' numbers and by 2010, it cements in major, open demonstrations in Adjara against Georgian rule.
Between March and June 2010, protests over Georgian rule nearly paralyze Batumi, Kobuleti, Keda, and Khulo, Adjara's four major cities. Tbilisi, in an effort to exploit the Adjarians further, announces reforms and promises more recognition to the Adjarians. The protests quiet down but only temporarily. In April 2011, after no perceived change, the Adjarians begin openly protesting again, this time bringing their protests to Tbilisi. As a result, Georgian police crackdown heavily on the Adjarians and begin arresting known dissents and "troublemakers" throughout Georgia and Adjara. In Tbilisi, the protests are broken up forcibly and violently with many Adjarians arrested and injured; several dozen are killed. The Georgian military does the same in Adjara's major cities but with only slightly less violence. The number of casualties is only marginally smaller.
Following this wave of crackdowns, the Adjarians seek international assistance but due to the general apathy around the world, they are left unsupported. Beginning in the late spring of 2011, the Georgian military begins ethnic cleansing in the rural parts of Adjara in hopes of removing the less defendable Adjarians first. They plan to work their way to the major cities over the course of several years. Tbilisi, aware that it cannot move too quickly lest it incur international wrath, commits its actions as quietly and subtly as is possible.
Throughout 2011 and 2012, the Georgians effectively genocide approximately 15,000 Adjarians are killed and buried by Georgian forces. Careful to keep evidence out of the public eye, the Georgians commit most of their crimes during the night and in the heavily forested areas of Adjara.
In early 2013, the Adjarians begin a guerilla campaign against Georgian forces, focusing their low-intensity attacks in the rural areas of the country, where Georgian troops are operating. Several key attacks by the Adjarian rebels kill over 50 Georgian troops between January and April 2013 though at considerable loss to their own numbers. Georgian troops estimate as many as 200 rebels are killed in the same period and Tbilisi orders the ethnic cleansing to intensify in the wake of the rebel activity. In late-April 2013, Georgian troops begin Operation Reclamation in an attempt to gain total control over Adjara. They are careful about warning pro-Soviet syndicates to ensure that the Soviet government turns a blind eye to the activities in Adjara.
Operation Reclamation sweeps westward with Georgian troops moving south on Highway E70 towards Batumi and west on Batumi-Akhaltsikhe road, a treacherous mountain road that is 158 km long with 116 km of that in Adjara. By May 30, 2013, Georgian troops have captured both roads and the towns and cities along these two routes. However, their control along the Batumi-Akhaltsikhe road is shaky at best. Despite being in control of these major routes, Georgian forces come under increasing harassment during the month of June, mostly along the Batumi-Akhaltsikhe road. Their control over the coastline exists uncontested. From April onward, the Adjarians begin to lobby the Empire of Layarteb for assistance against the Georgian government. However, owing to the location of Adjara, the recent Sinaean-Layartebian War, the Eritrean Conflict, the Cyprus Incident, and the overall state-of-tension within the Theocracy of Amigard, the Empire is reluctant to get involved. Georgia and Adjara also lie within the Soviet sphere of influence and the Empire is reluctant to commit sizeable enough forces to the Black Sea in order to dislodge the Georgian government.
By June 30, 2013, Georgian forces have extended their ethnic cleansing and genocide of the Adjarians from 15,000 in the beginning of the year to 30,000. Operation Reclamation, which concluded on May 31, 2013 added a further 5,500 Adjarians to that total for 35,500 overall Adjarians killed by Georgian forces since mid-2011.
Since independence from the Soviet Union, Adjara has been largely ignored by the Georgian capital and government. What economic benefits it provides are largely taken with little reciprocation. Tbilisi largely regards Adjara as a place of "second-class citizens" opting instead to utilize their resources and benefits rather than assisting its people. For that reason, Adjara's standard of living is significantly lower than that of Georgia-proper. Adjarians are subtly persecuted throughout the country and there is little employment opportunities for the Adjarians outside of Adjara.
Throughout the 1990s, the Georgian government largely turned a blind eye to any troubles within Adjara. Because of poverty and different treatment, crime in Adjara steadily climbs throughout the decade with the rise of small but effective organized crime syndicates. These syndicates largely perpetuate the troubles of Adjara by trafficking illegal drugs, people, and exploiting the people of Adjara to financial ruin. Batumi and other large cities are heavily penetrated by these organizations, which have reach into the political process in both Adjara and Tbilisi. Law enforcement and government officials are widely considered corrupt and on the payroll of many of these organizations.
Between 2000 and 2004, human trafficking in Adjara was the number one crime committed against young girls under the age of sixteen, followed by rape. Drug addiction in the cities is high with opium-based drugs being the most popular thanks to the cheapness and the abundance of these products. Because of the rise in crime, the tourism industry in Adjara has been on the decline since the mid-90s. Oil pipelines and other industries essential to the Georgian government are largely protected by Georgian troops and there is indiscriminate reprisal against Adjarians who venture too close to these assets. Tbilisi, ever smart to the political landscape ensures that the Soviet syndicates are unharmed and it continues to pass on economic benefits to the Soviets.
Beginning in 2003, Adjara entered a major economic dive thanks to the collapse of the United Federation of Eurasia. The successor Council of Turkish States, in full control over Turkey are unable to assist the Adjarians economically due to their own difficulties. Crime skyrockets as a result.
In 2007, after four years of economic ruin, crime syndicates in Adjara have grown so powerful that they openly challenge the Georgian government in Tbilisi. In consequence, the Georgian government issues a crackdown in Adjara in late 2007 that lasts for nine months. The crackdown only gives more power to the crime syndicates at the expense of innocent Adjarians. Owing to the perceived apathy of the Adjarians to the crime organizations, Tbilisi begins further persecution of the Adjarians by denying them opportunities and benefits within Adjara. This only adds to the crime syndicates' numbers and by 2010, it cements in major, open demonstrations in Adjara against Georgian rule.
Between March and June 2010, protests over Georgian rule nearly paralyze Batumi, Kobuleti, Keda, and Khulo, Adjara's four major cities. Tbilisi, in an effort to exploit the Adjarians further, announces reforms and promises more recognition to the Adjarians. The protests quiet down but only temporarily. In April 2011, after no perceived change, the Adjarians begin openly protesting again, this time bringing their protests to Tbilisi. As a result, Georgian police crackdown heavily on the Adjarians and begin arresting known dissents and "troublemakers" throughout Georgia and Adjara. In Tbilisi, the protests are broken up forcibly and violently with many Adjarians arrested and injured; several dozen are killed. The Georgian military does the same in Adjara's major cities but with only slightly less violence. The number of casualties is only marginally smaller.
Following this wave of crackdowns, the Adjarians seek international assistance but due to the general apathy around the world, they are left unsupported. Beginning in the late spring of 2011, the Georgian military begins ethnic cleansing in the rural parts of Adjara in hopes of removing the less defendable Adjarians first. They plan to work their way to the major cities over the course of several years. Tbilisi, aware that it cannot move too quickly lest it incur international wrath, commits its actions as quietly and subtly as is possible.
Throughout 2011 and 2012, the Georgians effectively genocide approximately 15,000 Adjarians are killed and buried by Georgian forces. Careful to keep evidence out of the public eye, the Georgians commit most of their crimes during the night and in the heavily forested areas of Adjara.
In early 2013, the Adjarians begin a guerilla campaign against Georgian forces, focusing their low-intensity attacks in the rural areas of the country, where Georgian troops are operating. Several key attacks by the Adjarian rebels kill over 50 Georgian troops between January and April 2013 though at considerable loss to their own numbers. Georgian troops estimate as many as 200 rebels are killed in the same period and Tbilisi orders the ethnic cleansing to intensify in the wake of the rebel activity. In late-April 2013, Georgian troops begin Operation Reclamation in an attempt to gain total control over Adjara. They are careful about warning pro-Soviet syndicates to ensure that the Soviet government turns a blind eye to the activities in Adjara.
Operation Reclamation sweeps westward with Georgian troops moving south on Highway E70 towards Batumi and west on Batumi-Akhaltsikhe road, a treacherous mountain road that is 158 km long with 116 km of that in Adjara. By May 30, 2013, Georgian troops have captured both roads and the towns and cities along these two routes. However, their control along the Batumi-Akhaltsikhe road is shaky at best. Despite being in control of these major routes, Georgian forces come under increasing harassment during the month of June, mostly along the Batumi-Akhaltsikhe road. Their control over the coastline exists uncontested. From April onward, the Adjarians begin to lobby the Empire of Layarteb for assistance against the Georgian government. However, owing to the location of Adjara, the recent Sinaean-Layartebian War, the Eritrean Conflict, the Cyprus Incident, and the overall state-of-tension within the Theocracy of Amigard, the Empire is reluctant to get involved. Georgia and Adjara also lie within the Soviet sphere of influence and the Empire is reluctant to commit sizeable enough forces to the Black Sea in order to dislodge the Georgian government.
By June 30, 2013, Georgian forces have extended their ethnic cleansing and genocide of the Adjarians from 15,000 in the beginning of the year to 30,000. Operation Reclamation, which concluded on May 31, 2013 added a further 5,500 Adjarians to that total for 35,500 overall Adjarians killed by Georgian forces since mid-2011.
Situation
As of July 1, 2013, the Georgian military is in control over Adjara. They control the entire coastline of the country and most of the route along the Batumi-Akhaltsikhe Road. They arefacing an increasingly hostile resistance of Adjarian rebels but these rebels are lightly armed and they lack the true discipline needed to tango with the Georgian forces, which are supported by the Soviet government.
Georgian troops are tolerant of the crime syndicates in Batumi and throughout the country and they give an especially wide berth to any linked to the Soviet government. They are actively pursuing a campaign of genocide and ethnic cleansing against Adjarian civilians but they are mainly focusing their activities in the rural areas, instead opting to isolate those Adjarians living along the coastline, which is most of the country's populace.
Appeals by the Adjarians to the world have fallen on deaf ears. Since Operation RECLAMATION has concluded, the Adjarians have been lobbying the Empire of Layarteb for assistance but heavy reluctance from the Empire of Layarteb remains a major obstacle. With the Soviets turning a blind eye to Tbilisi's activities, the Adjarians are facing inevitable extermination at the hands of the Georgian military and the various crime syndicates.
As the summer of 2013 concludes, the Empire of Layarteb remains heavily reluctant. When it becomes evident that the Theocracy of Amigard is in no position to help and the reluctance of the Empire of Layarteb will likely not abate enough, the Adjarians begin to court the newest power in the region, the Kingdom of Persia, much to the dismay of the Georgian government. In response to the successful destruction of an Al Shams cell in eastern Persia in October 2013, the Kingdom of Persia begins to lobby the Empire of Layarteb for assistance in Adjara. At the same time, Azerbaijan becomes apprised to the situation and the Azerbaijani government begins to pressure the Georgian government to cease its activities against the Adjarian people.
In November 2013, the successful lobbying of the Kingdom of Persia manages to break the reluctance of the Empire of Layarteb and the 14th Amphibious Ready Group deploys to the Black Sea, arriving in theater on November 18. The 14th Marine Division, along with the 14th Marine Support Group deploys to staging bases in northeastern Turkey, poised to invade the Adjarian region. As a condition for the Empire of Layarteb's involvement, the Empire of Layarteb gets the Kingdom of Persia to agree not to take the war all the way to Tbilisi. Reluctantly, the Kingdom of Persia agrees.
As of July 1, 2013, the Georgian military is in control over Adjara. They control the entire coastline of the country and most of the route along the Batumi-Akhaltsikhe Road. They arefacing an increasingly hostile resistance of Adjarian rebels but these rebels are lightly armed and they lack the true discipline needed to tango with the Georgian forces, which are supported by the Soviet government.
Georgian troops are tolerant of the crime syndicates in Batumi and throughout the country and they give an especially wide berth to any linked to the Soviet government. They are actively pursuing a campaign of genocide and ethnic cleansing against Adjarian civilians but they are mainly focusing their activities in the rural areas, instead opting to isolate those Adjarians living along the coastline, which is most of the country's populace.
Appeals by the Adjarians to the world have fallen on deaf ears. Since Operation RECLAMATION has concluded, the Adjarians have been lobbying the Empire of Layarteb for assistance but heavy reluctance from the Empire of Layarteb remains a major obstacle. With the Soviets turning a blind eye to Tbilisi's activities, the Adjarians are facing inevitable extermination at the hands of the Georgian military and the various crime syndicates.
As the summer of 2013 concludes, the Empire of Layarteb remains heavily reluctant. When it becomes evident that the Theocracy of Amigard is in no position to help and the reluctance of the Empire of Layarteb will likely not abate enough, the Adjarians begin to court the newest power in the region, the Kingdom of Persia, much to the dismay of the Georgian government. In response to the successful destruction of an Al Shams cell in eastern Persia in October 2013, the Kingdom of Persia begins to lobby the Empire of Layarteb for assistance in Adjara. At the same time, Azerbaijan becomes apprised to the situation and the Azerbaijani government begins to pressure the Georgian government to cease its activities against the Adjarian people.
In November 2013, the successful lobbying of the Kingdom of Persia manages to break the reluctance of the Empire of Layarteb and the 14th Amphibious Ready Group deploys to the Black Sea, arriving in theater on November 18. The 14th Marine Division, along with the 14th Marine Support Group deploys to staging bases in northeastern Turkey, poised to invade the Adjarian region. As a condition for the Empire of Layarteb's involvement, the Empire of Layarteb gets the Kingdom of Persia to agree not to take the war all the way to Tbilisi. Reluctantly, the Kingdom of Persia agrees.