War and Peace (IC)

[Bojikami]

War and Peace

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OOC

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January 1st, 1835
Moskva, Russian Empire

Tsar Nicolas sat idly in the Kremlin, the day had been rather slow, as have most days been recently. He began to recount the glories of Russias near past. The recent wars with both the Persians and the Ottoman Empire have seen Russia expand its grasp over the Caucasus and into what could be the possible staging grounds for an invasion of the weakened Persia and the Ottomans, the latter of which Russia has considered its prime enemy since time immemorable. However, in 1830 Russia was faced with a large uprising by the Polish Officers whom attempted to regain their independence, this revolt would spread to Lithuania, Western Belarus, and into parts of Ukraine. Despite this, Russia prevailed and brought down the insubordinates, restoring order over the region, albeit for now.

Nicolas began to think about the current situation of Russia, to its west lie the Prussians and Austrians, two former allies of Russia during the Napoleonic Wars. These two powers could very well be allies of Russia once more, but the Tsar knew better than to immediately involve himself in the affairs of the Germans, for this would be premature. The growing tension between Prussia and Austria, while it would likely spell war between the two powers and their allied states, could at the very least divert the attentions of the rulers from expansion into Russia and at the most benefit Russia through diplomatic leverage. To the south west lie Russias great enemy, the Ottoman Empire. Despite its recent victories over the Turk, they were still powerful and therefore posed a threat to Russian interests in the region. Elsewhere, Russia had a firm alliance with Greece, which was ruled by a Romanov and had ambition against the Ottomans from whom they had revolted from successfully in 1832. Either way Russia looked, there was fair chance of both peace and conflict.

Athens, Greece

The Hellenic Kingdom was a new nation, having only won its independence from the Ottoman Empire a roughly three years ago following a long struggle for Greek Independence. During the struggle for a free Greece however, the Greeks needed foreign support, and they decided to ask the Russians for such an alliance. Tsar Nicolas accepted, but only on the condition that the young Dmitri Romanov would rule as monarch of Greece. Despite much debate, argument and slight infighting amongst the revolutionaries, they decided to accept the Russians offer.

However, the year was now 1835, three years after the Turkish defeat, and King Dmitri was crowned, and many Greeks and Orthodox Christians remained under Turkish yoke. Expansion, for the time being, would be halted by the utter size of the enemy and Greece would need to find more allies outside of Russia.

[Luziyca]

January 1, 1835
Beijing, China

The sun dawned over the city. The beautiful red tiles seemed to shimmer in the sunlight, and there was some snow on the ground. It was the start of a new year. Well, not really... it was not the New Year as Chinamen like him thought. As far as he was concerned, it was the third day of the twelfth month in their own calendar.

The Daoguang Emperor felt angered. Angered at his difficulties in controlling the opium trade, angered at how China no longer was the center of civilization, let alone the universe. He wanted to find a method to transform China, for it to modernize, so he could preserve his dynasty, and his rule over all of the Celestial Empire... from Beijing in the east to Dihua in the west. He took to his desk and began writing down his proposals to strengthen China...

[Unicario]

January 1, 1835
Vienna, Austrian Empire

Francis I sat quietly in his chambers in Schönbrunn Palace, thinking about the state of the Austrian Empire, and the German states. The Hohenzollerns in Prussia were a growing, and still pervasive threat to the Austrian order -- they were idealistic, while Austria remained conservative, stuck in the old pre-Napoleonic mindset, and a legacy of the old order. This was something that troubled Francis I. What further troubled the Kaiser was his heir. His eldest son, Ferdinand, lived a life of suffering, in the Emperor's opinion. Ferdinand was a bright young lad when he was lucid -- but most of the time, he suffered constant seizures and had a very severe speech impediment, making it impossible for him to be diplomatic, communicative, or anything else.

He thought of his other adult son -- Franz Karl. He was the co-Emperor of Brazil, but he did not have the personality that the Emperor considered to be viable for ruling a nation such as Austria -- to be undiplomatic, reserved and cold was a recipe for disaster, but he was the son he preferred to succeed to the Empire's laurels, entirely by the merit of his sons. His grandsons, Franz Joseph, and Maximilian, had great potential to be monarchs each. He frowned and folded his hands together. The Habsburg Domains were on the cusp of a new age, one where they could not hide behind their Imperial Graces, and they would have to openly confront the specter of their Czech populations, their Hungarian nobles, and the Romanians, Poles, and Ruthenians... plus the Serbs and Croats in Banat and Dalmatia; to speak nothing of the Italians in Lombardy and Venezia.

He looked up at the portrait on the mantle, he had a portrait erected of his father, Leopold II of the Holy Roman Empire -- a proponent of the Enlightenment, and a strong defender of Austrian order and tradition. He only wished that he could change the world, because, as Franz II admitted to himself -- Everybody wants to change the world, and look for real solutions to their problems, without compromise or capitulation.

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Rio de Janeiro, Empire of Brazil

Emperor Francisco Carlos of the House Habsburg-Lorraine, was, himself, considering the state of affairs, much like his father. The Empire of Brazil was a rising nation in the West, much like the United States of America... of which both nations faced similarities up the wazoo. Brazil and the United States both held men and women of darker colors in chattel bondage. Brazil and the United States both faced knee-jerk opposition from their southern provinces -- for the United States, it was Virginia and the rest of Dixie; for Brazil, it was Cisplatina and the restless territories of the region that had once waged a war of independence and lost miserably.

He resolved that he would under no circumstances permit Brazil to fall down a path of darkness. His wife was the rightful Empress of Brazil; who was he? A foreigner who married the Empress entirely to keep Brazil from being invaded and annexed by Pedro I of Portugal, who had lost his throne in Portugal after a few months due to incompetence, and had nearly went to war to reclaim Brazil for himself. The marriage of Francis Karl to Maria had saved Brazil, and cemented her rule.

Francisco I of Brazil, who was co-sovereign of the absolute Empire of Brazil, stood up and dusted off his dress uniform, and walked down the halls of the palace in the city. His study was seperate from his wife's study, and so he went to go see her. She was working on some paperwork in regards to the state of affairs in the Cisplatine Province; a troublesome spot.

"Maria, minha querida."

Maria II of Brazil, of the House Braganca, daughter of John VI of Portugal, and the "Restauração" claimant to the throne of Portugal, glanced at her husband. Her sickly disposition was notable. The years in Brazil had eaten away her health, and left her in a state that was less than optimal for the region. Francisco feared things for her. "What do you need, Francisco?"

"Maria, the state of affairs in Brazil must be reformed, if not for ourselves and for the people, then for our sons. Brazil has the potential to be a power to rival the Europeans, but we cannot do this retaining chattel slavery, the suppression of the Cisplatines, among other things... we cannot permit this Empire to fall by stagnation."

Maria sighed and set her quill down and gave an annoyed sigh. "You're right, my love. This is the problematic nature of Brazil; we are doomed to destruction unless we make reforms... I imagine the first one would be... to follow the example of some nations and institute a constitutional monarchy, I suppose... work on abolishing slavery, reforms and changes, to keep the Empire alive."

Franz nodded, and said, "We shall figure things out, I suppose. We also need to talk about who will inherit the Empire once we are both gone..."

[Of the Quendi]

Palais des Tuileries
City and Department of Paris
The Second Republic of France

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Jean-de-Dieu Soult, 1st Duke of Dalmatia, President of the Council of Ministers of France

1st of January, 1835 AD

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For President of the Council of Ministers, the sixth to hold the office in just seven years, the coming of the New Year brought neither pleasure nor reprieve. The mounting difficulties facing the second republic did not go away because the year turned. Rather the festivities associated with the beginning of the New Year, as any great ceremony in Paris, just brought with it the risk of uprising and revolt. The Parisiens was not an easy people to rule at the best of times. In hard times, when they had had a bit to drink, they where practically hyenas looking for something to tear apart, Soult cynically thought gazing out on the Tuileries gardens outside his office. Beyond it on the Place de la Concorde already the crowds where shouting. Some for revolution, some for kingdom, some for empire. None for Soult.

A discreet cough interrupted Soult's melancholic ruminations. Turning from the splendid view of the Tuileries gardens he looked, with anything but enthusiasm, at his council of ministers. Thiers from Interior, the Duke of Bassano from Justice, de La Porta from Foreign, Humann from Finance, Duperré from Navy and Colonies, Guizot from Public Education and Religious Affairs and d'Argout from Commerce and Public Works. War Soult had kept for himself. It was an eclectic group of people representing different republican, Bourbon or Bonapartist leanings. The idea was to gather the best and the brightest to produce the best possible results for all of France. It didn't work.

The President of the Council of Ministers sighed. Letting to of the curtain he walked back to the table his ministers was seated around. "Yes?" Soult, almost petulantly snapped at his ministers. Thiers merely gave Soult an angry stare. "We need to discuss Algeria sir." The minister insisted. "Algeria is a matter for the ministry of the Navy and the Colonies." Duperré immediately retorted. "Well then I guess the ministry of the Navy and the Colonies have a plan to deal with the rebellion?" Thiers drily retorted. Soult rolled his eyes. Algeria, Algeria, Algeria. The crisis that would not go away. "Pull out, I say." Duperré declared. Soult sighed. "We can't." He barked. "The people love the Algerian adventure too much." Soult dismissed the suggestion. "Then make peace with Abdelkader, sir." de La Porta begged. Looking from Thiers to Duperré to de La Porta Soult shook his head and sighed. Several moments passed when the ruler of France said or did nothing, while his ministers looked to him for leadership. "No." He finally, uncertainly, declared. "As minister of war I cannot permit France to be forced to negotiate with a savage." He declared. "No we must continue the war as best we can now." Soult reluctantly decided. The ministers reacted with anything but enthusiasm. The general turned politician, regretting ever making that transition, shook his head. "Well if that was that; happy New Year." He declared.

[United Marxist Nations]

London; 1 January 1835

While the public was celebrating the New Year, The Right Honourable Sir Robert Peel could find nothing to celebrate, for the New Year also meant thata new government needed to be formed, with himself as Prime Minister; in his own position, such a project was more difficult than it seemed. In December, the Tories had been unable to gain a majority, and were thus at the mercy of the Whigs and their apathy toward them. Should his party fail to gain a majority in the coming elections, his government would pass out of history (or so he thought). Though, perhaps it was best to let this happen, as it is more than likely that William IV would die without a legitimate child (due to his excessive love of mistresses), and such a succession crisis would likely cause public opinion to scorn the Prime Minister for his role or lack thereof.

Regardless of which Lord occupied which office or which King God would save, the coming twenty years would be of paramount importance for Britain; she could establish the greatest Empire the world had ever seen through expansion of industrial and military might, or she could let the opportunity pass her by, allowing other powers such as the French Republic (still arrogant over her victory at Waterloo) to claim the mantle which rightfully belonged to Britain. Much had changed since Napoleon had died; now, France was just another rival to be overcome, not the titan of a previous era, though that titan's influence could still be seen in all things, military and civil. But tonight, all of that seemed far-off amidst the celebrations and gaiety. In time, it would be Congreve rockets and cannon-shot which heralded British glory, not fireworks.

[Unicario]

Vienna, Austria

Emperor Francis quietly sat in his chair as he listened to Graf von Metternich argue with several advisors. Since the defeat of the Coalition at Waterloo some years ago, France had the most untenable, and least desired position -- one could see the heart of Germany was weeping with the injustice of their occupation of the Rhineland. The city of Köln was divided in twain, Cologne in the west, Köln in the East. Köln itself was only a minor princely state now, governed by a cadet branch of his own dynasty through some distant relation to Maria Theresa.

Austria's position amongst the German states however, was made sacrosanct by France's pithy conquest. Prussia was nominally neutered by the Congress of Vienna, and the Hohenzollern Kings had little more to do than play with their Polish territories given to them as a consolation prize by the Russians in 1815. Austria's position had a chance to really change things; but the last thing he wanted was a bloody war... but in time, Germany would be liberated, and France would pay for its crimes. The Napoleonic legacy would be burned to the ground by the triumphant march of Landsknecht columns and Austrian soldiers, aided an abetted by the Russians, British and the rest of the anti-French Europe.

Francis spoke, "Our focus, first and foremost, gentlemen. Is the normalization of our position in Italy. Those deplorable French are distracted by conquests in Africa, and thus we can take the time to consolidate our leadership of Modena, Tuscany, and the other small states. The Pope is a moderate obstacle, but is, as ever, politically neutered. We can keep the peace and maintain our control of the lands we have now. From there, we can focus on exerting influence over the German states. We shall prevent chaos from reigning over Europe, gentlemen."

To: Demetrius von Romanov, König der Hellenen
From: Franz I von Habsburg-Lothringen, Kaiser von Österreich, Apostolischer König von Ungarn

To the young King of Greeks,

I offer you the hand of my youngest daughter, Elisabeth, so that your dynasty may continue to rule over Greece, and secure an ally for the Habsburg Empire in the Balkans. She is only a few years older than you, and is a more than capable wife for you to take. We eagerly await your reply.

Gott erhlate, Gott beschütze,
Kaiser Franz

[Ruridova]

January 1, 1835

Palacio Nacional
Ciudad de México, Estados Unidos Mexicanos

"Good evening, empresario Austin."

Antonio López de Santa Anna sat across the lacquered wooden table from Stephen Austin; both men sat in fine chairs. Santa Anna wore the fine uniform of a Mexican general, bedecked with military honors and sewn with intricate designs. Austin wore an austere black coat and white shirt. Though both sat politely, neither smiled.

"President," Austin began softly, "The Mexican government has let me serve it as an empresario since it first gained independence. I have loyally served Mexico for that time. I have brought in immigrants who have upheld the laws of the country and who have kept the peace. Many of them helped the Mexican army end the Fredonian Rebellion in 1826; some died in Nacogdoches to uphold your rule. I have done as much as I can to end the Anahuac Disturbances. The people of Texas supported your rise to power because we believed that you were the best chance of guaranteeing liberty and democracy in Mexico and in her provinces. I met with Vice President in 1833, and he agreed to end the ban on immigration into the region in return for our continued loyalty to you. But we still do not have our own state government, you appear to be on the verge of approving a centralist constitution, and I as you no doubt know I am out of jail on bond right now- a jail I was imprisoned in under blatantly false charges! President López, there must be some form of change in this situation or I cannot guarantee that peace will be maintained."

Santa Anna sat silently for several seconds before responding. "Señor Austin, the Mexican government- in the wake of the Fredonian Rebellion and Anahuac Disturbances- cannot afford to take any chances regarding her national security. As for statehood, you know perfectly well that Texas does not reach the minimum population limit for statehood. Until the limit is passed, Texas will remain a part of Coahuila y Tejas. As for the Siete Leyes, it has become obvious to me that certain strategies which I once endorsed will not work in Mexico. As such, I have had no choice but to change those positions, in the interests of the Mexican people." Austin sighed in frustration. "President López, I have done everything I can to guarantee that Texas remains a leal Mexican territory. But I cannot guarantee this if present Mexican policy continues."

"And what will you do, hm?" Santa Anna scoffed. "The Gutierrez-Magee expedition was crushed. The so-called Fredonian Republic in Nacogdoches was crushed. The Anahuac Disturbances have been ended. Texas is sparsely populated, and nothing compared against Mexico." Austin glared across the table. "Was that a threat, President?" Santa Anna smiled slyly. "Not a threat, empresario Austin. An acknowledgement of the facts. I will do whatever I must to keep Mexico unified and at peace. If Texas should try anything foolish, then I will take all possible action against it. I have no wish for war, señor Austin. If Texas should engage itself in treason or rebellion, however, then you will have war. I will do what I must for Mexico. Whether you obstruct it or accept it is up to you. Good evening and happy new year, señor."

Austin glared silently at the Mexican president for several seconds before stiffly nodding and silently leaving the room. Neither man yet knew how close the war they spoke of was.

[Of the Quendi]

Near Oran
The Colony of Algeria
The Second Republic of France

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L'Aiglon

13th of January, 1835 AD

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The harsh Algerian desert wind was blowing against the sides of the small officer's tent causing the light of the oil lamp standing on the desk of chef de battalion Hippolyte Clement Tresca to flicker and cast dark shadows on the tent sides as the man himself, reviewed l'Aiglon's papers. The chef was, l'Aiglon thought, a man in his late thirties or early forties, though it was difficult to tell as he was a gruff looking type with a large black beard and a very weathered appearance, who looked very much a zouave. "You are quite young to be a captain, are you not monsieur ...?" The chef barked.

L'Aiglon straightened his back until he reached his full height of six feet, standing rigidly at attention before the distrustful chef. The distinction between the tall and handsome young captain, impeccably dressed in a French captain's uniform with clean shaven cheeks and a military haircut, whose eyes shone with an intense intelligence and ambition, and then the shabby gruff looking chef de battalion in his mismatched zouave uniform that fit an Arab better then an officer of France could not have been greater if they had belonged to separate species. "l'Aiglon sir. François Charles Joseph l'Aiglon." L'Aiglon spoke in a slightly accented but very aristocratic French.

Eying l'Aiglon with suspicion Tresca grunted. "Very well monsieur l'Aiglon; and how comes it to be that an Italian boy from ... Was it Parma, ends up in my tent seeking to serve as my adjutant-major?" Tresca growled, his gaze glancing down on l'Aiglon's papers as he determined the young man's place of origin. L'Aiglon felt a blush of anger and wounded pride color his cheeks at the scorn in the voice of the zouave commander. "I am twenty three sir." L'Aiglon objected, regretting it immediately. He knew he sounded petulant, and the contemptible glance Tresca flashed him showed the chef de battalion knew as well. L'Aiglon coughed. "What I mean to say sir, is:" He continued. "I served with distinction as sous-lieutenant under de Bourmont at the battle of Algiers and has been stationed there since. But there is little to do in Algiers so I asked to be transferred to one of the new zouave battalions. When I heard you was missing and adjutant-major I thought I would seek the position sir." L'Aiglon declared.

Tresca narrowed his eyes at that looking contemplatively at l'Aiglon. For a moment neither men spoke. L'Aiglon remained standing rigidly at attention while Tresca sat comfortably at his small desk where his oil lamp seemed constantly about the be blown out by the Algerian weather that didn't seem to mind the tent of the chef de battalion much. "Hmm." Tresca finally grunted, looking down at l'Aiglon's papers. "So you thought a beardless boy was fit to replace Lafitte de Montville, did you." The man, agitated, growled. "Well let me tell you something they haven't taught you in Algiers and at the court of monsieur de Bourbont." The commander said, mispronouncing Marshal Bourmont's name to make it sound like that of the former royal dynasty. "Them fancy folk in Algiers and in Paris may think the war is over and that Algeria is just some exotic place for young dandy officers to fool around, but out here we know the difference. The zouaves are on the front lines of a war against shadows, fighting with limited resources and no support from those pansies in Paris. Have you ever heard of Abdelkader, boy? No? Well you sure will if you are going to join the zouaves. He is this local warlord who is raising the Arab tribes against us, and he is gonna eat the likes of you for breakfast."

The angry rant of the chef de battalion made l'Aiglon blush further but he did not otherwise react. He remained standing at attention allowing the senior officer to spew his malice. Occasionally while delivering his snarky remarks the chef de battalion would look down on l'Aiglon's paper, shuffling them around. It was while doing so that the battalion commander's rant was suddenly abruptly cut short. A chilling silence settled in the tent, and for a moment l'Aiglon allowed himself to stop staring into the air and look down on the captain. The man held a paper in his hand looking at it as if it was the twelve tables. "What." The man said in a shocked tone. "What is this?" The man could have not sounded more stunned and surprised if the paper he was holding had been a bomb. L'Aiglon sighed in disappointment. There was only one of his papers that could provoke such a reaction. One that opened a lot of doors. But l'Aiglon didn't want freebies, he wanted to be accepted on his own merit and not the weight of the greatest military name of contemporary France.

Tresca, his suspicious and contemptible demeanor gone, looked at l'Aiglon with curiosity and surprise. Then his gruff face cracked up in a short chuckle. "Bourmont?" He chortled incredulously. "Who in their right mind brings up Bourmont when they walk around with a recommendation from the Iron Marshall boy?" He asked. L'Aiglon shrugged. Tresca shook his head in disbelief. But then, as the initial shock of the recommendation receded, his eyes narrowing once more. "Who did you say you where again?" He sharply demanded. Saluting l'Aiglon at once declared; "Captain François Charles Joseph l'Aiglon."

Tresca nodded slowly. "François Charles Joseph l'Aiglon." The officer spoke slowly, tasting each word of l'Aiglon's nom de guerre. "Hmm, well I suppose there is little point denying you the position as adjutant-major with a recommendation from the Iron Marshall." Tresca conceded. "But what, may I ask, makes an Italian aristocrat from Parma want to fight for the French zouaves in Algeria?" Tresca asked. Taking a deep breath, elated that it seemed he would get the position, l'Aiglon decided to confide, even if just a little, in Tresca. L'Aiglon was not the only one who had been recommended by the Iron Marshall, and despite the sparse lighting l'Aiglon had noticed that the rays of light shed by the oil lamp on Tresca's desk occasionally reflected of the shoulder of the chef de battalion where a piece of silver in the shape of an eagle appeared to hang.

So l'Aiglon decided to tell Tresca part of his story. "My father sir, was a soldier in the French army." L'Aiglon said, but before he could continue a grunt of laughter escaped Tresca. "Everyone your age had a father in the army." Tresca dismissed l'Aiglon's words, but there was no longer contempt or distrust in his voice. L'Aiglon nodded. "Even so, my father was in the army. He fought in many battles for the revolution, republic and empire, from Spain to Russia, from Egypt to Germany. He was a great soldier and filling his boots is something I can never hope to achieve. Still I feel I must try. Ever since I was a boy I have known I wanted to serve. When I was six I got a miniature soldier's uniform in a present and annoyed my parents relentlessly by marching on guard duty in front of their room and salute any visitors. When I was nine I began my military education, from then on I shunned all forms of learning that did not serve a military end. When I was twelve I was allowed to become a cadet in the French army. Since then I have only spent a year of my life outside either French or Parmese military service. In short sir, if men have destinies then mine is to serve in the French armed forces. To serve as my father did and, if God is good, give him reason to be proud from his Heaven." Said l'Aiglon.

Tresca nodded slowly. Then he sighed. "Alright captain." Tresca tapped his fingers against the Iron Marshal's recommendation. "You are in. Don't mess up and maybe your father might look down upon you and be impressed." Tresca declared, rising from his chair, extending a rugged hand towards l'Aiglon. The young captain took a step forward and grabbed the older man's hand. "Thank you sir." He said enthusiastically. "I promise you won't regret it." Tresca nodded ponderously, eyeing l'Aiglon with a strange gaze. "No." He slowly spoke. "I don't think I will."

[Bojikami]

Athens, Greece

To: Franz I von Habsburg-Lothringen, Kaiser of Austria, Apostolic King of Hungary
From: Demetrius Romanov, King of Hellas

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Dear Friend,

I thank you for your offers, and I graciously accept your daughters hand in marriage and the alliance between our great nations. May our enemies tremble.

Dmitri was pleasantly surprised by the early support Greece was gaining. First the Russians, now Austria. Soon, he thought to himself. Soon the Greeks in the north living under Turkish yoke can be free.

[The Danish Confederacy]

January 1st, 1835 | Washington D.C., United States of America
Andrew Jackson sat in the Oval Office, watching some new year celebrations going on while he was doing paper work. The US was gaining people, and fast. They needed a place to go.
And seeing Mexico in the West, there is only one way to go.
North.
But, he would need help to invade Canada.
He began to write a letter to France, as he knows that they are enemies with the British.

To: The Leader of France
From: Andrew Jackson, President of The United States of America

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Dear Leader,

I propose a military alliance between our two nations. We both will soon have an common enemy, as I know you aren't on the best of terms with Britain.
I expect a reply soon,
Sincerely,
Andrew Jackson

[Kosovo12345]

Tag

[Deramen]

Friedrich sighed and sat on his throne. He looked at the maps the advisers had given him.
Prussia was divided and split. Friedrich would have nothing of the sorts.
He grabbed the nearest paper and quill and wrote a message to the leader of Austria.

To: Francis
From: Friedrich

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Dear Francis,
I ponder a idea that only you can answer.
And that is that we should make an alliance.
We have fought in wars together and we all almost the same.
We may not be brothers in blood but we were brothers in arms.
I can tell the French are a big threat to our nations so I wish for a alliance.
If only to stop the French menace.

Your's Truly: Friedrich.

Friedrich smiled which he rarely did nowadays. If Francis were to accept this, His empire could grow and become a menace to the French and those Russians. Friedrich never liked those two. If they were to Allie, he shivered and shook his head. He would not think about that today.

[Kosovo12345]

The king was down his gardens. He was thinking about the grand plan given to him by all his generals, personally signed by all of them and that gave me a jump. Some generals never agreed with each other so he knew he had to look at it right away, and it was a surprise indeed. Named unification of Italy, the plan outlined the need to distance their empire from austria, while taking over the papal states. The pope would be allowed to keep his power and continue to have a say in the papal states affairs, but the final decision would be made by him, the king. He had approved of the plan and as he walked in his garden, messages were being sent to the French, the pope, and the Austrians. He had signed them all and told his servant to send them right away, knowing the fate of his kingdom and even all of Italy lay in the next few days.

French Empire

Dear Napoleon,
I, King Charles, have decided to create a balance in Europe, Italy must be united under one rule and i hope that rule is mine. So i ask for a meeting in Naples or Paris, and French support in this matter.
Signed, King Charles the Sicilian

Austrian Empire

Dear Emperor of Austria,
It is with a heavy heart of mine, and in the best hopes for Europe and Italy, I have decided that the Bourbon tie between our 2 nations must be destroyed and thus i accepting a new name, King Charles the Sicilian. However, I ask for you to support our nation as you have until this letter, and hope that we do not find our nations at fighting ends.
Signed, King Charles the Sicilian

[Unicario]

Schönbrunn Palace

Francis glanced at the paper bearing the seal of Prussia. He grumbled. "The Prussians want to ally against the French, and," He waved the papers from Two Sicilies, "The Sicilians, as unintelligible as their letter is, are also requesting our support." He looked at Graf von Metternich. "What do you propose, Klemens?"

Metternich sneered, "Neither of them are worthy allies. We still have ambitions on Silesia, we wish to be the dominant German state at their expense; and the Sicilians want to unite Italy, which would involve taking Milan and Venedig away from us, to say not of the Risorgimento ideas of taking Dalmatia and the Tirol."

Francis nodded, "That much is obvious... send a return, indicating our unwillingness to support such alliances as this time -- that being said, we shall also draft a letter to St. Petersburg and London to discuss matters of importance vis-a-vis the Levant."

Metternich looked at a map unfurled on the long wooden table, "What of the Persians?"

"One of the oldest civilizations in the Middle East, relatively civilized for, well, Mahometians." Francis suggested, "We could partition the Ottoman Empire from three sides. I am unsure of the wisdom in annexing Bosnia and the Schwarzberg. What of the Serbian princedom under Ottoman suzeranity?"

"Liberate them, I imagine. They'd be moderately grateful." Metternich gave a nod at the "SERVIEN" marked on the map.

"Alright, fetch me a quill pen... my word we need to make better forms of writing utensil. Now, leave me while I compose these responses and letters."

From the desk of Franz von Habsburg-Lothringen, Kaiser von Österreich, Apostolischer König von Ungarn, König von Böhmen, König von Kroatien

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To: Friedrich Wilhelm III von Hohenzollern, König von Preußen

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The Empire of Austria receives your letter with diplomatic interest. However, at the present time; the Austrian Empire does not feel the interests of Prussia and the Austrian Empire align sufficiently to allow us to continue in a long-term alliance. While we will, if need be, defend Prussia from French invasion as we are obligated to by the terms of the German Confederation, we cannot commit to an alliance at this time with your nation.

With warm regards,
Seiner Kaiserlichen Majestät Franz I. von Habsburg-Lothringen
Kaiser von Österreich

From the desk of Franz von Habsburg-Lothringen, Kaiser von Österreich, Apostolischer König von Ungarn, König von Böhmen, König von Kroatien

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To: Nicholas I. Romanov, Kaiser aller Russen, König von Kongresspolen

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Dear friend,

The Austrian Empire has just recieved diplomatic memorandum from the Prussians, requesting a diplomatic alliance. I have rejected this, feeling that our interests of expanding power over the Polish populations, Silesians, and South Germans, contrasts significantly with the goals of the Hohenzollerns in Berlin.

My letter is also intended to open the discussions on a potential partition of the Ottoman Empire between the powers of the United Kingdom, Austrian Empire, Russian Empire and Persian Empire -- I feel that combined, we four states can defeat the Turk, and establish a permanent power base at which to operate for all coming time -- His Majesty would be most interested to note that this would permit Russia to defend the Orthodox Christians, occupy part, or the whole, of Armenia; while the Persians absorb the brunt of the Sunni zealotism, and Britain can have its colonial securities.

I wish to discuss this matter further, if you can.

With warm regards,
Seiner Kaiserlichen Majestät
Franz I. von Habsburg-Lothringen
Kaiser von Österreich

From the desk of Franz von Habsburg-Lothringen, Kaiser von Österreich, Apostolischer König von Ungarn, König von Böhmen, König von Kroatien

---

To: William IV von Hanover, König von Großbritannien

---

Dear friend,

I intend to open the discussions on a potential partition of the Ottoman Empire between the powers of the United Kingdom, Austrian Empire, Russian Empire and Persian Empire -- I feel that combined, we four states can defeat the Turk, and establish a permanent power base at which to operate for all coming time -- His Majesty would be most interested to note that this would permit Britain to acquire the territory it seeks in Egypt and the Middle East; providing for a significant expansion of British power therein.

I wish to discuss this matter further, if you can.

With warm regards,
Seiner Kaiserlichen Majestät
Franz I. von Habsburg-Lothringen
Kaiser von Österreich

From the desk of Franz von Habsburg-Lothringen, Kaiser von Österreich, Apostolischer König von Ungarn, König von Böhmen, König von Kroatien

---

To: König Karl von Neapel-Sizilien

---

We cannot commit to an alliance at this time.

With warm regards,
Seiner Kaiserlichen Majestät
Franz I. von Habsburg-Lothringen
Kaiser von Österreich

He also sent another letter to the Persians, requesting they also consider the idea of partitioning the region.

[United Marxist Nations]

Due to the general disorderliness affecting Britain at the time, that of not having a majority government, the Prime Minister had a secretary send his regards to the Kaiser and express his regret that Britain would be unable to provide a definitive answer at this time.

[Bojikami]

From the desk of Nicolas Romanov, Tsar of all Rus', Grand Duke of Congress Poland, Grand Duke of Finland

---

To: Franz of House Hapsburg-Lorraine, Imperator Avstrii, Korol' Vengrii, Bogemii i Khorvatii

---

Dear Friend,

I have received your letter and have made appropriate haste to respond. I would first like to thank you for your actions in our behalf and taken with our concerns in mind in regards to Prussia.

In regards to your second proposition, I am in firm support of weakening the Ottoman Empire. Russia has long ventured to seek the safety of the good Christians under the oppressive yoke of the Turkmen. We are more than willing to assist you in a campagin against the turk, but I believe the best time to strike would be at a time of great weakness for the Osmanli. It is then, I believe we would be able to avoid a long, protracted conflict which would cost the lives of many young men. I am also confident in our mutual friend, the Greeks being willing to join the coalition as they have claims on much of the Turk's lands.

Sincerely,
Nicolas Romanov,
Tsar of all Rus'

[Of the Quendi]

Palais de l'Élysée National
City and Department of Paris
The Second Republic of France

---

Jean-de-Dieu Soult, 1st Duke of Dalmatia, President of the Council of Ministers of France

14th of January, 1835 AD

---

Council president Soult received his foreign minister, the controversial Corsican Horace François Bastien Sébastiani de La Porta, in his office in the salon doré, a magnificent gilded room, on the second floor of his grand official residence the Palais de l'Élysée National while he was reading the somber reviews of his government that most Parisien newspapers regularly published at his desk. "Yes?" The council president asked, as Sébastiani entered the salon doré.

Sébastiani walked towards Soult's desk. "Monsieur le Président." Sébastiani greeted Soult. "Letters have arrived from both the Americans and the Sicilians, I believe they warrant your attention." Sébastiani declared, placing two terse letters on Soult's table. Raising an eyebrow Soult reached for the first, read it, then took the second and read it as well. Then he sighed. Deeply. "Well there is no way France is going to war with the United Kingdom. I desire not conflict where I can make peace. We must let the Americans know that France will not accept that they attack the United States." Soult reluctantly suggested.

Sébastiani nodded slowly. "I concur, monsieur le Président." Said Sébastiani. "And yet ..." He continued. "The Americans come to us in good faith, they are like us one of the very few republics in the world. We supported them in their struggle for independence and later they where the closest thing to an ally the Empire ever had." Sébastiani explained, stepping closer to Soult's desk, before taking a seat. "Perhaps." The minister suggested. "We could offer to mediate between the British and Americans? And why not suggest a meeting between our ambassador in Washington and Secretary of State Forsyth to discuss ways to improve ties between the United States and France?" Sébastiani suggested.

For a moment Soult glared at his minister, annoyed at the man's overly familiar attitude. But then the marshal nodded, antagonizing a potential ally was always a folly. "Sound ideas minister. I approve of this course of action, but I have no desire for war with the United Kingdom, and the Americans must be made to understand this. Sometimes friendship requires of a good friend to tell another a hard truth, and my hard truth is that another war of 1812 will be a disaster and a tragedy." Soult declared, his annoyance briefly manifestating itself as a strength he rarely felt sitting in meetings with his cabinet. For a moment he felt like he was standing at the fields of Austerlitz breaking the Russo-Austrian armies. Soon the moment passed as Sébastiani, seemingly surprised at the determination and resolve in the voice of the president of the council of ministers, nodded respectfully. "Oui, monsieur le Président."

Soult nodded slowly, content with his decision. "Well then." He continued. "Whats this of Sicily?" He said with a gesture towards the letter from the Sicilian king, for some reasons addressed to the long dead Emperor Napoleon. Sébastiani shrugged. "The Italian peoples are getting restless. They chafe under the Austrian yoke that we failed to rid them of for good. Apparently the Sicilian king wishes to lead the discontent on the peninsula and create for himself a bigger kingdom." Said Sébastiani.

Soult nodded. The abolition of the Bonapartist states of Italy had obviously ruffled some feathers and sparked an outpouring of nationalist sentiment. That was by no means exclusive to Italy. It had happened in Germany, in Poland, in the Balkans and in the Habsburg Empire. This force of nationalist sentiment was one Soult sympathized greatly with, even if doing so was not to France's benefit against the old reactionary multinational states of Russia and Austria, and the idea of replacing the Austrians in the north of Italy with Sicilians was a tempting idea. Yet still he said. "He can have his meeting, here in Paris. But no more then I seek war with the British do I seek it with any other power. If war is in the future of France it will not be of our doing, but of the recklessness of others." Soult concluded. Sébastiani nodded. "A sensible position that I can fully support, monsieur." He declared. "I will write up the letters for your signature." The foreign minister said, rising from his seat and giving his president a curt but polite bow.

Monsieur le Président, Andrew Jackson,

As the sole two great republics of God's green earth it is the belief of the government of Président du Counseil de Ministres, Jean-de-Dieu Soult, Premier Duc de Dalmatie, that strengthening bonds of friendship and fellowship between the United States of America and the Second Republic of France is of the utmost importance. He welcomes alliance and friendship with the United States, and therefore suggests a meeting between his ambassador to the States, monsieur Louis Barbe Charles Sérurier, with relevant American authorities to discuss this matter further in Washington as soon as is convenient.

However I regret to inform Your Excellency that you have misinformed about the relations between the Second Republic of France and the United Kingdom. Though disputes and even wars have been many between France and the United Kingdom the President of the Council of Ministers has strived to improve relations with the United Kingdom and he hopes there need never again be war between France and the United Kingdom. Should relations between America and the United Kingdom be deteriorating the French government, ever America's first and foremost friend in Europe, would be happy to offer to mediate what disputes there may be between these nations should you wish it.

Yours in friendship,
Horace François Bastien Sébastiani de La Porta, Minister of Foreign Affairs of France
On behalf of
Jean-de-Dieu Soult, President of the Council of Ministers of France

Votre Majesté, Le Roi de Sicile,

Unification of the Italian states into one great nation state is a matter the French has been contemplating since the establishment of the Kingdom of Italy and France remains in word and deed committed to this ideal that was first set forth by France. The government of the Second Republic of France under President of the Council of Ministers Soult is willing to discuss with envoys of Your Majesty this matter in Paris at a time of your choosing. We await your reply in eagerness.

Yours sincerely,
Horace François Bastien Sébastiani de La Porta, Minister of Foreign Affairs of France
On behalf of
Jean-de-Dieu Soult, President of the Council of Ministers of France

[Unicario]

Teheran, Persia

Mohammad Shah, the leader of Iran, walked the halls of the palace; wondering how things were going to play out in the near future. He had received a letter of interest from the Austrians of all people -- indicating that they considered him sufficient enough to seek as an ally in the partition of the Sunni Ottoman Empire. He had considered the proposition with immense interest -- but there were problems to deal with -- relations with Russia were rough, at best. Just seven years prior, the Russians had invaded Persian-controlled Caucasia and seized swaths of land under nominal Persian control. The idea that the Russians would be partaking in this war was a threat to Persia's sovereignty and strength. But he also feared the expansive influence of the British -- he did not want Iran to become a place of conflict between the British and Russian Empires.

Sending a missive to Vienna, he requested Austria dispatch a number of men to commit military reforms, allowing Persia to modernize in the face of foreign encroachment. He also dispatched a second letter to Moscow.

---

To: Shāhanshāh Nikolâs I Romanov, Shāhanshāh Rūsiyā

---

To the esteemed King of Kings of the Rus', I bid you greetings.

I have no doubt that you have also received the diplomatic letter from His Majesty, the Shahanshah of Austria. He aims to align all of our countries against the Osmans, and establish a new order in the Middle East. I am also deeply concerned about foreign influences in my nation; particularly coming from that of your nation, and the British. Our nations are not friends, but in the name of this alliance, and to soil the plans of the British to dominate the Middle East, I wish for us to make peace at the earliest convenience, and establish a long-term partnership to make good the relations we have.

With regard,
Mohammad Shah Qajar
Shah of Persia

[Deramen]

(Image)

From the desk of Franz von Habsburg-Lothringen, Kaiser von Österreich, Apostolischer König von Ungarn, König von Böhmen, König von Kroatien

---

To: Friedrich Wilhelm III von Hohenzollern, König von Preußen

---

The Empire of Austria receives your letter with diplomatic interest. However, at the present time; the Austrian Empire does not feel the interests of Prussia and the Austrian Empire align sufficiently to allow us to continue in a long-term alliance. While we will, if need be, defend Prussia from French invasion as we are obligated to by the terms of the German Confederation, we cannot commit to an alliance at this time with your nation.

With warm regards,
Seiner Kaiserlichen Majestät Franz I. von Habsburg-Lothringen
Kaiser von Österreich

Friedrich was waiting patiently for a response when a adviser came in. He was sheepishly smiling and and moving quite fast. He reached the Great leader quickly and gave him a royal letter. It was stamped with Austrian Symbols. He smiled hoping for a yes. He read the letter and started grinding his teeth. "THOSE DAMN AUSTRIANS!" He took a deep breath and calmed down. He tried a smile again obviously faking. He took a quill and paper and wrote a new message.

---

To: The Great Leader Of The Netherlands
From: Friedrich Of Prussia

---

I Friedrich of Prussia Wish for a alliance! I wish for a alliance to protect our nations from the grasps of the French and the British. If a alliance cant be achieved then I would like to have a Royal Marriage between our nations. To raise relations and to tie our great family's in marriage.

He smiled and stamped the letter with the Royal Hohenzollern family stamp. He mailed it to The Netherlands.

[The Danish Confederacy]

(Image)

From the desk of Franz von Habsburg-Lothringen, Kaiser von Österreich, Apostolischer König von Ungarn, König von Böhmen, König von Kroatien

---

To: Friedrich Wilhelm III von Hohenzollern, König von Preußen

---

The Empire of Austria receives your letter with diplomatic interest. However, at the present time; the Austrian Empire does not feel the interests of Prussia and the Austrian Empire align sufficiently to allow us to continue in a long-term alliance. While we will, if need be, defend Prussia from French invasion as we are obligated to by the terms of the German Confederation, we cannot commit to an alliance at this time with your nation.

With warm regards,
Seiner Kaiserlichen Majestät Franz I. von Habsburg-Lothringen
Kaiser von Österreich

Friedrich was waiting patiently for a response when a adviser came in. He was sheepishly smiling and and moving quite fast. He reached the Great leader quickly and gave him a royal letter. It was stamped with Austrian Symbols. He smiled hoping for a yes. He read the letter and started grinding his teeth. "THOSE DAMN AUSTRIANS!" He took a deep breath and calmed down. He tried a smile again obviously faking. He took a quill and paper and wrote a new message.

---

To: The Great Leader Of The Netherlands
From: Friedrich Of Prussia

---

I Friedrich of Prussia Wish for a alliance! I wish for a alliance to protect our nations from the grasps of the French and the British. If a alliance cant be achieved then I would like to have a Royal Marriage between our nations. To raise relations and to tie our great family's in marriage.

He smiled and stamped the letter with the Royal Hohenzollern family stamp. He mailed it to The Netherlands.

The Netherlands

Officiële Communique van het Koninkrijk der Nederland

From: King William I Of The Netherlands
To: Friedrich of Prussia
Dear Mr. Friedrich,
I humbly accept your offer for an alliance. I also accept the offer of a royal marriage. This will surely raise the ties in Prussia and The Netherlands.
Sincerely,
William I of The Netherlands

[Bojikami]

January 7th, 1835
Saint Petersburg, Rossiskaya Imperiya

The annual Christmas festivities were underway in St. Petersburg. Tsar Nicolas had spent the day with his close family and friends within the Winter Palace, as the people outside sifted through the snowy streets to either mass or to their family. The entire city, from the nobles to the peasants seemed more cheerful than they often were. Outside, a carriage had rode to the front and two guardsmen stepped out. Nicolas, knowing whom the guest would be walked outside to the courtyard to meet his guest. "Nephew!" He called to the man stepping out, the young King Dmitri of Greece.

"Ah, uncle. Merry Christmas to you!" He approached Nicolas jovially and shook hands with him. "How are you doing?"

"I am fine, Dmitri. I assume your travel here was no trouble?"

"Not at all. The travel here was fine."

"Ah, good. Let us go inside, yes? I have some things I wish to speak to you about."

The two men walked inside of the palace, idly chatting as they made their way to the Great Hall, and into Nicolas' Small Throne Room.

"Now, Nephew, I do have an important matter to discuss with you. It involves the Ottoman Empire."

Dmitri was suddenly intrigued. "Oh? Is there some sort of campaign being planned?"

"In a way, I have been in conversation with the Austrian Empire, which appears to be trying to form a coalition of sorts to defeat the Ottomans, and I am more than sure you would like to join in on such a war."

"Of course uncle! I would be more than willing to join in on such a campaign. When should I ready the army?" The young ruler's mind was racing with thought of defeating the Ottomans and definitively driving them from the Hellenes, Macedonia, and even perhaps the ancient capital of Constantinople...

"Now, now Dmitri. The time will come. I have recommended to the Austrians and their coalition that we do not strike until Ottoman weakness becomes prominent enough. Striking too early could place Greece in peril."

Dmitri nodded his head. He understood, but his anxious thoughts of defeating the Ottomans persisted in his head.

"Now, Nephew, that we have gotten this matter out of the way, let us rejoin the others at the party. We can discuss further details later on this day." He lead Dmitri to the great hall, where the others were.

From the Desk of Nicolas Romanov, Tsar of all Rus', King of Congress Poland, Grand Duke of Finland

---

To: Mohammad Shah Qajar, Shah of Persia

---

I am more than open with securing good relations and an alliance with the formidable Persians to the south. It is good to hear of your support in the coming coalition against the Ottoman Empire, and when the time comes, we shall see to their destruction. In regards to the British, this is also good to hear. British hegemony in the Middle east will be of great peril to Russia and the other nations that surround this.

Sincerely,
Nicolas Romanov,
Tsar of all Rus'

[Unicario]

January 11, 1835

Kaiser Franz sighed and debated on what to do with his eldest son, Ferdinand. Ferdinand was not, as many would assume, completely brain retarded, but he was not fit to rule, Francis believed. Unfortunately, the Habsburg family tree was what Franz would consider to be in a state of... "dead-end". He only had a handful of viable candidates to succeed him. His eldest grandson was out of the question, as far as Francis was concerned. Even though he had a viable claim to the throne, he was not willing to let the King of Rome become Emperor of Austria -- for many reasons, one was also that he had disappeared into France after his father's death, and Franz hadn't had contact with him since he was an infant.

Who was left? Franz Karl and his sons -- but he didn't feel that Franz Karl or any of his sons were... the right sort of brain trust to be Emperors of Austria, and not screw the Empire a new one. The boys Franz Joseph and Maximilian had merit, but each would carry the taint of being educated overseas in Brazil; their first language was Portuguese, not German. But at least the Brazilian branch was less unfit to rule than the Portuguese one through his daughter; her children, the Queen of Portugal and Prince Pedro were, in his opinion, brutally incompetent. He gave an exasperated sigh and shrugged. Franz Karl it was.

He didn't want to kill Ferdinand, he couldn't pull himself to do it, so he simply requested Ferdinand abdicate his rights to the throne and take a commission in Bohemia-Moravia to spend his life in relative obscurity, peace and happiness. Ferdinand couldn't help but agree, and so left Schönbrunn Palace with several people who would take care of him. Franz sighed and felt even older than he had ever before, and muttered a prayer, before writing a letter to summon Franz Karl and "the boy he seeks to succeed him in Austria" to Vienna, to take their place as heir.

---

January 20, 1835
Brazil

In the days following the decision made by Franz of Austria, events had transpired in Rio that made the line of succession for Austria all the more concerning. Maria I de Braganza had died of a sudden fever three days prior. She had collapsed during a prayer at the Cathedral in Rio, and had died shortly afterwards. In an awkward example of Brazilian law of succession, this meant that Francisco was the sovereign Emperor of Brazil; and would now have to rule alone.

To become Emperor of Austria would mean that he would be the presiding Emperor of two crowns; and he would, inevitably, have to return to Vienna as Austria's Empire was more important than that of Brazil, and his reign then would not last as Brazil would demand his abdication to one of his sons, who were too young. Letting out an unending sigh, he debated on his next course of action -- he could allow one of his sons to inherit Austria from the death of his father. He could rule both, or he could abdicate Brazil to rule in Austria, and allow one of his sons to govern Brazil wholesale.

The personal union problem would be solved within a generation -- he could give one of his sons Austria, and the other Brazil; Franz, being the eldest, would get Vienna, and Max would get Brazil, he supposed. He sighed, and shook his head -- Brazil deserved better than that. This place gave him a sense of purpose, while the court in Vienna was tiresome, stuck in the old ways, and outdated. He had spent 13 years of his life in Brazil, why go back now?

He sent a letter back to his father, rejecting the offer to become the heir to the throne. He instead suggested that Franz Joseph become the Emperor of Austria upon Franz's death. From Rio, Prince Franz Joseph and a cadre of tutors and guardians, departed upon a Brazilian naval ship, set for Split, Dalmatia. The party carried letters from the Emperor of Brazil, formally pronouncing his abdication of "any inheritance of the Austrian Empire" to Franz Joseph.

Franz Joseph, only a boy of five years old, didn't understand very well, what was going on. All he knew is that he would probably not see his father and brother for a long time.

[Luziyca]

January 7, 1835

In the walls of the Forbidden City, the Emperor of China was finishing up on an edict that would cover many aspects with an effort to reform the Empire of China. He knew it may harm his country in the short term, but in the long run, it would probably prove benefical to the Empire of China. He makes the last finishing touches...

AN EDICT FROM THE DAOGUANG EMPEROR OF THE CELESTIAL EMPIRE

---

Whereas the Celestial Empire recognizes the inevitability of change to make the Empire more prosperous,
Concerned of the negative effects of opium for the future health of the Celestial Empire,
Thus proclaims an edict to:

• Prohibit all opium trade effective immediately. Foreigners may sell their remaining supply, but after ninety days from its sealing, all opium possession shall be banned.
• Propose the wholesale reform of the Chinese government so to preserve the mandate of heaven and to cement China's place in the world as a civilized nation
  
  • A proposal thus to send three Chinese men (who have knowledge in customs of the people of the west) to travel the civilized world to gather knowledge and information of political systems in the western lands, so when they return, the Celestial Empire will be able to implement a suitable system of governance that best matches our needs

With that finished, he now awaited for the news to spread. As for the men, he chose three of his most trusted eunuchs.

"Sirs," the Emperor said. "You three have a duty to explore the countries of the western lands, far west beyond the Tianshan Mountains and the far seas, by going to Russia, and the countries to the west of the Russian realm. Your task is to gather knowledge of the political systems, and return to Beijing in five years so when you return, we will be able to examine the best structure for the needs of the Celestial Empire. Is that clear?"

With a resounding yes, the Emperor ordered the eunuchs to go by horseback to the capital of the Russian Empire: Saint Petersburg, to examine the Russian political system. The emissaries were given some scrolls, with the Emperor putting down "天朝的皇帝請求，這滾動的承載被允許進入你的國家。" on the three scrolls. Translated, it would be "The Emperor of the Celestial Empire requests that the bearer of this scroll be allowed entry into your country." The Emperor would wish the riders well... and hoped nothing will happen to them.

[Deramen]

The Netherlands

(Image)
Officiële Communique van het Koninkrijk der Nederland

From: King William I Of The Netherlands
To: Friedrich of Prussia
Dear Mr. Friedrich,
I humbly accept your offer for an alliance. I also accept the offer of a royal marriage. This will surely raise the ties in Prussia and The Netherlands.
Sincerely,
William I of The Netherlands

Friedrich smirked when the response returned. He read it with a glee. He called a adviser over and told them to write a letter.

---

To: William Of The Netherlands
From: Friedrich Of Prussia

---

As a token of gratitude we wish to send one of our princesses to one of your prince's! If you accept we will sent one of the most fine
unmarried Hohenzollern princesses that we have. I hope that this will insure Dutch ties to Prussia.

Signed, Friedrich Of Prussia.

Friedrich stamped the letter and sent it to William Of The Netherlands.

[Ruridova]

Roughly 3:00 AM
October 2, 1835

Near the town of Gonzales
Coahuila y Tejas, Estados Unidos Mexicanos

Corporal Francisco de Castañeda peered through the thick fog, looking for the enemy that he had never intended to make. He commanded one hundred Mexican dragoons, camping on a bluff overlooking the Texian village. He had been sent by Colonel Domingo de Ugartechea to retrieve a cannon held by the town's militia, given by the Mexican Army to defend against potential attacks by the Karankawa, Tonkawa, and Comanche tribes. However, tensions had continued to rise in Texas. In June, there had been further unrest in the Anahuac region, led by a William Travis; though the disturbances had ended, the Texian colonists had refused to hand Travis over. In the town below him, a clash had broken out between a Mexican soldier and a settler on September 10. Even the release of Stephen Austin, who had returned to Texas in August, had done little to mitigate tensions. Rumors circulated that the Texian villages were to send representatives to a "Consultation", scheduled for October 15, which would decide if Texas would support a centralist government, rebel for the Constitution of 1824, or seek outright independence.

In Gonzales, Castañeda had found nothing but trouble. He had arrived to request the cannon's return on September 27, under orders from Ugartechea. The town's alcalde, Andrew Ponton, had stalled for several days; Castañeda's allies in the local Coushatta tribe said that Ponton had contacted neighboring villages, asking for reinforcements for his militia. He had attempted negotiations; he met a Gonzales resident named Launcelot Smither in San Antonio de Béxar, and had ordered Smither to attempt to convince Ponton and the commander of the town's militia, Matthew Caldwell, to hand over the cannon peacefully. Castañeda had no desire for a fight. He was here to try and deescalate the situation, not further the violence. But the actions of the town's residents left him with fewer and fewer choices. In an attempt to convince the Texians of his goodwill, he had his men camp on a bluff on the side of the Guadalupe River further from the town. It did not appear to have worked.

Castañeda was jolted from his thoughts by a flurry of barking. A dog on someone's farmstead had begun to growl and yap furiously, as though something- or someone- had intruded on its territory. Castañeda knew immediately what was happening. Under the cover of night and fog, the Texian militia had arrived. He did not need to issue any orders; the night guards immediately began to fire into the thick fog. One shot in particular was followed by a sharp whinny from a fog and the scream of a man being bucked from a horse. The other soldiers were awoken by the gunshots, and soon the Mexican camp was awake.

With their presence uncovered, the Texian advance halted. Castañeda estimated about 140 militiamen had surrounded them. The two sides remained on guard for hours, neither daring to take offensive action. As dawn approached, the night and fog the militia had used for cover slowly retreated. Realizing their cover was fading, a group of Texians launched an assault on the bluff, having hidden in a thicket nearby. Forty of Castañeda's dragoons, under a Lieutenant Gregorio Pérez, had responded and forced the Texians back into the trees. They had even encountered the cannon, knocking it off a cart that the Texians were using to transport it, though they had not successfully reclaimed it. Once again, the uneasy stalemate returned.

Finally, Castañeda sent Smither to meet with the Texians. Shortly thereafter, he had returned with a militia captain named John Henry Moore. Castañeda nodded politely and said, "Greetings, señor Moore. Are you and your men faring well today?" Moore smiled slightly. "Only a bloody nose on our side, and that was only because a horse bucked its rider off. You?" "Two dead, and one wounded," Castañeda responded. "Señor, I had no desire for this fight to begin, and no desire for it to continue. I am outnumbered and outgunned, and have no desire for any more deaths on either side. I only have one question: what do you fight for? Some call for the integration of Coahuila y Tejas into the United States, some call for its independence. What is the goal that you seek to achieve with that cannon?"

"Mister Castañeda, the Gonzales militia has no desire to fight for independence. We believe that Texas has a place in Mexico," Moore explained. "But we believe this place is in a federalist Mexico. After Agustín de Iturbide was deposed, in 1824, a constitution was written for this nation that defined it as a federal republic where the rights of all citizens were respected in government. But Santa Anna and his 'Seven Laws' have jeopardized that. They are weakening the bodies of power in Mexico City, turning Mexico into his dictatorship- and he has ended federalism. We fight for a return to the Constitution of 1824, with Texas remaining in a federal Mexico. Is that so unreasonable?" Castañeda shook his head. "To be wholly honest, I share your fears. I do not like what is going on in Ciudad de México. It feels as though the nation has been hijacked by President López."

"Then join us," Moore said. "We do not fight for independence, we fight for a return to federalism and democracy. We should not be fighting each other! We need men like you, with experience, with training! We want the entire Mexican nation to rise up and end this reign of terror before it goes any further." Castañeda sighed. "Señor Moore, I understand where you are coming from, and I want México to return to federalism. But I try to be a man of my word, and I have sworn an oath to serve the Mexican government. It is unfortunate that I happen to serve under this government, but I have given my word and I will keep it. I will have my men leave you in peace. I wish you the best, señor." Moore shook his head sadly. "We could have used a man like you, but it is up to you to decide your own fate. We will allow you to return to San Antonio de Béxar with your arms and colors. Thank you for your wishes. I offer you my own." The two parted, heading back to their camps.

When Castañeda had arrived at Gonzales on September 27, in spite of it all, the town's sole flagpole had been flying a green-white-red tricolor charged with an eagle and snake- the Mexican flag. But as he returned to San Antonio de Béxar and heard the Texians fire a shot from the cannon in celebration, he looked over his shoulder and noticed that a new flag was flying over the town:

The Texas Revolution had, at last, begun.