The National Report國民報告 - Guómín Bàogào
報誥國家 - Báo cáo Quốc gia
પમ્બંસંગ ઉલટ - Pambansang UlatTHE CREATORS AND SHAPERS OF A NEW QIANRONG:
AN ANALYSIS OF THE PEOPLE WHO WILL LIKELY DETERMINE QIANRONG'S FUTURE AFTER THE SISQ REPLACES THE NTCQThe Blue House in Yucheng, which served as the residence for the leaders of the First Independent State and for the Speakers of the FDRQ's legislature.
The National Transitional Council has made a show of meeting in the Blue House instead of the National Palace, which was the home to Qianrong's Kings and Chancellors. FEBRUARY 3, 2015- Yucheng, Qianrong- As Qianrong waits for the National Transitional Council to agree upon the policy specifics of the upcoming Second Independent State government, it's important to know who's going to be making the decisions that shape Qianrong's future- not just politicians and preachers, but also the media moguls and exiled expats. It is the agreements made by these individuals, and the policy points that are decided under the first SISQ administrations, that will determine Qianrong's future for the next several decades, and thus it is important that we know what we're in for.
Li Jian-ZhengLi Jian-Zheng is the most important member of the council, without a doubt. He's its founder and its chairman, and many of the policy prerogatives the council announced this week were echoes of ideas Li had stated when first forming the council- more bodies of review, more legislative power, weaker political parties, and a more independent judiciary- among others, of course. He is viewed as the father of the new Qianrong, and many Qianrongese trust him to lead Qianrong into a new era. Chances are he will have a very prominent place in Qianrongese history books, and may even go down as a national hero in the long run.
Li was the final Acting Chancellor of Qianrong, and thus the final man to actually have power over the Free Democratic Republic of Qianrong. He was also the final Speaker of the National Assembly, a position he took on October 28, 2014. Before that, Li was a member of the National Assembly, representing Saorao Province in the FDRQ's rubberstamp legislature. He raised eyebrows for his surprising independence as Speaker, which some took as a possible prelude to a possible rise to executive power for Li- a rise which has since occurred. He is also the highest-ranking Yinglidao politician in Qianrong, and was the first Yinglidao Speaker and Yinglidao Chancellor- acting or otherwise- of Qianrong. As a result, he is a symbol of the possibility of a more egalitarian Qianrong, an image bolstered by his attempts to diversify the council politically, religiously, and ethnically.
Li has made himself known as a center-leftist, firm republican, and as an internationalist- his most famous policy proposal as Speaker was the creation of an international terrorism-fighting task force that would fight INTERPROS, the ASQ, Tac Olum, and numerous other terror groups across the Esquarian region. He's also incredibly committed to guaranteeing that Qianrong enters the future united, having actively brought his political rivals into the council. Many have compared him favorable to Yang Hao-Ming, founder of the First Independent State; some have also compared him to Zheng Hye-Jeou, founder of the Free Democratic Republic, though there is an obvious irony in this comparison that makes it less prevalent.
And, of course, the chance of Li simply going away after all this is next to nonexistent, meaning that he'll likely be the leader of Qianrong, in title if not actuality, for quite some time. He's certainly got the popularity; the people who supported him during the Winter Rebellion absolutely adore him, and the people who opposed him can at least tolerate his broad outreach. He's already done a lot to reunite Qianrong following the Winter Rebellion, and that makes him incredibly popular all across the board. It also means that he will continue to have a country to run, which is generally a basic requirement for politicians.
Song Li-ChaoWhile Song Li-Chao is only an honorary member of the council, his presence on the council says a great deal about the relationship between the old and new Qianrongs, the situation in the Second Domestic Terror War, and what we can expect from Li Jian-Zheng in terms of political reconciliation. It also says about how being the brutalized prisoner of a terrorist group is the perfect way to buy political forgiveness, if you're willing to undergo severe physical and psychological trauma.
Song was the official Chancellor of Qianrong from March 7, 2009, to the dissolution of the title on January 8, 2015, succeeding Hsiao Xin-Huei to the position after several years as a prestigious government official. However, between June 3, 2014, and January 10, 2015, he was the personal hostage of Ngo Huu Tra, Supreme Leader of the Alliance for Sovereignty in Qianrong terror group, and videos were released showing him being tortured by ASQ thugs following ASQ terror attacks on civilian targets. His absence led to the need for an Acting Chancellor that ultimately brought about the Winter Rebellion. While he hasn't been seen in public since his rescue, we've been told that he has been briefed about the present situation in Qianrong and will likely be speaking to the press before the week's end.
Though his need to recover and the honorary nature of his seat mean that Song Li-Chao will probably not be making many of the policy decisions in the National Transitional Council, his presence says a lot about how the Second Independent State will be tied to the Free Democratic Republic, and how much the new and old Qianrong will need to cooperate if the country is to survive. His rescue also represents a great victory for the campaign against the Alliance for Sovereignty in Qianrong, which is an immediate boon to the SISQ's reputation as an effective defender of the security and liberty of Qianrongese citizens. The fact that many Qianrongese have seemingly forgiven him for his actions as Chancellor due to the scale of his torture(rumors circulate that Ngo Huu Tra castrated Song at some point during the latter's 221 days as a hostage) also says quite a bit about the way that people, particularly the Qianrongese people, think with regards to politics.
He will also undoubtedly be playing a role in the Second Independent State. He's made it extremely clear that he's interested in continuing his political career. However, his legacy is now likely to be in Qianrong's external affairs. The FDRQ's collapse has discredited his domestic policy nearly-wholly, but his distrust of Namor and Luziyca speaks to the general Qianrongese mood when it comes to the Qianrongese nation's two former masters. While he may not assume executive leadership in the SISQ, he may very well become a high-level diplomat or official.
Chiang Shui-KaiChiang Shui-Kai, as any Qianrongese parent knows, is the leader of the Association of Patriotic Youth- the youth wing of the Nationalist People's Party that ruled the FDRQ. Like the other NPP leaders who defected to support Li, he's said he'd be willing to dissolve the NPP and begin anew once the Second Independent State is reality. He's a part of the NTC, part of Li's broad representation plan- and is a good choice for such a position.
Chiang's politics generally mirror the politics of his party; not surprising that an ideologue was entrusted to raise future generations of ideologues. He's very conservative and he leans authoritarian, though he seems able to moderate this enough to work with the National Transitional Council. And if he keeps the focus on conservative, not authoritarian, then he might do decently in the Qianrongese political atmosphere.
As the head of the APY, Chiang does have a certain notability and authority over some of the younger Qianrongese demographics. While it isn't a chokehold- as evidenced by Jie Qing-Chun and other student protest leaders during the Winter Rebellion- it isn't to be underestimated. If Chiang remains involved in politics beyond the council, he has a definite support base and serious name recognition, which are always valuable in democratic elections. However, he'll face stiff competition from the people who wanted the FDRQ gone and don't want such a prominent NPP leader to be given any more power than needed.
Zhong Fang-YeZhong Fang-Ye rose to prominence in the Winter Rebellion as the leader of the pro-FDRQ Alliance for Qianrongese National Strength. Before that, Zhong was a bureaucrat in the Ministry of the Interior and a proud member of the Nationalist People's Party. During the rebellion, however, she singlehandedly created the AQNS and brought it to national prominence, creating a real rival to the anti-FDRQ United Democratic Coalition of Qianrong. And while the FDRQ may no longer exist, Zhong remains one of the most powerful women in Qianrong and one of its most powerful political leaders.
Zhong is known for her passion and her vocality, which she says brought her to found the movement that started her sudden rise to prominence. She's a fine political and social conservative, like many of the other formerly pro-FDRQ groups and individuals, but there's one thing that sets her apart from them: she's populist.
See, most of the other once-FDRQ people were high-level FDRQ or NPP politicians. Chancellor, Minister, Chairman, whatever- they had high-level titles and were undoubtedly in a ruling class of sorts. Zhong was a government employee too, but she was a low-level bureaucrat. As much hate as bureaucrats get, a bureaucrat is far closer to the people than the absolute autocrat or his close circle of advisers and allies. To further burnish her populist credentials, she led a massive counter-protest movement, relying on the support of people who agreed with her. This gives her a political edge against similar rightist politicians.
Zhong is a member of the Council, and as far as we can tell she's one of the more vocal members. This means that she'll undoubtedly be trying to play a serious role in the shaping of the SISQ. However, the AQNS and Zhong seem sure to be large players in the SISQ, meaning her populist conservatism will likely remain powerful in Qianrong- aided, no doubt, by her charisma and her rhetoric.
Iligtas KatarunganIligtas Katarungan first allied himself with Li Jian-Zheng by ruling, as Chief Justice of the Qianrongese Supreme Court, that Guo Tse-Zu was not legally Acting Chancellor. This gave Li an air of confirmed legitimacy that helped him win the Winter Rebellion. He and the rest of the court fled to Lumangdaungan, where the Li government was located, and in return for his assistance he was given a place on the National Transitional Council. An expert on jurisprudence, Katarungan has no doubt been invaluable with regards to writing the first laws for the new Second Independent State. He's also likely to be the leader of the new judiciary of the Second Independent State.
Politically, Katarungan has shown himself to be leftist on some areas and rightist on others. He is also known for a tendency to flip-flop. This suggests that he might be a little too used to the strict "one ideology only" operating policy of the Free Democratic Republic, meaning that he might have to come up with personal opinions at some point. However, he does appeal to both sides of the spectrum as a result of this fact. He's also one of the only prominent Mahusaynese leaders at the national level after NPP leader Mataas Pangahatang was arrested, meaning he might be able to consistently appeal to the Mahusaynese demographic.
But Katarungan almost assuredly won't be an elected leader in the SISQ. He's a judicial man, and in Qianrong judges have generally been appointed. Katarungan has probably suggested that Li keep it that way; the argument he probably made was that this would keep judges making rulings based on legality not electability, but chances are Katarangan is looking out for his job. Regardless, Katarungan is almost assuredly going to be in the upper levels of the new Qianrongese judiciary- quite possibly for the rest of his life.
Nguoc Bieu TinhThough overshadowed by the moral leader Reverend Seng Bu-Zhang and the fiery student protester Jie Qing-Chun, Nguoc Bieu Tinh is undoubtedly the brains of the United Democratic Coalition of Qianrong. A professor of history and the law at Chien Truong University, he's the least famous member of the UDCQ's founding troika. He's an expert on the successes and shortcomings of the First Independent State and Free Democratic Republic both, making his place in the National Transitional Council an invaluable one. He can point out all the places that the Second Independent State has to carefully avoid, making sure that Qianrong learns from its past and thus does not repeat it.
As the resident academic and expert on where Qianrongese governments have fallen in the past, it's almost certain that Li Jian-Zheng is looking to him to guarantee that the SISQ works. Nguoc is the best candidate to guarantee that the Second Independent State isn't corrupt or ineffective like the FISQ while avoiding the autocracy and oppressiveness of the FDRQ. That's undoubtedly a very high priority for Li, who would like to see the government he's creating succeed and not collapse. He'll also be very useful as a fact-checker when the other members of the council are resorting to rhetoric instead of logic to try and get their plans across. A clear mind would be useful in this situaiton; governments built on emotion tend not to be stable ones.
Though he isn't as charismatic or outspoken, Nguoc is a good speaker who relies firmly on logic to carry audiences and further his agenda- great traits for any politician. And as a leader of the United Democratic Coalition, he will definitely be taking a role in the SISQ. He's made it perfectly clear that he would be willing to give up his university job in order to take a bigger role in the leadership of the UDCQ, and it's been leaked that Chien Truong University has a list of possible replacements ready should he decide to go. He's also been urged on by the other members of the troika and by UDCQ supporters, who admire his rational take and his own unique leadership style.
Seng Bu-ZhangA Yinglidao minister and one of the leaders of the United Democratic Coalition of Qianrong, the Reverend Seng Bu-Zhang is- alongside Li Jian-Zheng- one of Qianrong's most prominent Yinglidao figures. He is also quite popular because of his founding role in the UDCQ, in which he is also something of a spiritual leader and moral compass. He's more conservative than Nguoc and Jie, but still definitely to the left-of-center. The more centrist nature of Seng is mostly based around the religious aspect of his personality; while liberal in many areas, he is conservative on areas pertaining to the church and things the church doesn't like.
In spite of those conservative areas, however, Seng remains popular among many younger and generally more liberal demographics. In addition, his more conservative aspects make him palatable to older and more conservative demographics, giving him a universal people. He also has good name recongition and a very positive image as a populist leader with a strong moral foundation, which is always useful when your name is on the ballot. All Seng would have to do in an election is not screw up, to be blunt.
The only thing casting doubts on Seng's electability is Seng himself. The Reverend has told the press that, as much as he enjoys leadership, he feels a duty to the congregation he leads on Sundays. However, many UDCQ members want him to run- including many in his congregation, including his assistant minister. There's also the soul-corroding aspect of politics, which might put off a man whose whole live has been dedicated to saving souls. However, Seng has also said that he wants to represent the people who agree him, which might push him into the arena.
While we're on UDCQ leaders, you might have noticed Jie Qing-Chun is not on the list. Why, you ask? Simply put, Jie Qing-Chun is a 17-year-old student at Xiangmen State University. While there are some younger individuals who have made themselves candidates and party leaders, Jie is rather too young. He's admitted to this fact, and while he has vowed to remain active in the United Democratic Coalition, he has said that his main focus for now will be his studies, not his politics.
Huan Gang-HuiMinister of Information and leader of the Qianrong Central News Agency, Huan Gang-Hui controls a media agency that remains powerful even though it is no longer receiving government favoritism. The leader of the newly-independent news source is an ally of Li Jian-Zheng in the NTC, even though he worked for the FDRQ. Of course, the National Security Forces did burn down the Yucheng Bureau of his Ministry and slaughter everyone inside, so that is maybe not too surprising. He remains, however, to the right side of the spectrum, and allied with Li more based on his views on the legitimacy of Guo Tse-Zu than on any other political similarities.
Huan is not likely to go into politics- well, at least, not into government. He has said that he will remain in control of the Qianrong Central News Agency, adding that he views it as his duty to make sure that the transition from Ministry of Information to independent news source goes smoothly. He's also got his own plans for the reconstruction of the Yucheng Bureau of the Qianrong Central News Agency, including the construction of a memorial to the journalists murdered by the National Security Forces when the NSF razed the building for covertly urging support for the Li government and not the Guo government. He's no doubt committed to guaranteeing that the QCNA can shake off its legacy and become a reasonably reputable news source- one that's more fact than propaganda. The razing of the Yucheng Bureau began that process, and Huan undoubtedly wants to make sure that the process continues with less bloodshed.
However, media moguls have a certain control over how people think. The ability in the modern era to select news sources that agree with personal opinions, creating a feedback loop of truthiness, means that people read the news less to be informed and more to see their opinions reaffirmed. Huan, as head of the Qianrong Central News Agency, has serious control over the feedback loop that QCNA generates, and thus has control over the people who participate in QCNA's feedback loop instead of, say, RFQ's. Even if he doesn't go into politics himself, Huan could very well make himself into a kingmaker on the right of the spectrum- an entirely different and all the more insidious kind of power.
Lin Chuan-YengLin Chuan-Yeng is a National Assembly representative from Nandong Province. Actually born in Qiuling Province, he was a legislative ally of Li Jian-Zheng for years and would be the one to officially nominate Li to the position of Acting Chancellor of the Free Democratic Republic. As a member of a rubberstamp legislature, Lin wasn't particularly notable until the Winter Rebellion, when he became a de facto spokesperson for the National Assembly. He worked to have provincial governments recognize Li over Guo, and is now a member of the NTC.
Like Li, Lin is left of center on most issues, and is a firm supporter of a more democratic and open Qianrong. Lin, however, seems more interested in staying in the legislature whereas Li has happily moved to a position in the executive. He's a member of the UDCQ and has already said that he will run in the legislative elections under the Second Independent State. He's earned admiration for his steadfast support of Li, with whom he has a cordial and friendly relationship, and he has a very well defined ideology that he has stuck to.
However, Lin will have to learn charisma if he is to go as far as he wants to go. He's a steadfast man, a dutiful worker, and he has several good traits, but he simply isn't particularly appealing. He can argue for a bill, but he certainly can't write or deliver a speech to a crowd. As a legislator, however, Lin might be able to get away with it. It'll be a run for the national executive that would make those serious problems. He could also probably get away with that at a provincial level if he gets tired of national power. Despite his faults, Lin's good aspects seem set to take him as high as he presently wants to go.
Wu Guo-SunThe Speaker of the National Assembly before Li and a prominent NPP party official, Wu Guo-Sun's presence on the council is no surprise. He's a longtime legislative leader, another legislative ally of Li Jian-Zheng, and a close friend of Song Li-Chao. Even though he supported the Guo government- and briefly the Pangahatang government as well- he's actually turned out to be a center-leftist with a moralist streak, somewhat akin to Seng Bu-Zhang. He's certainly got credentials and name recognition.
Like Lin Chuan-Yeng, he is known as a man of principle who will keep to his word. Unlike Lin, however, Wu has charisma. He made very pretty, if rather uninspired, speeches while he was Speaker and before the Nationalist People's Party. With political restrictions gone, he's turned out to be a man of humorous and passionate speeches that use anecdotes and emotions mixed with logic and source citation to press his opinions and policy prerogatives. This gives him an appeal that Lin sorely lacks. Thankfully for Lin, Wu is from Huatou Province, not Nandong.
Wu's presence is perhaps the first sign of cronyism in the SISQ, however. Some speculate that Li was lenient to his longtime colleague based on their history together, and that Li is rewarding Wu not only for defecting to him but also for being such a steadfast ally when they worked together in the National Assembly. Those suspicions seem to be unfounded, though, and don't exactly have any real basis in evidence at the present time. Wu and Li have both dismissed the accusation, and both of them seem to be doing too well to be risking their careers like that. It's quite likely that Wu would have done perfectly fine for himself even if he hadn't defected to Li when he did- Wu certainly has the charisma and the talent to win a vote.
Csedomir PantejmonovCsedomir Pantejmonov, head of Radio Free Qianrong, was known only by the pseudonym "CJP" for several years, retaining a heavy veil of anonymity as he ran the dissident media outlet from Namo. During the day, he worked as an accountant in a Namorese white-collar corporate office, keeping his RFQ role and his opinions on Oteki under heavy cover. His parents, Josijah and Sobiemira Pantejmonov, had fled to Qianrong after Namor invaded Oteki on Christmas Day; after criticizing the Chancellor, Csedomir found himself forced to flee to Namor. Ultimately, though, he returned to Qianrong after he revealed his identity and became a political criminal under Namorese law.
As the head of Radio Free Qianrong and one of the most prominent members of Qianrong's Otekian community, Pantejmonov is a powerful individual. Like Huan Gang-Hui, he isn't going into the government. But as we mentioned earlier when talking about Huan Gang-Hui, there exists a feedback loop of truthiness in the modern media; Huan is the feedback loop on the right, and Pantejmonov is the feedback loop on the left. Radio Free Qianrong has a respected status as a dissident media source that will risk just about everything- including its financial solubility and continued existence- to report the news as it sees it, and that has earned many admirers at home and abroad. In addition, Pantejmonov's story of a man who had to lie in order to tell the truth is pretty persuasive in itself and has made him quite popular.
His domestic popularity will be bolstered by his foreign policy, too; not only was he a political criminal under the Free Democratic Republic of Qianrong, he was and is a political criminal in the People's Republic of Namor. He's made his opposition to Namor quite clear, even mentioning it in an interview with Namor's PTH state media company. However, he's also set himself up in opposition to Luziyca, saying that Luziycan support for Otekian independence was in fact detrimental to their goal of seeing Otekian sovereignty and freedom restored. At present, the foreign policy most Qianrongese citizens would like to see is opposition to Namor and opposition to Luziyca, and Pantejmonov not only agrees with most of Qianrong, he can argue for them pretty well. This foreign policy will help Pantejmonov, even among those who disagree with his left-wing domestic politics, opening up Radio Free Qianrong to a broader range of Qianrongese readers, listeners, and viewers.
Siemyscza VlasinovSiemyscza Vlasinov is the leader of the Otekian Qianrongese Alliance, the premier association for members of the Otekian diaspora in Qianrong. She's also arguably one of the toughest people in Qianrong; remember the death of Feliks Oleg? She had the Otekian Qianrongese Alliance come out to protest the Free Democratic Republic's pitiful- "pitiful" being defined as "nonexistent"- response to the murder and the failure of the Namorese to deliver justice, and managed to get away with it months before the Winter Rebellion. It could thus be argued that Vlasinov created an atmosphere where Qianrongese people felt like they could voice their grievances against the government and not be harshly punished, which led to the Winter Rebellion. Pretty impressive if you ask us.
Like Csedomir Pantejmonov, Siemyscza Vlasinov is one of the leaders of the Qianrongese Otekian community. Vlasinov, however, is more conservative than Pantejmonov; Pantejmonov supports the Demoteki Party while Vlasinov voted for Valeriy Anisim. Unlike the Otekian leaders in Luziyca, Pantejmonov and Vlasinov remain wholly devoted to making the quest for Otekian liberty one with a united front. When it comes to domestic politics, though, Vlasinov is a wholly different animal: she's quite uncompromising and very outspoken and doesn't seem interested in anything less than what she wants. She's made herself a firebrand populist conservative, filled her speeches with right-wing rhetoric, and is known for driving very hard bargains. Her history also says that she's determined; she put herself through college and did quite a bit for the Shudenov district of Shanliang before becoming leader of the OQA. There's no doubt, she's made for politics.
Like Pantejmonov, Vlasinov will be aided by her status as a potential Nanniwan detainee under the Namorese Anti-Secession Act. The daughter of Otekian expatriots, she takes an even harder anti-Namor tack than Pantejmonov and is more willing to use the belligerent rhetoric that gets people excited about standing up to a nation that's significantly larger and more powerful than Qianrong- and also is really good at getting you elected to positions of power. While she and Pantejmonov will continue to stand together when it comes to opposing continued Namorese occupation of Oteki, there's no doubt that the domestic confrontation between them will be no-holds-barred.
Yu Sheng-JiangYu Sheng-Jian is the founder of the People's Progressive Party and was previously a Qianrongese diplomatic official who represented Qianrong in Kofeiya from 2001 to 2009 and in Luziyca from 2009 to 2014, before the collapse of the Luziycan-Qianrongese alliance due to Luziyca's failure to carry out its obligations to the Qianrongese nation as its ally. He's made himself known as a firm leftist leader- a lot of FDRQ politicians were apparently very good liars about their personal politics- and has founded a political party that aligns with his opinions.
Yu has made his leftism very clear- he's definitely to the left of much of the UDCQ- but he's made it perfectly clear that he is not Namophilic or Aininophilic. He's also made it clear he isn't Luziycophilic either, in spite of his time in Kofeiya and Luziyca. He's one of the few Qianrongese who would give Luziyca a second chance, but even then he's made it clear that further betrayal would not be tolerated by his government.
His brand of leftism, which is closer to the extreme than the center, isn't likely to gain support for the time being. Yu, however, has said that he wants to play the long game- he's more interested in making sure that his party might be able to win elections eventually, if not necessarily right now. He'll have to overcome Qianrongese conservatism and the apparent national tendency to support centrism over extremism, but he's confident that he can do it. He's decently charismatic and he's certainly got a set list of policies and priorities, many of which themselves are reasonably appealing to Qianrongese voters. However, it is yet to be seen if he can get himself and his PPP into a position to enact them.
Qi Chien-XuanQi Chien-Xuan has risen to the headlines for her formation of the Democratic Labor Party, a center-leftist political party and a potential competitor to the United Democratic Coalition and People's Progressive Party. She's also apparently a third cousin of the deceased Acting Chancellor Hsieh Jiang-De, though Qi has said they were not particularly close to each other.
At present, Qi is the biggest possible rival to Yu Sheng-Jian. She controls the center-leftist vote, which is larger than the far-left vote that Yu controls. This means that Yu needs to take voters away from Qi, putting them into direct and inevitable conflict. And unfortunately for Yu, Qi is generally agreed to be the more charismatic of the two. Like Siemyscza Vlasinov, she has a reputation for staying true to her ideals and of not compromising what she stands for. She's also a better speaker than Yu; though Yu has been described as the better debater, we haven't gotten a chance to see that yet.
Qi, however, will decide if she wants to be an insider or an outsider. She's made it clear that she's strong-willed, but we're unsure if she wants to appeal to those who want someone who knows how to work in spite of the system, or those who want someone who hasn't been contaminated by the system at all. Many of her speeches are populist, but her third cousin was Hsieh Jiang-De, which makes things complicated. Ultimately, Qi's biggest challenge in an election might be making sure that she defines herself to the Qianrongese people.
Le Gia DinhLe Gia Dinh is the founder of the Republican Unity Party and was previously an employee of the Ministry of Defense and Intelligence. He served in the National Security Forces and was given several awards while serving, and was reportedly even considered so loyal that he was a candidate to be a chancellery bodyguard. Nowadays, however, he is a member of the AQNS and the founder of what wants to be the premier center-right party in Qianrong.
Le is a definite conservative, and has made his stances on issues very clearly defined. He's painted himself as firmly rightist but willing to compromise when need be, and has done much to emphasize his service in the NSF and his military decorations, which paint him as a man of duty and virtue. He can easily tap into the large centrist right demographic in Qianrong, which has responded warmly to his traditionalism and his record. He's also already made moves to grab undecided groups away from Qi, which will give him a definite edge when it comes to winning the first elections held by the SISQ. Like Yu, he's playing a longer game, though ale is more interested in keeping the size of his demographic large than in necessarily growing it further. He's started out in a solid situation, and all he really has to do is not mess up.
It is entirely possible, however, that Le might mess up politically. While many Qianrongese politicians have openly denounced Luziyca as even worse than Namor, Le is probably about as Luziycophilic as a Qianrongese politician could safely be. He's spoken in favor of a second chance for the Luziycan government in the past, though political pragmatism might- and probably will- force him to mellow his stance until the political atmosphere changes. If he doesn't, then the RUP will either face into irrelevancy or find a less Luziycophilic leader.
Jing Hui-ZongJing Hui-Zong is the owner of the Jufeng Aviation Corporation, which designs and constructs aircraft for the National Security Forces- generally based off of Luziycan or Zepuhan models, though some uniquely Qianrongese models have been created by Jufeng employees. He has formed the Qianrongese Patriotic Front, the farthest to the right of the four new parties who may have to contend with the established UDCQ and AQNS.
Jing's role in Qianrongese national defense makes him popular; with many Qianrongese viewing Luziyca, Namor, Ainin, Nevanmaa, and the ASQ as imminent threats to the Qianrongese nation, the National Security Forces and their benefactors have been partially forgiven for their role in the repression of civil liberties under the Free Democratic Republic. Jing, as the owner of a company that has helped the NSF, will get all the benefits of the perception that he keeps the country safe without the negative associations of throwing people into political prisons. Jing has started off with a decent image for those reasons alone. He also can call himself a "job creator", arguing that Jufeng has provided steady employment for large numbers of Qianrongese civilians, which will further bolster him as Qianrong's economy remains shaky following INTERPROS hackings of the Yucheng Stock Market and the Bank of Qianrong. He also has enough money to run his own campaign.
However, Jing's wealth may also be his downfall. In this new era of Qianrongese populism, many will be swayed by the argument that Jing is wealthy and out-of-touch with the common man, and thus a poor choice for the country. It's often been hard for potential leaders to fight that perception; in spite of all his "Fulanthropy" work, Fu Wen has still drawn criticism due to growing inequality in the People's Republic of Namor. Jing is also an inheritor of wealth and has never been poor; Jufeng was founded by his grandfather and Jing inherited much of his fortune from his grandfather and father. If Jing is unable to fight off the concept that he's an out-of-touch one-percenter, he and the QPF might be off to a rough start.
Ren Tao-ZheRen Tao-Zhe is the present head of the Ren dynasty, which was the final dynasty to rule the Celestial Kingdom of Qianrong, from the ascension of Ren Kang-Zheng in 1802 to the deposition of Ren Wu-Neng in 1912. Under previous governments, the Rens had not been allowed to hold political power nor claim the throne, as part of the agreement that let them remain in Qianrong- and even then they were confined to Shengsu Province. Now, however, those restrictions are part of the political past.
Ren has already taken advantage of this, formally claiming the throne of the Celestial Kingdom, founding the Alliance for the Restoration, and making trips to visit monarchists across the country. He's emphasized his family's repression under the FDRQ, describing the Ren family's situation under the FISQ and FDRQ as a form of house arrest. He's already taken action to improve his family name through charity work and through expressing a respect for the will of the common man that the Celestial Kings of Qianrong never had.
While it seems that Ren will be running on the policy of reinstating the monarchy, it's entirely feasible that he might only be an elected official if he comes to power. While his rise to that kind of power is unlikely, and while his actions in claiming the crown hint at hope for a return to the throne, there isn't any guarantee that he will try to force monarchism on Qianrong if he gets the chance. In fact, a respect for populism and constitutionalism might help rebuild Qianrongese faith in the monarchy, and many analysts expect that Ren's goal is the creation of a constitutional monarchy in Qianrong.
The other obstacle for Ren is Nevanmaa. The Nevan Realm autocracy that rules Nevanmaa has not been recognized by a Qianrongese government in decades, if not a full century; Qianrong recognizes the Nevan Republic, presently in exile in Michillies. The Nevan Realm is racist, sexist, theocratic, autocratic, and generally backwards to an extent unparalleled by any group outside of Kraqi and Irvadi jihadists. Ren will have to very consciously steer clear of the Nevan Realm if he wants to be palatable to the Qianrongese people; Ren, as a non-white non-Christian individual, will probably be more than happy to stay away from the Nevan Realm's Juhani.
Pham Kac VoPham Kac Vo has an unusual and unpleasant distinction from the other individuals on the list: he is, for all intents and purposes, the leader of the political wing of the Alliance for Sovereignty in Qianrong terror group. He has, of course, denied all association with Ngo Huu Tra and the ASQ, but his newly-founded Front for Change and Liberty espouses the division of Qianrong into Minjian, Tuhao, and Mahusayna along ethnic lines- and also has reportedly received some large donations from unnamed sources in order to try and ensure it has a smooth start.
Pham spent three years in an FDRQ political prison for supporting the ASQ, which means he can use the same repression story being used by almost every candidate and being bought by every voter. His ancestors also fought on both sides of the First Domestic Terror War, which gives him a more moderate aspect than ASQ Supreme Leader Ngo Huu Tra, who was a child soldier in the First Domestic Terror War and leader of the ASQ in the Second. Pham has done much to disassociate himself and the FCL from the violence of the ASQ too, which has increased his image as a legitimate candidate- though he will still have to do much more if he is to do well.
The one other thing Pham has going for him is that the Front for Change and Liberty is a single-issue party, meaning those who agree with the ASQ's politics but reject its violence can feel at home in the FCL whether they are leftist or rightist. This big-tent nature is critical when your supporter base is so small, and Pham seems to have realized it and made sure all the others in his group do too.
Pham, however, will be continually dragged down by his association with the nearly-universally-reviled Alliance for Sovereignty in Qianrong. He'll continually be fighting to convince voters to disassociate his party from the images of terror and bloodshed caused by the ASQ. His climb is undoubtedly the most uphill of any individual on this list- but if he can pull it off, the effects on Qianrong might be the biggest event of the century in the East Namor Sea.
Yang Hye-KaiYang Hye-Kai was the leader of the Tuanjie solidarity protests in the Little Qianrongs of Namorese cities during the Winter Rebellion. The youngest son of a political dissident who fled to Namor, Yang was a prominent resident in the Little Qianrong district of Namo before becoming leader of the Association of Qianrongese in Namor. His name appeared in the headlines after he organized the Tuanjie anti-FDRQ protests among the Qianrongese expat community in Namor; he has since returned to Qianrong.
Yang is a definite leftist, and has expressed support for the UDCQ and for Li Jian-Zheng in Namor and Qianrong both. He's also demonstrated his ability to motivate a crowd to come out and protest during the Tuanjie demonstrations. He's able to get the ears of high-ranking foreign officials, making him a possible diplomat, and he's a charismatic and articulate public speaker, making him a feasible candidate for numerous positions.
Yang, however, has one blemish that makes him unelectable for most Qianrongese: he is very pro-Namor. For Yang, Namor was a place of democracy and refuge, a place where he was able to debate Fu Wen on the issues at election rallies. Most Qianrongese, however, share Csedomir Pantejmonov's view on Namor; in Namor, Pantejmonov had to be just as secretive about his politics as he had in Qianrong. This perceived Namophilia might very well make Yang Hye-Kai unelectable in the eyes of most Qianrongese.
Chang Wan-HsiuA longtime leader in the Esquarian Human Rights Monitor group, Chang Wan-Hsiu was a Qianrongese university professor before he was exiled for writing a report condemning the human rights violations of the National Security Forces. He was part of the "Great Migration" following the end of the Winter Rebellion, and presently resides in Lumangdaungan.
Chang has said he will remain with Esquarian Human Rights Monitor, and will oversee the Second Independent State's human rights record. He's already somewhat at odds with the National Transitional Council, though; Li Jian-Zheng's broad representivity means that people Chang considers to be criminals are likely to resume positions of power. This means that Chang may very well spend most of his time at odds with the government. In short, Chang will have an interesting role in the new Qianrong.
Li Jian-Zheng has admitted, however, that oversight is necessary, and Chang Wan-Hsiu provides independent if obnoxious oversight. As such, Chang won't have to fear being forced to flee back to Namor any time soon. However, his firm commitment to justice and human rights is not likely to make him many friends or allies in the Second Independent State.
Ng Bao TruongNg Bao Truong is the owner of Hoang De Shipping Company, one of the largest import-export companies in Qianrong(the
Trang Vai, seized by the Namorese navy in what many consider to be outright piracy, was being operated by Hoang De). He is very wealthy and very opinionated, and has told the press that he would be willing to trade Hoang De for a position in the Qianrongese government.
Ng has taken a libertarian stance on the political spectrum, urging severe restrictions on governmental power and open markets in the interests of creating the maximum possible freedom. This libertarianism may very well draw voters in the wake of the fall of the autocratic Free Democratic Republic. He can also make many of the same arguments as Jing Hui-Zong, saying that Hoang De Shipping created jobs and improved the Qianrongese economy. He also has a populist appeal in that he was raised in a poor family as a child but was able to become a wealthy individual through ingenuity and hard work.
Where Ng might come most in handy, however, is to other rightist politicians. If Ng runs himself, then parties will look to have him on their lists, in the hope that he might be a useful asset in campaigns and elections. And if he doesn't, the parties will still look for his endorsement and for any campaign donations he might send their way.
Nguyen Cong ChuaNguyen Cong Chua is perhaps Qianrong's first celebrity politician. A prominent television actress and social media star, her questionable political credentials have neither damaged her goal of rising to political prominence nor dampened her followers and supporters. Her following isn't always politically literate, but they're incredibly passionate about her, and are determined to get out the vote before Qianrong has even had election season start.
Nguyen is a populist whose greatest appeal is with the young adults of Qianrong, particularly left-leaning ones, and she is seen as a good representative for the leftist youth vote. She's old enough to run- unlike Jie Qing-Chun- but still younger than any other person on the list, giving her a relatability that other people may not have. She also has the ability to harness her fan bases on Zhenwen, Lianjie, and other Qianrongese social media sites; these social media networks could be critical in an election cycle. Put simply, Nguyen already has a network of volunteers and supporters at her fingertips. These supporters are also very vocal and are so supportive they sometimes tend towards fawning. When people are fawning over you, that's generally a sign you're doing something right.
Nguyen hasn't yet expressed support for a party, and as a result it's likely that party leaders will be looking for her name and image to bolster their populist credentials. She's young, attractive, famous, and has a network of supporters ready to get out the vote once SISQ election season comes. That alone makes her desirable. She also has a very good public image and decently defined politics, which makes her electable. Even if her political experience is slim, Qianrong's new celebrity politician may do surprisingly well in this era of electronics.
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