AWWA-Yesterday, Today, and Forever(IC-Closed)

[Unicario]

February 11, 1900

On the 2,560th anniversary of the foundation of modern Japan in accordance with the rise of Emperor Jimmu, a great ceremony was held in privacy. Empress Elizabeth had opted to abstain from being coronated in 1898 or 1899 in order for her coronation to coincide with this anniversary. Typical Imperial coronations in Japan were not spectacles like in the West; one of the many traditional things that were not interrupted by the Anglican influences in Japan. The process had changed slightly in the lengthy period of time, where a few syntaxes were concerned, but it was primarily the same.

The three "artifacts of the Imperials" were presented; the beads, the mirror, and the sword. Empress Elizabeth attended to the hall where her ancestors were buried, to inform them of her succession, and to say before the Kami of her succession. After giving prayers before the Sun Goddess and her kin, the Empress continued with the various ceremonies of coronation.

At sundown, she was formally enthroned as Empress of Japan and her territories; to commemorate the 2,560th anniversary of the Empire's establishment. This ceremony involved swearing upon her honor, and her life, that she would serve and protect the Japanese nation, and her people, and all who lived in her lands. This honor was "sacrosanct" and was consecrated in blood. This ceremony is never shared beyond those who witness it, and, if known, would do a lot to explain Japan's penchant to have seemingly endless golden ages, with monarchs who care about Japan, and aren't just Louis XVI-esque figures.

The significance of the final ceremony seemed much like the Holy Roman and European standard of the holy orb and the sceptre; representing their submission before God, and their acceptance of God's mandate -- in this case, it was the Japanese Emperor or Empress accepting the mandate of the Kami, and of Amaterasu.

[Ruridova]

February 6, 1900
New York, New York

For the first time since the war, the British and Imperial governments were testing an opportunity to patch the centuries-old quarrel between Britain and America. Salisbury and Roosevelt were on their way to the CSA to discuss American support and funding of a canal in Central America.

The Confederacy accepted the British and Canadian governmental delegations. A Confederate delegation, led by President Adlai Stevenson, would meet with Salisbury and Roosevelt in Washington.

[Unicario]

February 9, 1900

Construction on the Panama Canal was inaugurated by the Japanese and Inca joint project leadership today; while the Canadians, British and Confederates were meeting in New York; the original masterminds of the lengthy planning, which had been going on since the capital was moved to Darien (New Cuzco) in the early 19th century. Today, the first use of equipment to start digging the canal was put into place. Japanese workers were not permitted to go into the actual work zone due to the fears of infectious disease -- the Inca had a long-standing resistance to the disease in their multi-centurial homeland. The Japanese diplomatic delegation in New Cuzco was unsure of the "Anglo" interests in the Canal.

That wasn't to say they would be adverse to Canadian, Confederate and British investment in the canal, but there was no rush on that regard.

As well, the Central Americans began to plan the construction of a canal in Nicaragua.

[Unicario]

February 21, 1900

The Office of Extraterritorial Affairs (nicknamed Ikigaisōsho) formally released a report on the state of affairs in British India, highlighting the "worries of the Imperial Government and the Co-Prosperity Sphere of instability following British withdrawal from India,", the Office drew up what they called the Alexandrine Plan or the Rainbow Plan of British decolonization; claiming that it would facilitate the "least civil unrest, and allow for new political orders to shape up without much error."

The map that was released was in numerous colours, with each chunk of the current British sphere of influence in the South Asian region included.

The Red state was termed as "Pakistan", a Urdu-speaking Muslim state that would be formed by the unification of the Balochistan and Sindh regions of the Raj.
The Pink state was termed as "Pashtunistan", a Pashtun-speaking Muslim state that would either be given independence from the areas Britain annexed from Afghanistan in the 19th century, or joined into Afghanistan in perpetual union.
The Blue state was termed as "Kashmir", a state that would encompass all the ethnic and religious groups in it and maintain some semblance of peace.
The Purple state was termed "Punjabistan", a Punjab-speaking Sikh state that would encompass a region in the Northwest of India.
The Ice Blue state was termed "Rajastan", which would be one of many Hindu states.
The Bright Green state was "Gujarat", ran by Gujarat speakers.
The Light Green state was "Hindustan", a large consolidated federation that spanned much of Central India.
The Yellow state was Dravidistan, and would be governed by Dravidians.
The Black state was Sri Lanka or Ceylon, which would be governed by the Tamils.
The Orange state was Orissa, governed by Orissans.
The Sky Blue state was Delhi, a centralized monarchy that would be established to serve the Central Doab region.
The Dark Blue states were Tibet, Nepal, Bhutan and Sikkim, which would be re-established as independent without any imperial master.
The Dark Red state was Bengal, a Bengali-majority nation that would control much of the Eastern Raj.
The Dark Purple state was Myanmar, which would be created from the various Burmese statelets that had been subjugated by Britain during the 18th and 19th centuries.

This plan was published in scholarly journals both in Europe and Asia, and the Office hoped that the British would take note and look into implementation within the next century.

[Luziyca]

April 26, 1900
With the massive outrage caused by the Final Solution With Regards To The Situation In China, and the Rainbow Plan, MP Choi Buk and some high ranking officers publish 方案二 or Plan B, outlining the potential war goals of China in the event that 方案一 (Plan A), referring to the peace that is currently going on fails, and a Second World War begins.

It begins by expressing the hope that "these contents shall never be considered, but in the event that the beast of war returns to haunt both China and Japan, Plan B should, under ideal conditions, be our best hope for our continued survival as a Celestial Empire, from Shanghai to the Yuanxihai (Caspian Sea)."

The first section outlines that "to preserve the sovereignty of the Chinese Empire, tributary states must abolished: in its place, China must implement a system of prefectures, with all of the area from as far west as Kampala, to as far east as Haishenwai being divided into prefectures." It suggests that "with the modern technology, it is now feasible for China to govern all of its affairs from Beijing, so only the smallest functions shall remain under the administration of the local officials: the rest shall be under the careful eye of the federal government."

The second section outlines key priorities in the early stages of the war:

1. to prevent Japan from the cutting the artery (i.e. the Straits of Malacca), China must seize the peninsula of Malaya and the island of Sumatra to form a Sultanate ruled by the Malay race, and ensure that the Sultanate shall keep the Straits open to China so she can be able to access her African territories
2. to provide a safe stop to refuel our ships, the Andaman and Nicobar Islands shall also be seized to provide a similar function to what the Maldives provides for ships sailing from Kenya to China, to help reduce our dependence on foreign ports
3. On the African front:
   
   1. China must quickly seize Abyssinia to the north of Chinese East Africa, so that within a week to a month, China shall control the entirety of the horn
   2. In Madagascar, China must immediately sail to seize the Comoros, and then launch a land-based attack on Mozambique to rout the Japanese military until we reach the borders of Nyassaland and Rhodesia
4. In the Asian continent:
   
   1. China must without delay seize Hong Kong and all other foreign outposts within 24-48 hours
   2. Korea shall not be invaded from the north, but instead, a wiser strategy would be to occupy the Lewchew Islands, the Liancourt Rocks, and Quelpart to block access by Japan into the Korean peninsula, and then to blockade the peninsula
   3. Military forces must sail towards Taiwan, and then without further delay, immediately focus on occupying the island
   4. Simultaneously, China must invade Indochina, with the intent to take control of the northern regions and the southern regions
   5. Japanese possessions in the Pacific that are not mentioned shall be left for the Americaners to deal with

Section three indicates plans to invade the Japanese mainland, as well as the islands of Sakhalin and Hokkaido, and the Korean peninsula.

Finally, the fourth section outlines the fates of the overseas territories, as well as Hokkaido and Sakhalin, in the event of a Chinese victory:

• The Philippines, and any Japanese islands in the Pacific not explicitly named shall be transferred to the Confederacy
• The island of Taiwan, the Korean peninsula, and the archipelago of Andaman and Nicobar shall be annexed into the Chinese Empire proper
• The Lewchew Islands shall have their monarchy restored: failing that, a junior branch of the House of Aisin-Gioro shall be permitted to be Kings
• Indochina shall be partitioned into three Kingdoms: Laos, Kampuchea, and Cochinchina, ruled by their native rulers
• The territories of Mozambique and Abyssinia shall become mandates under the administration of China until they are ready for self-government or willing to become integral parts of the Chinese Empire
• The Sultanate that governs Malaya and Sumatra shall be independent, but under Chinese protection
• Hokkaido and Sakhalin shall become mandates, until the Ainu have reached a sufficient level of development to govern themselves

Section five would outline that "Japan shall be reduced to the Home Islands (主頁群島), comprising of Honshu, Kyushu, and Shikoku. All Japanese living in the overseas territories should be ideally relocated back to Japan."

Section six then notes that "if Plan B needs to be reached, China must improve her naval abilities so to not be a paper tiger, but rather be a force to be feared in the Orient."

Plan B was criticized by Empress Catherine, saying that "this proposal can only worsen relations between China and Japan. In a time where China must remain on good terms with our friend to the east, it is a shame to hear that nationalists still desire the blood of Jap."

[Unicario]

May 3, 1900

Anti-Chinese protests and riots erupted in Korea and other Japanese territories near the Celestial Empire. In response to the publication of Plan B, the provincial governors of Viet Nam, Laos, Cambodia, Korea and Hong Kong ordered the creation of new militia divisions to combat a potential Chinese invasion. The Meiji Islands government ordered every male from 15 to 50 to register for the "Civil Force", a militia that would be summoned in times of war. Millions of Japanese signed up for it, swelling the defensive force that could, at a whim, be called up to fight anywhere in the Empire.

As well, suspicion spiked in the Japanese Empire's higher ups that the Chinese and Confederates were planning war against Japan anyway. Japan and Thailand held military exercises in the South China Sea, and in the Pacific, as a show of force against the Chinese and Confederates. Naval patrols in the Yellow Sea and Sea of Japan were stepped up to show China that the Empire of Japan was not going to cower.

The Defensive Line, a large naval screen that had failed in 1891, was put under intense scrutiny to ensure that a repeat of the Confederate invasions of 1891 could not be done again.

[Unicario]

May 1, 1900

SUPREME COUNCIL OF THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY

---

To: Fellow Socialist and Communist political parties, organizations and workers unions

---

ATTENTION ALL COMRADES!

The Social Democratic Party is hereby inviting all socialist and communist fraternal organizations, parties, unions and communes to attend a meeting of International Communism on September 18, 1900 in the city of Akita, Japan. Let us come and discuss the affairs of the world, and determine how the People's Revolution shall spread her majestic light!

Proletarians of All Countries, Unite!

The announcement was soon met with the acceptance of the Communist Party of Tawantinsuyu, the Dutch Communist Party, as well as the Communist Party of France, Socialist Revolutionary Party of Rum, among others. ((All of my nations, of course.))

As well, the Kuomintang also announced their attendance.

[Shrillland]

OOC: This will be a pretty big post, since there's a lot of ground to cover.

March 1, 1900
House of Commons
London

Salisbury had now returned from America, and Imperial capital to the tune of £25,000,000 was now being sent to the Japanese and Incan builders, and Parliament also volunteered to bring workers in from India and West Africa, who had more resistance to tropical diseases.

It was India that was the subject of much debate today. The Rainbow Plan had now been made public, and the Viceroy, Lord Curzon, had written an open letter in the Times to the effect that, although the Empress's plan was sound in theory, he said that the subcontinent was currently far better off united under British rule. He talked about how popular the Raj was, particularly among groups that were averse to the bloodshed that was bound to ensue with any kind of independence regardless of how well-crafted any partitions or lack there of were implemented. He also pointed out that, at the time, there were still scores of millions of loyalists, particularly among marginalised groups such as the untouchables, that feared being persecuted by any Indian government that may exist.

The House debated both the plan and the Viceroy's response. Salisbury and the Secretary for India, Lord Hamilton, both pointed out that Japan had just recently ceded their territories on the subcontinent to Britain, and so they couldn't believe that Japan did not already consider the subcontinent to be in good hands. They did not think that there was any need to rush any decisions concerning India, even as the pro-independence movements were starting to coalesce around individual leaders.

The Liberals, led by Baron Ishikawa, agreed that India should stay part of the Empire, but they also pointed out that the Rainbow Plan was realistic in its fears of instability and potential "communal" violence, as Ishikawa called it. They suggested a Government of India bill that used the Rainbow Plan as a blueprint to federalise Indian administration. Each state would receive a Lieuteanant-Viceroy, have the right to pass its own laws, and levy its own taxes. The Liberals were supported by the Irish Parliamentary Party, but the Conservatives still held a commanding majority in the face of the upcoming election, which by extraordinary coincidence, would take place on the same day as Canada's in December.

February 27, 1900
Congregational Memorial Hall
London

Just two days before, however, a new party that would change Britain's future had been created by a man named James Ramsay MacDonald, who believed that the working class needed radical change quickly, so he and many people from throughout Britain arrived at this hall and announced the creation of the Labour Party, which would contest seats in working-class regions throughout the country.

March 23, 1900
New York, New York

Prime Minister Roosevelt came down to New York today witness the groundbreaking of a new underground railway that would link the four boroughs of the City of New York and the Ojashi Enclave together. He had just signed the Gold Standard Act, which placed all Canadian currency on the gold standard in an effort to keep its high value. He had also written a letter expressing his support for implementing the Rainbow Plan as a federalising plan similar to what Ishikawa proposed.

May 7, 1900
Melbourne, Victoria

Although condemnation to Plan B was Empire-wide, no one was more anxious than Australia, which would have Chinese soldiers standing on their doorstep across the Timor Straits if the plan was implemented. The Commonwealth Act was within weeks of final passage, but the Constitutional Convention was already discussing the possibility of conscripting all able-bodied males as soon as the new nation was born. They sent a message to King Dick in Wellington advising New Zealand to take similar measures.

[Luziyca]

In response to the reception of Plan B, Empress Catherine issued a short pamphlet, titled The Obligation or 該義務. In it, she describes her criticism of Plan B, saying that "It is in the best interests of both China and Japan to maintain peace. To publish war plans so openly and treat Japan as a threat will only do harm to us," and added that "we should be grateful that Japan gave us mercy. We should be grateful that China was allowed to take Madagascar from France, and that it was, for the most part, status quo ante-bellum. The Japs did not need to give it to us, but since they did, we have an obligation, the obligation to remain at peace with our Japanese brothers."

It also stated that "if the Jap and the Chinamen were to go to war, should their nations follow their war plans, Japan may be the clear victor, for they have better naval technology than the Celestial Empire, but both nations shall likely lose their role as great powers in the Orient, and give a clear opportunity for Britain and Rum to take over as the superpowers in the Oriental continent." She then stated that "the only way both of us can preserve our delicate role as Great Powers is to unite in an alliance, to balance each other's strategic interests, much like the concept of the Balance of Power seen in European nations." The pamphlet condemned "those of us who wish to see China and Japan fight again, for China will stand to lose the most."

---

Meanwhile, the Communist Party of China accepted the invitation to the conference in Japan. In Guyane, with communism proscribed, the communists were underground.

[Shrillland]

May 9, 1900
Hyde Park, West Guyane

Two years previously, the Communists had fomented an uprising in the west. It took till today for that uprising to finally end. After launching an increasingly desperate guerrilla war, Kapoor finally came out of the southern jungles and surrendered. Communism in Guyane had failed, but this would only be the ideology's first shots throughout the world.


In the meantime, no British or Imperial parties were expecting to go to the leftist conference. The Labour Party was still mostly a conception in Britain, the one in Australia had just been created, and the Liberals in Canada were plunging into infighting over the Gold Standard, which only passed with Conservative support. In August, the party conference would convene at Chicago, and it already looked like there were three contenders for the leadership. First was the Prime Minister, Theodore Roosevelt. Second was the "great commoner", Illinois-born William Jennings Bryan, now MP from Omaha, who led 67 Liberal MPs to abstain from the vote. Third was the great newspaper and Confederate immigrant William Randolph Hearst, who won a Staten Island byelection the previous yead and was now also a Liberal MP. Many populists saw the Prime Minister's support of the Gold Standard as a great betrayal, especially in the western and midsouthern provinces.

[Bojikami]

May 9th, 1900

The call to Japan was heard by communists throughout the world. In Ruthenia the underground resistance headed by Grigori Petrovsky of the Communist Party announced that he and several members of the party would be in attendance, in Russia various members of the Russian Social Democratic Labour party agreed to send delegates, and in Venezuela, Antoni Belinsky and former President Esteban Lopez agreed to attend the meeting. Elsewhere, more moderate leftist organisations, such as the Spanish Republican Army, an opposition group to Francisco Franco's fascist government, as well as the Roman Populist Movement would be sending their own delegates to the meetings.

Madrid, Spain

After several months, the vast majority of opponent groups to the new government have been repressed. Police crackdowns, liberal usage of military raids, and mass executions began what many Spainiards began to remark as "El Reinado del Terror", and while in many areas the people have either surrendered to the government, or are simply too afraid to raise a hand to the new order, opposition retreated into the high mountains, or into exile in nations such as Venezuela. Franco declared that in Spain, the victory of Fascism over the 'degeneracy of the old order' was complete and absolute.

While this had happened, Benito Mussolini had reached out to Franco to establish official relations between the new Spanish National Republic and Rome.

[Unicario]

May 18, 1900

Ferdinand Eichemann and his son, after returning from their tour of Africa in 1898, settled in to write a new set of political thesis. These were released in tandem, with his son penning the ones regarding Islam, and him penning the ones regarding Christianity and Judaism.

In Doctrine of Religious Reunification And Integrity, Ferdinand penned about the absolute need to "mend the schisms of church that have brought East and West to blows for centuries. The idea of the Papal State has become archaic in the fact that one man controls the world's Catholic populations. Every nation's pious peoples should have the right and power to take control of their own Church and guide it to where they feel it necessary to go." -- The doctrine primarily served as a criticism of Catholicism, and attacked it for the anti-education, anti-enlightenment and anti-emancipative ideas it put forth as the gospel. "surely the savior, in his own right, would not have tolerated such indignation and such arch-reactionary drivel."

The second political thesis was called The Power of the Caliphate With Regards To The State which outlined the "varying differences of the Islamic and Christian world, and that the Islamic world relied on the very foundation of the Caliphate to keep from more militant imams with radical ideas from spreading their word. There exist sects of Islam in the Levant, Arabia and Africa that seek to destroy the civilized world in the name of Allah, when Allah himself wants no part in their devilish schemes. The Caliph, as the supreme righteous knowledge-seeker, maintains his hold on the Islamic world's sanity. The key differences between him and the Pope of Rome, is that the Caliph does not claim to be infallible; nay, the Caliph is still human, and may make errors, just as the Prophet (pbuh) does. The Caliph must still maintain his own wisdom to lead the Islamic world; for we shall not accept a fool. Families of Caliphs know what the words of the Prophet say, and they shall continue to so long as the Caliphate remains." This thesis was written by Ludwig Eichemann, who was a Sunni Muslim. Unlike his father, who remained an adherent of the Jewish faith. This thesis generally praised the general concept of the Caliph, and held that the Pope cannot expect to be held as infallible when he is born and makes errors just as humans do. No man is infallible, only the divine.

The third thesis directly addressed a growing trend in the orient. State Shinto and the Cult of Unity examined the growing portrayal of divinity for the Empress Meiji, who in many countries, is seen increasingly as a Prophet in her own right. This thesis was penned by both men, with Ludwig analyzing the idea that Meiji may serve for future Japanese people, as Muhammad is to the House of Islam. Meiji's great works and her intelligence and her drive, as written by historians, have crafted an unintended cult of personality, that has "energized and dedicated an entire nation of people to service and betterment. It is a miracle it ended this way, and Japan has the makings of a world leader at this rate. Meiji's name spreads far beyond the Japanese Empire -- one may hear whispers of her in Islamic preachings, words of the Tawantinsuyu Buddhists, and words of the Central American priests. Japan's vast influence in culture may soon see Meiji becoming a universal figure in almost every religion in the Far East and South America." -- The message was a mixture of warning of the growing cult around Meiji, but also a peculiar analysis of how far her legacy was spreading, and how imbibed she was in the culture of Japan and other nations.

The fourth thesis analyzed Syndicalism. Written by Ferdinand, it was called The Question of the Syndicalist Movement, and How It Relates to Fascism and Communism. This criticized some aspects of the Syndicalist movement as hypocritical, but generally praised it for the way it mobilized the state to act in a certain manner, and for the minimal racial dialogue presented by the state -- minor anti-German rallying aside, primarily to draw patriotism from a long-hated enemy, which Eichemann notes and understands, as his own nation has axes to grind, and this trend can be seen "in other nations, such as Japan", where "patriotism can be manifested from rallying against a long-time enemy or rival."

[Shrillland]

June 30, 1900
Buckingham Palace
London

A warm summer's day bright with sun seemed to greet the heart of the British Empire. The morning started well enough with the news that Parliament had passed a law saying children could no longer work in the mines. The Commonwealth of Australia Act was in its final debate, and all seemed well....

And then, in the afternoon, the bells at St. Paul's began to ring a slow, mournful sound. Prince Alfred, Duke of Edinburgh, was dead from his cancer, just a year after the death of his only son. Victoria let out a wail when she heard the news, and was inconsolable for most of the day. Within just a week, the news had spread to every corner of the Empire. He would be the last Duke of Edinburgh for several decades. Victoria wrote in her diary, "Oh God! My poor Alfie gone too...this has been a horrible year, nothing but sadness & horrors of one kind and another...who else will go before I myself am released of this misery?" Her depression sunk into a worse state than ever before.

Tonga

Here, in the far flung South Seas, the British had declared a protectorate over the small chain of islands, and they had also found large phosphate deposits on the island of Nauru. Australia was now about to send a delegation to Tokyo to consider a joint mining operation with New Zealand, the proceeds to be divided between the three nations. In addition, Kind Dick was visiting the island today on his tour of the British possessions, and he had already written the draft of a bill that would bring the Cook Islands into the dominion.


The latest treatises from the Eichmanns were the subject of much debate, mostly among scholars, though many people were struck by how Meiji was seen as the target of a personality cult, in Britain as much as anywhere else. One of Canada's provinces had a capital named after her even: Akikosburg, Nebraska, named in 1871.

[Unicario]

September 18, 1900
Akita, Japan

Today would mark the start of the First International Congress, the meeting of the world's dominant socialist and leftist organizations -- while many British, German, and other parties had abstained, Japan, Tawantinsuyu, the Netherlands, Rum, and others, were out in full force to commemorate the circumstances. The streets of Akita were decked out in red flags and banners with red flowers lining the roads. Nicholas Romanov was awaiting the arrival of the various delegates at the Aeroport in Akita, where they would meet at the Expo Hall in the inner city.

Romanov was a Royal, the husband of the Empress, and by and large a symbol of the way of life that was trying to be overthrown by many groups, but at the same end, he was a fellow comrade as well. He patiently waited for their arrival, with a smile on his face.

The first party to arrive was the Tawantinsuyu Communist Party, a group of Hispanic men stepped off the zeppelin, a fine German invention. Romanov mused, before extending a hand to the various groups. "Welcome, comrades, to Akita. We shall soon meet in the Expo Hall, but I wanted to meet you here so that we may take photographs and commemorate this historic day." Photos were taken, and Romanov extended well wishes and fraternal socialist brotherhood. A camera-man, filming something, watched the meeting with extreme interest, and Romanov flashed a grin at the leader of the Tawantinsuyu delegation. They were taken to the Expo Hall while Romanov waited for the rest.

[Bojikami]

September 18th, 1900
Akita, Japan

Following the Tawantinsuyu delegation arrived delegates from three communist parties and organisations from Europe, who each had to steal away on transport Zeppelins bound for Akita from their respective nations. First emerged Antonio Gramsci of the repressed Roman Communist Party. Gramsci himself was a rather thin man, having spent months in Roman prisons for 'crimes against the state' prior to being broken out by a terrorist attack on the prison compound. "Ciao, friend." He remarked as he extended his hand to Romanov.

The second to emerge was Grigori Petrovsky of the Communist Party known to both Romanians and Ukrainians as the Left Front, and various Ukrainians and Romanians from Ruthenia had joined him. Petrovsky himself was slightly anxious, as this would be one of the first major actions the parties of Romania and Ukraine would make in unison, with him as a leader. Beside him were various delegates from the Russian Social Democratic Labour party, lead by Vladimir Lenin and Julius Martov.

Next to come were representatives from the Spanish Republican Army, a moderate yet largely leftist resistance movement formed in opposition to Franco's regime in Spain. Heading them was Lieutenant Jose Miaja Menant, a young but fairly experienced leader within the army.

Finally arrived the delegates from the Venezuelan Labour Party, with Antonij Belinsky as a guest accompanying them. Belinsky himself was a different man in appearance since when he went into exile all of those years ago. He had grown a long beard and often wore glasses. He went over immediately upon seeing Petrovsky, a friend he had not seen since he fled Ruthenia. While the two reminisced over the previous years, Ernesto Lopez, former president of Venezuela walked over to Romanov to formally introduce himself and Belinsky.

[Shrillland]

August 22, 1900
Chicago, Illinois

The Liberal Party Conference had turned out to be as bad a fiasco as many had predicted, with six rounds of voting before the party''s delegates and MPs could agree on a leader. That leader was Teddy Roosevelt, who won with a razor-thin majority of votes. He would lead the Grits to the December elections. On the other hand, William Jennings Bryan had thrilled many of the populists in the party with his own speech in response to Roosevelt's first speech and in defence of his stand on bimetalism, which would be remembered by people for many years;a speech that would lead to Bryan's departure form the Liberals and his creation of a new Labour Party that would one day become the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, and in turn, the New Democratic Party:

I would be presumptuous, indeed, to present myself against the distinguished gentlemen to whom you have listened if this were a mere measuring of abilities; but this is not a contest between persons. The humblest citizen in all the land, when clad in the armour of a righteous cause, is stronger than all the hosts of error. I come to speak to you in defense of a cause as holy as the cause of liberty-the cause of humanity.

When this debate is concluded, a motion will be made to lay upon the table the resolution offered in commendation of Her Majesty's Government, and also, the resolution offered in condemnation of Her Majesty's Government. We object to bringing this question down to the level of persons. The individual is but an atom; he is born, he acts, he dies; but principles are eternal; and this has been a contest over a principle.

Never before in the history of this country has there been witnessed such a contest as that through which we have just passed. Never before in the history of Canadian politics has a great issue been fought out as this issue has been, by the voters of a great party. On the fourth of March 1895, a few Liberals, most of them members of Parliament, issued an address to the Liberals of the nation, asserting that the money question was the paramount issue of the hour; declaring that a majority of the Liberal party had the right to control the action of the party on this paramount issue; and concluding with the request that the believers in the free coinage of silver in the Liberal party should organise, take charge of, and control the policy of the Liberal party. Three months later, at Moncton, an organization was perfected, and the silver Liberals went forth openly and courageously proclaiming their belief, and declaring that, if successful, they would crystallise into a platform the declaration which they had made.

Then began the struggle. With a zeal approaching the zeal which inspired the Crusaders who followed Peter the Hermit, our silver Liberals went forth from victory unto victory until they are now assembled, not to discuss, not to debate, but to enter up the judgement already rendered by the plain people of this country. In this contest brother has been arrayed against brother, father against son. The warmest ties of love, acquaintance, and association have been disregarded; old leaders have been cast aside when they have refused to give expression to the sentiments of those whom they would lead, and new leaders have sprung up to give direction to this cause of truth. Thus has the contest been waged, and we have assembled here under as binding and solemn instructions as were ever imposed upon representatives of the people.

We do not come as individuals. As individuals we might have been glad to compliment the gentleman from New York(referring to the PM), but we know that the people for whom we speak would never be willing to put him in a position where he could thwart the will of the Liberal party. I say it was not a question of persons; it was a question of principle, and it is not with gladness, my friends, that we find ourselves brought into conflict with those who are now arrayed on the other side. .

When you (turning to the pro-gold delegates and MPs) come before us and tell us that we are about to disturb your business interests, we reply that you have disturbed our business interests by your course.

We say to you that you have made the definition of a business man too limited in its application. The man who is employed for wages is as much a business man as his employer; the barrister in a country town is as much a business man as the corporation counsel in a great metropolis; the merchant at the cross-roads store is as much a business man as the merchant of New York; the farmer who goes forth in the morning and toils all day, who begins in the spring and toils all summer, and who by the application of brain and muscle to the natural resources of the country creates wealth, is as much a business man as the man who goes upon the Board of Trade in Chicago or WInnipeg and bets upon the price of grain; the miners who go down a thousand feet into the earth, or climb two thousand feet upon the cliffs, and bring forth from their hiding places the precious metals to be poured into the channels of trade are as much business men as the few financial magnates who, in a back room, corner the money of the empire and the world. We come to speak of this broader class of business men.

Ah, my friends, we say not one word against those who live upon the Atlantic Coast, but the hardy pioneers who have braved all the dangers of the wilderness, who have made the desert to blossom as the rose, the pioneers away out there [pointing to the West] who rear their children near to Nature's heart, where they can mingle their voices with the voices of the birds-out there where they have erected schoolhouses for the education of their young, churches where they praise their Creator, and cemeteries where rest the ashes of their dead-these people, we say, are as deserving of the consideration of our party as any people in this country. It is for these that we speak. We do not come as aggressors. Our war is not a war of conquest; we are fighting in the defence of our homes, our families, and posterity. We have petitioned, and our petitions have been scorned; we have entreated, and our entreaties have been disregarded; we have begged, and they have mocked when our calamity came. We beg no longer; we entreat no more; we petition no more. We defy them!

The gentleman from Wisconsin has said that he fears a Robespierre. My friends, in this land of the free you need not fear that a tyrant will spring up from among the people. What we need is an Alexander Mackenzie to stand, as Mackenzie stood, against the encroachments of organised wealth.

They tell us that this platform was made to catch votes. We reply to them that changing conditions make new issues; that the principles upon which Democracy rests are as everlasting as the hills, but that they must be applied to new conditions as they arise. Conditions have arisen, and we are here to meet those conditions. They tell us that the income tax ought not to be brought in here; that it is a new idea. They criticize us for our criticism of the Canadian Supreme Court. My friends, we have not criticized; we have simply called attention to what you already know. If you want criticisms read the dissenting opinions of the court. There you will find criticisms. They say that we passed an unconstitutional law; we deny it. The income tax was not unconstitutional when it was passed; it was not unconstitutional when it went before the Supreme Court for the first time; it did not become unconstitutional until one of the Lord Justices changed his mind, and we cannot be expected to know when a Lord Justice will change his mind. The income tax is just. It simply intends to put the burdens of government justly upon the backs of the people. I am in favour of an income tax. When I find a man who is not willing to bear his share of the burdens of the government which protects him, I find a man who is unworthy to enjoy the blessings of a government like ours.

They say that we are opposing national bank currency; it is true. If you will read what Thomas Benton said about the Confederacy, you will find he said that, in searching history, he could find but one parallel to John C. Calhoun after the Second War; that was Cicero, who destroyed the conspiracy of Cataline and saved Rome. Benton said that Cicero only did for Rome what Calhoun did for the Amerikaners when he destroyed the bank conspiracy and saved the CSA. We say in our platform we believe that the right to coin and issue money is a function of government, and it is a function of our government, not the Royal Mint or the Bank of England. We believe it. We believe that it is a part of sovereignty, and can no more with safety be delegated to private individuals, or even to our mother country, than we could afford to delegate to private individuals the power to make penal statutes or levy taxes. Mr. Jefferson, who was once regarded as good Democratic authority throughout this continent, seems to have differed in opinion from the gentleman who has addressed us on the part of the minority. Those who are opposed to this proposition tell us that the issue of paper money is a function of the bank, and that the government ought to go out of the banking business. I stand with Jefferson rather than with them, and tell them, as he did, that the issue of money is a function of government, and that the banks ought to go out of the governing business.

They complain about the plank which declares against life tenure in office. They have tried to strain it to mean that which it does not mean. What we oppose by that plank is the life tenure which is being built up in Albany, and which excludes from participation in official benefits the humbler members of society. .

And now, my friends, let me come to the paramount issue. If they ask us why it is that we say more on the money question than we say upon the tariff question, I reply that, if protection has slain its thousands, the gold standard has slain its tens of thousands. If they ask us why we do not embody in our platform all the things that we believe in, we reply that when we have restored the money of the Constitution Act, all other necessary reform will be possible; but that until this is done, there is no other reform that can be accomplished.

Why is it that within three months such a change has come over the country? Three months ago when it was confidently asserted that those who believed in the gold standard would frame our platform and nominate our candidates, even the advocates of the gold standard did not think that we could elect a Party Leader, and in consequence, a Prime Minister. And they had good reason for their doubt, because there is scarcely a Province here today asking for the gold standard which is not in the absolute control of either the Conservative Party the Roosevelt wing of the Liberal Party. But note the change. Mr. Cleveland became Prime Minister nine years ago upon a platform which declared for the maintenance of the gold standard until it can be changed into bimetallism by international agreement. Mr. Roosevelt also vowed that he would change it once the Empire could agree. Mr. Roosevelt was the most popular man among the Liberals, and three months ago everybody in the Liberal Party prophesied his acclamation here today, not his battle, and not the support of Mr. Tupper behind his monstrous deeds. How is it today? Why, the man who was once pleased to think that he looked like Napoleon-that man shudders today when he remembers that he was nominated on the anniversary of the battle of Waterloo.

Not only that, but as he listens, he can hear with ever increasing distinctness the sound of the waves as they beat upon the lonely shores at St Helena.

Why this change? Ah, my friends, is not the reason for the change evident to any one who will look at the matter? No private character, however pure, no personal popularity, however great, can protect from the avenging wrath of an indignant people a man who will declare that he is in favour of fastening the gold standard upon this country, or who is willing to surrender the right of self-government and place the legislative control of our affairs in the hands of foreign potentates and powers.

We go forth confident that we shall win. Why? Because upon the paramount issue of this campaign there is not a spot of ground upon which the enemy will dare to challenge battle. If they tell us that the gold standard is a good thing, we shall point to their platform and tell them that their platform pledges the party to get rid of the gold standard and substitute bimetallism. If the gold standard is a good thing why try to get rid of it? I call your attention to the fact that some of the very people who are in this Conference today and who tell us that we ought to declare in favour of Imperial and international himetallism-thereby declaring that the gold standard is wrong and that the principle of bimetallism is better-these very people four months ago were open and avowed advocates of the gold standard when they voted in favour in the House of Commons, and were then telling us that we could not legislate two metals together, even with the aid of all the world. If the gold standard is a good thing, we ought to declare in favour of its retention and not in favour of abandoning it; and if the gold standard is a bad thing why should we wait until other dominions, other colonies, our mother country, or any other nation are willing to help us to let go? Here is the line of battle, and we care not upon which issue they force the fight; we are prepared to meet them on either issue or on both. If they tell us that the gold standard is the standard of civilisation, we reply to them that this, the most enlightened of all the nations of the earth, has never declared for a gold standard and that both the great parties this year are declaring against it. If the gold standard is the standard of civilisation, why, my friends, should we not have it? If they come to meet us on that issue we can present the history of our nation. More than that; we can tell them that they will search the pages of history in vain to find a single instance where the common people of any land have ever declared themselves in favour of the gold standard. They can find where the holders of fixed investments have declared for a gold standard, but not where the masses have. Mr. Carlisle said in 1878 that this was a struggle between the "idle holders of idle capital" and "the struggling masses, who produce the wealth and pay the taxes of the country," and, my friends, the question we are to decide is: Upon which side will the Liberal party fight; upon the side of "the idle holders of idle capital" or upon the side of "the struggling masses"? That is the question which the party must answer first, and then it must be answered by each individual hereafter. The sympathies of the Liberal party, as shown by the platform, are on the side of the struggling masses who have ever been the foundation of the Liberal party. There are two ideas of government. There are those who believe that if you will only legislate to make the well-to-do prosperous, their prosperity will leak through on those below. The Liberal idea, however, has been that if you legislate to make the masses prosperous, their prosperity will find its way up through every class which rests upon them.

You come to us and tell us that the great cities are in favour of the gold standard; we reply that the great cities rest upon our broad and fertile prairies. Burn down your cities and leave our farms, and your cities will spring up again as if by magic; but destroy our farms and the grass will grow in the streets of every city in the country.

My friends, we declare that this nation is able to legislate for its own people on every question, without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation on earth, without waiting even for the blessings of Her Gracious Majesty in London; and upon that issue we expect to carry every province in the Dominion. I shall not slander the inhabitants of the fair province of Massachusetts nor the inhabitants of the provinces of New York, Ontario, or British Columbia by saying that, when they are confronted with the proposition, they will declare that this nation is not able to attend to its own business. It is the issue of 1776 and 1834 over again. Our ancestors, when but three millions in number, had the courage to declare their political independence of every other nation; shall we, their descendants, when we have grown to sixty millions, declare that we are less independent than our forefathers?

No, my friends, that will never be the verdict of our people. Therefore, we care not upon what lines the battle is fought. If they say bimetallism is good, but that we cannot have it until other nations help us, we reply, that instead of having a gold standard because England has, we will restore bimetallism, and then let England have bimetallism because Canada has it, and then let the Confederate States have it because Canada has it, and then let Japan have it because Canada has it. If they dare to come out in the open field and defend the gold standard as a good thing, we will fight them to the uttermost. Having behind us the producing masses of this nation, this empire, and the world, supported by the commercial interests, the labouring interests and the toilers everywhere, we will answer their demand for a gold standard by saying to them: You shall not press down upon the brow of labour this crown of thorns, you shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold.

[Unicario]

August 25, 1900

The Bureau of Economic Affairs and Regulation (経済と規制局 / Keizai to kisei-kyoku) in response to the speech given by William J. Bryan in Canada, formally endorsed the policy of bimetallism, stating that it would "ensure a proper balance of the market, built upon the trust in the silver and gold values drawn from the mines of Japan, Korea, and all brother nations under the East Asian realm."

In related, yet not the same, news, the Empress of Japan formally signed an Imperial Edict granting a number of honors to various persons in the West of notable merit.

Ferdinand Eichemann, invested with the Order of the Rising Sun 4th Class, for advancing culture as a citizen of Japan.
William Jennings Bryan, invested with the Order of the Rising Sun 7th Class, for "extreme gall and economic policy-building"
Theodore Roosevelt, invested with the Order of the Rising Sun 1st Class, for "advancing peace globally."
Ferdinand Foch, invested with the Order of the Rising Sun 1st Class, for "advancing peace globally."
Solange Glaisyer, invested with the Order of the Rising Sun 1st Class, for "advancing peace globally."
Stephan Bandera, invested with the Order of the Rising Sun 5th Class, for "standing against foreign invasion and foreign infiltrations."
Marquess of Salisbury, invested with the Order of the Rising Sun 1st Class, for "leading the way in Western civilization."
Antoni Belinsky, invested with the Order of the Rising Sun 2nd Class, for "addressing the grievances of the Working Class."
Vladimir Lenin, invested with the Order of the Rising Sun 2nd Class, for "addressing the grievances of the Working Class."

Victoria Yamato, Queen of the United Kingdom, invested with the Collar of the Supreme Order of the Chrysanthemum, for "brilliance as a Japanese monarch"
Albert Yamato, Prince of Wales, invested with the Collar of the Supreme Order of the Chrysanthemum, for "noble intentions as the Heir to the Throne of the United Kingdom"
Wilhelm von Hohenzollern, Emperor of Germany, invested with the Collar of the Supreme Order of the Chrysanthemum, for "maintaining peace in Europe, continuing the legacy of Meiji as her descendant.

As well, she formally recognized Albert has the heir to the titular Princedom of Hokkaido, the title that Victoria held in the Japanese hierarchy. She also recognized Albert as a Prince of Japan, and invested him with the full honors associated with it. She also granted Queen Victoria with the "Empress Meiji Award", commemorating her lengthy reign, and thanked her for her extensive governance of the British Empire, and wished her well.

[Shrillland]

September 18, 1900
Buckingham Palace
London

After receiving the news of receiving the Empress Meiji Award, Queen Victoria was overwhelmed with emotion. She had received many honours from many lands, but this one seemed to touch her morethan other. Perhaps it was because this honour had shown how she, in her own way, remained strong even after she had lost so much that she had loved, even after most of her power had gone into the hands of her ever-changing premiers, and even after the ravages of age had made her lame and increasingly blinded by cataracts. She could not visit Japan herself, but she felt she must reply to this honour.

Though she told no one, not even Albert Edward, she had been having recurring dreams lately about her dear mother, who appeared as she did in the portraits of her youth, not the aged mother that she had always known growing up. They talked of things, but the one thing that Akiko, the Meiji that had become a Goddess to the people of Asia, kept telling her at the end of each dream was, "It will be your time to join me soon." Other times she saw her uncle William, her dear Albert, Alice Leopold, Alfie, even Vicky seemed to visit once and say "When we go, we'll go together".

So she sent what would be her last letter to her grand-niece Elizabeth:

From your dear Great-Aunt Victoria,
To my darling great-niece Elizabeth,

My dear,

I must thank you for the honours that you have bestowed upon both myself and my Prime Ministers throughout the Empire. I regret that I cannot come to Tokyo personally to accept the prize, but I can send my best wishes to you and Japan.

And now, I must speak with you on a personal matter. This life has never seemed to go as slowly for me as it does now, yet I can sense my days are growing shorter at last. I want you to know that my love for you and for our family is a firm bond that can never be broken, and were your great-grandmother still with us, she would be proud of every last one of us for leading the world to a new age, fixing the mistakes that we mortals are occasionally apt to make, and leaving this world such a better place that it was than when we started our journey here.

My journey is nearing its end now, and I do not think I will write to you again in this world. But you can be sure that when we meet again, we will all be together as a family for all eternity, and we will not fear being parted by distance, by the burdens of our nations, or by the heartbreak that, I must confess, has kept me a prisoner of my heart for nearly forty years. So I must advise you thus, should you ever lose the thing you love the most, grieve for what you've lost, but don't make my mistake and withdraw forever. I still hurt for my dear Albert, but I let it diminish me... and always be hopeful. Hopeful that people are naturally good and love peace rather than war, hopeful that every man will see each other man as his equal if given the opportunity, hopeful that, even in the storms, the sun will shine again.

And finally, make sure, as Albert Edward will, that our two worlds will always be intertwined as one. Make sure that the ties that have bound us will stay strong so our children, our grandchildren, and our great-grandchildren will live without fear, despair, and scarcity The greatest legacy we can leave as rulers is not millions of miles of land, it's not an endless supply of resources, it's not great networks of railroads, factories, mills, plantations, it's not great fleets of dreadnoughts to rule the seas, it's not even the wealth of great companies of colonisers. The greatest legacy we can leave is the smiles of young children, the laughter of those who live without terror, and the idea that things will only continue to get better until the Lord comes for us all.

Until we meet again in Heaven,
Your dear Great-Aunt,
Victoria

[Shrillland]

September 18, 1900
Houses of Parliament
London

The Queen's letter was not released to the public, which was just as well, for many things were happening throughout the Empire. Bryan's speech had an unexpected result in London. Salisbury had written an opinion piece in the Times saying that he was upset, not at the idea of bimetallism, which he was a known opponent of, but at Bryan's statements such as, "...we believe that the right to coin and issue money is a function of government, and it is a function of our government, not the Royal Mint or the Bank of England." and, "...why should we wait until other dominions, other colonies, our mother country, or any other nation are willing to help us to let go?"

"Surely," Salisbury said today in the House, "this 'Great Commoner' has more love for his Queen and his Empire than this! Surely he isn't suggesting that Canada, our own dominion, is morally superior and greater than Great Britain herself! Mr. Bryan is right when he says it is the issue of 1776 and 1834 again, but it is not the issue that he may have had in mind. It is one thing to call for the dismantling of that standard which the Canadian Prime Minister realises brings stability to both currency and country, it is another to disparage the nation which bore birth to his own. If that is all the gratitude that Mr. Bryan can muster for the British Empire, her benefits, and her liberties, then he should cross the frontier into Kansas and give the Confederates all the silver they want! If he is truly loyal to Britannia, then he should show that loyalty to us all and elaborate what he means. Does he truly put Canada before Britain, or was this merely licence to show his love for us both?"

Ishikawa responded thus: "Perhaps Mr. Bryan's excellent speech does go off the rails when it comes to how he describes Britain, but his general theme of common sense, self-determination, and the need to act on an issue now is correct. Like Canada, our policy is to keep the Gold Standard, but only until we can get other nations to agree on the principles of bimetallism. He is as loyal to Queen, country, and Empire as you or I, Mr. Speaker, and I say his goal is not far off. Already, our Japanese counterparts have endorsed bimetallism as a sound policy, and it will be up to them and to us to lead the entire world to stability and economic prosperity." Even so, the Liberals only supported it if the rest of the world would agree. MacDonald and Labour alone supported unilateral action like that which Bryan wanted. Such was the environment today, when both London and Albany dissolved their parliaments and began the campaign for the "Khaki" election.

London Docks

In the meantime, the Australia Act was formally passed, and the continent would become a dominion of its own on New Year's Day. Today, the first Governor-General, Lord Hopetoun, a noble from West Lothian, and his family would head to Australia from the west, by way of India to Perth and across the country to Sydney and Melbourne. He would arrive in December to appoint a caretaker government until March elections.

Melbourne, Victoria

In Australia itself, progress continued to march on. The Salvation Army had created something new, a film using the new processes called Soldiers On The Cross, showcasing the group's charitable work. THis technology would advance quickly indeed.

Wellington, New Zealand

King Dick had meanwhile returned from his trip, and today, Seddon himself moved a bill that would incorporate the Cook Islands into the dominion. It passed with a commanding majority.

[Bojikami]

September 20th, 1900
Ruthenia
After several years since the official edicts were passed in Kyiv which had forced the relocation of Tatars and Muslims into designated districts of Ruthenia's major cities of which they lived, a general order was placed to the cities on the borders of the empire with significant Tatar ghetto populations: To begin closing down said ghettos and relocating the Muslims and Tatars into resettlement camps which were located more to the interior of the country. Already 120 camps had been opened in the interior of Ukraine and in some interior provinces of Moldova.

Likewise, within the upper echelons of government there was talk of possibly expanding the current laws in place to cover other undesired groups within Ruthenia, such as Jews, Gypsies, Catholics, Communists, and Russians. The latter of the two would be immidiately sent to the reconcentration camps, while the former would be settled within their own ghettos within their respective towns, or otherwise have their lands seized and forced to migrate to a nearby ghetto.

Roma, Italy

Meanwhile, the leadership of the Fascist Party declared that all forms of opposition to the regime would be treated as sedition, and the penalties for such acts could range from lengthy prison times to execution in extreme cases. The party also declared to the allies of Italy the introduction of the Spanish state into the alliance that France, Ruthenia, and Italy currently had.

[Bojikami]

Japan

Antoni Belinsky, among his fellow socialists, felt at once in a while comfortable. How long he had been running from Oleksandr and his lackeys, how he always peered behind his back, anxious that a loaded gun would be there. For once he felt safe. When it was his turn to speak, he got up and approached the podium, and took a deep breath. "Comrades," He began "I cannot tell you how reassuring it is to me to see this, an international meeting of all of the worlds communists and socialists assembled, in unity. When I left Ruthenia all of those years ago, I feared for the survival of the movement. When I left Ruthenia, the communist party there was only numbering in the hundreds, and when I arrived in Venezuela, the same was true. However, over many years, and through the work of many great people, including my friends Grigori and Esteban, and also all of you, here before us. We have shown the common man that there is indeed a better way. No longer must they chafe under the greed of a self-serving tyrant, nor the faceless bureaucrat, we, the socialists and communists of the world have shown the people that, together, with one another, they can fight and win against their oppressors. Whether this be through the institutions of democracy, or in nations struck by the black plague choking Europe, they can take up arms and overthrow their oppressors, or by joining into Soviets or Unions and fighting the greed fuelled pigs who oppress every man, woman, and child with the might of the economy." He paused, momentarily. "Comrades, this meeting here shows a turning point. Long has the fight for the Revolution been a losing one, as our movement has been struck with disunity, infighting, and intimidation, but no more! All of us, meeting in the open, here in Japan, should strike fear into the hearts of our enemies. For this shows that no longer are we divided by petty differences, no longer will we shed the blood of our brothers, and no longer with their threats of violence keep us chained! From this moment on, we will be free men, or we will die in the struggle for our freedom!"

[Unicario]

Japan

Antoni Belinsky, among his fellow socialists, felt at once in a while comfortable. How long he had been running from Oleksandr and his lackeys, how he always peered behind his back, anxious that a loaded gun would be there. For once he felt safe. When it was his turn to speak, he got up and approached the podium, and took a deep breath. "Comrades," He began "I cannot tell you how reassuring it is to me to see this, an international meeting of all of the worlds communists and socialists assembled, in unity. When I left Ruthenia all of those years ago, I feared for the survival of the movement. When I left Ruthenia, the communist party there was only numbering in the hundreds, and when I arrived in Venezuela, the same was true. However, over many years, and through the work of many great people, including my friends Grigori and Esteban, and also all of you, here before us. We have shown the common man that there is indeed a better way. No longer must they chafe under the greed of a self-serving tyrant, nor the faceless bureaucrat, we, the socialists and communists of the world have shown the people that, together, with one another, they can fight and win against their oppressors. Whether this be through the institutions of democracy, or in nations struck by the black plague choking Europe, they can take up arms and overthrow their oppressors, or by joining into Soviets or Unions and fighting the greed fuelled pigs who oppress every man, woman, and child with the might of the economy." He paused, momentarily. "Comrades, this meeting here shows a turning point. Long has the fight for the Revolution been a losing one, as our movement has been struck with disunity, infighting, and intimidation, but no more! All of us, meeting in the open, here in Japan, should strike fear into the hearts of our enemies. For this shows that no longer are we divided by petty differences, no longer will we shed the blood of our brothers, and no longer with their threats of violence keep us chained! From this moment on, we will be free men, or we will die in the struggle for our freedom!"

The audience applauded the words of Antoni Belinsky, and Nicholas Romanov rose and addressed as well, "Thank you, Comrade Belinsky, for your rapier words of strength and passion. The People's Revolution is cherished by the fraternal peoples of all corners of the world; the socialist fraternal comrades in Venezuela, as well as the ones in Tawantinsuyu, Ruthenia and other states, are of the utmost importance to the furthering of the working class." He looked down at his notes at the podium, "Next, speaking, will be Marius Bonheur, President of the Paris Soviet."

Marius Bonheur, a early-30s French man, rose and walked to the podium. Shaking hands with Belinsky and Romanov, he stood at the podium. His head was adorned with the red beret, a common symbol of the Syndicate and Communist leadership of the French State, and the French Empire. He flashed a look at the crowd and spoke, "The People's Revolution is nearing completion in many nations, and it shall spread like a mighty tide over the world. We must be so fortunate as to see that there exist some monarchies who embrace the fraternal socialist way as a brotherhood to their establishment. We thank the Empress Elizabeth for her allowing this meeting to be held here today."

He cleared his throat and said, "The Communist Party of France is proud to announce that we have shattered the capitalist oligarchy, and the apparatus of oppression against the working class! With the mighty steely fist of the Syndicate-Communist alliance, we have shown the world that the Syndicalist ideology, in fraternal ideological cooperation with the Communists of the World, will be the way forward for all future generations to behold. The Paris Soviet reports an immense increase in working class conditions since the end of the Republic. Where as before, the Frenchman suffered under the bootheel of the autocratic German, and our streets were filled with the needy, the hungry, and the poor; we have seen great strides made in the progress of state."

He paused and looked to the audience, "We have reformed our educational system to where every child, from the poorest quarters of France, to the highest echelons, is afforded the same education. We have reformed our legal system, so that every man receives justice for what he has done, and we have reformed our entire world view into one of liberation of our fellow socialist allies abroad. A woman of African birth is the Deputy Head of Government, and we look to all groups within our Empire for the future. The Jews, the Negros, the Oriental. They are all brothers in the revolution, and with lock-step march, we shall overcome to absolute victory! But let me shout from the rooftops here, that the People's Revolution must not fear those of the fascist ideology who support the progress of society, and the progress of the working class! The works of the National Socialists and Roman Fasces are not allies of the Revolution, they are surely enemies of it! The Syndicate shall bear the standard of fascism for the next hundred years, and we shall show the world that fascism can be a force of national renewal, and of national pride! Let the People's Revolution spread now from here to all nations, and may every nation bask in the light of the people's triumph over the forces of capitalist greed!" He received grand applause, and stepped down from the podium.

[Bojikami]

Japan

Shortly thereafter, Grigori Petrovsky of Ruthenia approached the podium. Petrovsky himself was a middle aged man, around his fourties, with a black moustache with some hints of grey. "My comrades," he began "We, stand here at a pivotal point. Already across Europe we see the shackles of the old despotism thrown down and proper change made." He paused. "However, it is with a pain that I must state that sadly not all of our fascist 'brothers' are accepting of us communists. While in France, with a long history of fraternity and unity, the fascist and communist may put away their differences for the common good of their nation, but this tradition is not the same across the world. In Ruthenia, we have been brutally repressed. Unions, even non socialist ones, are cracked down upon, our very party must bear with the ever extant threat that upon the next day, we could all be found and hanged. In Ruthenia, there is no love between the fascist and the communist. In Ruthenia, we have tossed our old shackles in exchange for new ones. And I say this, hoping that I may confide this with my fellow socialists and communists, and that is when the next war comes, Ruthenia will be no more. No longer will the Ukrainian shackle the Roma, the Jew, or the Tatar. When this next great war comes, Romanians, Ukrainians, and all in between will hold hands as equals, not in servitude. The Soviets, the People, of what is now the draconian totalitarianism of Ruthenia, will be in union with one another through means of peaceful harmony, not by threat of arms."

[Shrillland]

November 22, 1900
Penrhyn Quarry
Bethesda, Gwynedd, North Wales

The rhetoric of the communists in Tokyo reverberated throughout Britain. Although Labour was still a small party, it was gaining ground in many areas. One of them was in this slate quarry town where over 3,000 men worked. Today, three years after the end of another massive strike, the quarry men were asking for safer conditions and better pay yet again. Today marked the beginning of what would be the longest industrial strike in British history, The Great Strike of Penrhyn. It would last nearly three years before issues were settled.

December 3, 1900

Meanwhile, the British general election came and went, and Salisbury and his Conservatives won a commanding lead thanks to 163 Tories running unopposed. Ishikawa got six more seats, and the upstart Labourites actually won two, one in Derby and one in the Welsh town of Merthyr Tydfil. Another important seat was in Oldham, Lancashire, where a man born into nobility had won a Conservative victory even though he lost a by-election a year previously. The candidate's name was Winston Churchill.

On the same day, the Canadian election took place, and Teddy Roosevelt's Liberals gained a further 28 seats for a second majority. Bryan's CCF received 18 seats, mostly in the west. The biggest exception was in Indiana, where Eugene V. Debs was elected.

December 15, 1900
Melbourne, Victoria

Lord Hopetoun had arrived in Australia to begin is term as Governor-General of the new country. His first act was to name Sir WIlliam Lyne, Premier of New South Wales, to be the first Prime minister. This, however, was met with almost unanimous opposition from the pro-dominin leaders since Lyne was very reluctant to support them. Lyne ended up having to refuse his commission, and Edmund Barton of the Protectionist party, also from near Sydney, was made PM while Lyne became first Home Secretary. This would forever be known as the Hopetoun Blunder, and would mark a bad start for a career that would only get worse.

London

On this same day, Queen Victoria left London for the last time, planning to spend the holidays on the Isle of Wight as she usually did. She would not return to London as a living woman.

[Shrillland]

January 22, 1901
Osborne House
East Cowes, Isle of Wight

After Christmas, Victoria decided to stay at Osborne House because she had been feeling tired. For about a week she had been feeling drowsy and confused, and she felt increasingly weak. It was after her usual dinner hour, and darkness had fallen on the island’s landscape. SHe was laying on her bed, gasping for air, and Prince Edward was by her side.

“Mother?” he asked, “Is there anything I can do for you?”

She looked at her son, even though she could barely see, and she said, “Bring Turri to me.” Turri was her favourite Pomeranian. As the servants rushed to get her dog, Victoria said to Edward, “Albert Edward, you and I have had many disagreements, but I want you to know that I love you dearly. I see the image of your father in you despite your occasional.....carousing. It is your turn to carry out our legacy.”

She took a deep breath and coughed for about a minute before proceeding. “I want you to remember what I told your niece, Elizabeth. It is the smiles of children that are the greatest legacy a ruler can leave. I want you to leave that, no matter what you have to do to ensure it. I know now that you can do that for us.”

“I promise you, mother, I will keep my vows, I will make sure that the children of our Empire can grow free and strong and without fear.”

Victoria bowed her head and said, “Then, I’m ready. Dear Lord in Heaven, lift me up to you...”

But she didn’t go to what may lay in wait...yet.

Instead, she woke up with energy. It was still night at Osborne House, but her son wasn’t there. Instead there were two people she knew...very well indeed.